1 Head for the Hills: Lateral Vernacular Adaptations and the Maithili Padas of Vidyāpati Ṭhākura (c. 15th-19th cents.) Christopher L. Diamond A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2019 Reading Committee: Heidi Pauwels, chair Richard Salomon Christian Novetzke Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Asian Languages and Literature 2 ©Copyright 2019 Christopher L. Diamond 3 University of Washington Abstract Head for the Hills: Lateral Vernacular Adaptations and the Maithili Padas of Vidyāpati Ṭhākura (ca. 15th-19th cents.) Christopher L. Diamond Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Heidi Pauwels Department of Asian Languages and Literature Most studies on the emergence of the 'vernaculars' in South Asia have focused on two patterns of development. The first focuses primarily on the reactionary development of localized vernacular communities out of the Sanskrit cosmopolis, and the second examines the internal development and expansion of vernacular literary identities. This dissertation will focus upon a third "lateral vernacular" shift, in which one local vernacular, Maithili, moved beyond its parochial boundaries and was adopted by non-speakers. In addition to the adaptations and innovations of contemporary speakers of Maithili, this Eastern New Indo-Aryan language was adopted as a court language by the Newari-speaking Malla Kings of Nepal (ca. 1201-1779 CE) and as a language of Vaiṣṇava devotional poetry in Bengal. In regard to this particular lateral vernacular shift, this dissertation examines the tradition of Maithili short lyric poetry (gīti-kāvya) of the poet Vidyāpati (c. 1360-1450) as it was adopted by both Maithili speakers and non- speakers in subsequent centuries. All three communities engage with the memory of Vidyāpati and his patrons, the Oinvāra Brahman-kings (1353-1526 CE), as symbols of a bygone Brahmanical 'golden age'. 4 At the center of this study, I analyze one representative padāvalī (‘anthology of padas’) manuscript, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta (‘Songs in the Vernacular’) (c. 18th cent. CE). This manuscript, sitting between the better-studied 'Nepal,' 'Tarauni,' and 'Rambhadrapur' manuscripts of the 15th- 17th centuries and the later Bengali padābalīs of the 18th-19th centuries, represents a valuable snapshot of a tradition in development. To establish the salient features that were adopted and utilized for cultural self-fashioning by the Mallas, Bengali Vaiṣṇavas, and contemporary Maithili-speakers, I consider the intersections of both text and performance. 5 Table of Contents Title Page 1 Copyright 2 Abstract 3 Table of Contents 5 List of Figures 7 List of Tables 7 Acknowledgements 8 Dedication 11 List of Abbreviations 12 Transliteration Conventions 14 Introduction 16 A Lateral Vernacular Model 21 Vidyāpati and the Maithili Pada Tradition 22 Why Maithili? 25 The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript 30 Structure of this Dissertation 33 Part 1: Vidyāpati the Man: Memory and Self-Fashioning in Three Contexts 35 1.0 General Remarks 35 1.1 Biographic Data on Vidyāpati 36 1.1.1 Vidyāpati's Dates 38 1.1.2 Vidyāpati's Family & Profession 40 1.2 Political Formations in the Age of Vidyāpati 41 1.2.1 Vidyāpati's Mithila 41 1.2.1.1 Mithila and the Last of the Karṇāta Dynasty 42 1.2.1.2 The Oinvāras and the 'Golden Age' of Mithila 45 1.2.2 Vidyāpati in Nepal 47 1.2.2.1 Historical Connections between Mithila and Nepal Mandala 48 1.2.2.2 The Malla Adoption of Vidyāpati's Maithili Idiom 50 1.3 Works Attributed to Vidyāpati 51 1.3.1 General Remarks 51 1.3.2 Sanskrit Works 52 1.3.3 Avahaṭṭha Works 60 1.3.4 Other Works in Maithili 63 Part 2: Vidyāpati's Aesthetic & Self-Fashioning 67 2.0 General Remarks 67 2.1 The Supuruṣa, the Rasika, and Vidyāpati’s Courtly Vernacular 73 2.2 Vidyāpati, the New Jayadeva 82 2.3 The Devotional Aspect of Vidyāpati's Vernacular Corpus 91 2.4 Elevating Devotionalism to the Courtly in Bengal 95 2.5 Canon and the Interaction of Text and Performance in Contemporary Mithila 103 2.6 Conclusion 105 Part 3: Vidyāpati's Idiom: Language, Text, and Translation 107 3.0 General Remarks 107 3.1 Sources of the Vidyāpati Tradition 110 6 3.2 The BS Manuscript and its Orthographic & Scribal Features 126 3.3 Vidyāpati's Language in the BS Manuscript 132 3.4 Rāga & Prosody 156 3.5 The Script of the BS Manuscript 167 3.6 Conclusion 186 Part 4: A Selection of Padas from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript 187 4.0 Editorial and Translation Principles 187 4.1 The Supuruṣa and Upadeśa Padas 190 4.2 Padas on Rasa & the Rasika 210 4.3 Devotional Padas 222 4.4 Vidyāpati & Jayadeva 226 4.5 Rāga & Prosody 228 4.6 Other Courtly Padas 232 Conclusion 256 Bibliography 260 End Matter (Word Lists, Appendices, etc.) Error! Bookmark not defined. Appendix 1: Transcription of Untranslated Padas of the BS Manuscript 267 Appendix 2: Padas of Other Poets Found in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript 296 Appendix 3: Schema of the Vidyāpati Tradition 315 Glossary of Cited Padas 316 7 List of Figures Figures 1 & 2: "Bhajanasaṅgraha" E1033/11. National Archives of Nepal……………………..…………………….80 Figure 2: Devotional Padas in Various Sources………………………………………………….……………..……..83 Figure 3: "Vaiṣṇava Pada" G4876. The Asiatic Society of Bengal………………………………………..…………..94 Figure 4: "Nepal Manuscript" A21/16. Nepalese-German Manuscript Cataloging Project…..………………..…….128 Figure 5: "Bhāṣā Saṅgīta" B286/34. Nepalese-German Cataloging Project………………….……………………...129 Figure 6: "Bhajanāvalī" E3013/30 Nepalese-German Manuscript Cataloging Project ……..…………………….…130 Figure 7: “Rāga-Māla” E588/5. Nepalese-German Cataloguing Project……………….……………………………130 Figure 8: “Vaiṣṇava Pada” G4876. Asiatic Society of Kolkata………………………………………….…………..131 8 List of Tables Table 1: Poets Featured in the Calcutta Manuscript Library's Padāvalī Collection Alongside Vidyāpati……..………97 Table 2: Pronouns….………………………………………………………………………………….…….…..145-146 Table 3: A Dhruvapada Compared…………………………………………………………………………………..161 Table 4: A Bhaṇitā Compared ………………………………………………………………………………………162 Table 5: An Opening Line Compared……………………………………………………………………………..…164 9 Acknowledgments I want to start by thanking my advisor Prof. Heidi Pauwels. She has remained a source of guidance, support, and encouragement throughout my master's and doctoral degrees, even when my ambition outweighed my ability. I also extend my sincere thanks and appreciation for the guidance, direction, and patience of my committee members Richard Salomon and Christian Novetzke. I have had the benefit of the broad support and encouragement of the community of South Asian scholars, language teachers, and teaching mentors at the University of Washington: Michael Shapiro, Purnima Dhavan, Timothy Lenz, Collett Cox, Jennifer Dubrow, Prem Pahlajrai, Shams Shahrazad, Samad Alavi, Mariam Badiee, Nandini Abedin, and Amy Ohta. I would also like to thank my undergraduate teachers and mentors at the School of Oriental and African Studies who started me on the journey: Francesca Orsini, Richard Widdess, Rakesh Nautiyal, and Naresh Sharma. I was fortunate to be supported by several teaching assistantships, scholarships, and fellowships from the Department of Asian Languages and Literature over the past several years. The financial support and professional training afforded by these opportunities have been invaluable in my aspirations as a young scholar. I want to thank the department and its staff for helping me to navigate my graduate career. For many years of intensive language training and the opportunity to live and study in India, I thank the American Institute of Indian Studies and the teachers and staff of their language programs in Jaipur, Kolkata, and Pune. In order to track down the textual and performative traditions at the center of this study, I was granted a nine- month Fulbright-Nehru Student Research Fellowship. During that time, I was affiliated with the Department of Bengali at Jadavpur University in Kolkata. I want to thank my affiliate advisor Rajyeshwar Sinha for all of his help. Our stay in Kolkata would not have been as productive or 10 comfortable if it had not been for the hospitality and help of our hosts Chandrani Das and Sumita Bhattacharya. Archival research in South Asia can be challenging to navigate and is sometimes frustrating. I appreciate the guidance and help of the entire Maithili Department at the Lalit Narayan Mithila University, but most especially Profs. Raman Jha and Bina Thakur for their generosity. Anil Jha of the Department of Political Science was also helpful in integrating into the Darbhanga academic community. Though I only had a few conversations with them, I am thankful to Shashinath Jha and Govinda Jha for being generous with their time. In Nepal, I enjoyed both hospitality and generous academic support from Ramawatar Yadav. I am thankful to the library and archival staff of the Lalit Narayan Mithila University, Asiatic Society of Bengal, the Kameshwar Singh Sanskrit University, the Kalyan Foundation, the National Archives of Nepal, the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, and the Staatsbibliothek zum Berlin. While writing up my dissertation, I was able to enjoy the time afforded by several writing fellowships. I want to thank the committees and donors of the Alvord Fellowship in the Humanities, the Antoinette Wills Endowed Scholarship, and the Maurice D. And Lois B. Schwartz Dissertation Writing Fellowship. Over the years and at different times, I have needed the social and emotional camaraderie of my fellow graduate students from a variety of institutions: Rafeel Wasif, Jessica Bachman, Corbett Costello, Anwesha Sengupta, Sohini Pillai, Priya Kothari, Michael Skinner, Joe Marino, and Genoveva Castro, among many others. Thank you to my lifelong friend Liz Kozik for always providing perspective, for hosting me on frequent pilgrimages to Madison, and reminding me of who I am outside of academia. It goes without saying that without my family, none of this would have been possible. Thank you, Kyle, for being an unrelentingly supportive husband and for following me all over the world. 11 Dedication For Kyle. 12 List of Abbreviations Textual Sources NM - Nepal Manuscript RT - Rāgataraṅgiṇī RM - Rāmbhadrapur Manuscript TM - Taraunī Manuscript NG - Nagendranath Gupta SJ - Subhadra Jha’s Songs of Vidyāpati BRBP - Bihār Rāṣṭrabhāṣā Pariṣad MM - Mitra & Majumdar Lexical Sources KK - Kalyani Kosh MM - Mitra & Majumdar Lexicon MW - Monier Williams OHED - Oxford Hindi-English Dictionary SoV - Songs of Vidyāpati (Subhadra Jha) V́S - Vidyāpati Śabdakośa (Avahaṭṭha Khaṇḍa) Grammatical Terms Absol. Absolutive Adj. Adjective/adjectival Adv. Adverb Aux. Auxilliary Conj. Conjunctive Corr. Correlative D. Deśī Dim. Diminutive Emph. Emphatic Fem. Feminine Gen. Genitive Ger. Gerund Inf. Infinitive Imp. imperative Interj. Interjection Instr. Instrumental Ip. Imperfect Participle Irr. Irregular Loc. Locative N. Noun Perf. Perfective 13 P.Ind. Past Indicative PN. Proper Noun Post Pos. Post position Pp. Past participle (passive) Pr.Ind. Present Indicative Pron. Pronoun Prox. Proximate Refl. Reflexive Rel. Relative Var. Variant V.t. Verb, transitive 14 Transliteration Conventions All of the texts consulted for this study follow standard Indo-Aryan phonetic and orthographic tendencies, that is, the National Library of Kolkata's romanization conventional system, itself an extension of the IAST (International Alphabet of Sanskrit Transliteration). This scheme allows for several additional characters, not in the Nāgarī script but found in the Mithilākṣara and Bengali scripts, to be accurately represented (য, -ẏa-). I have chosen to represent all Maithili texts in roman transliteration. This manner of transliteration sidesteps the tricky question of script in the Maithili context. Though the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta is written in Mithilākṣara, the majority of contemporary Maithili speakers cannot read that writing system. The goal is to make the text of the manuscript, and other sources, as accessible as possible for speakers of Maithili, Hindi, Bengali, and English. In the body of my dissertation, I have written specific well-known proper nouns from Sanskrit and the Indian vernaculars without diacritic marks (not Śiva, but Shiva, etc.). I have italicized other terminology in foreign languages that might not be widely known in the same manner. a अ অ ā आ আ I इ ই ī ई ঈ u उ উ ū ऊ ঊ ṛ ऋ ঋ e ए এ ai ऐ ঐ o ओ ও au औ ঔ aṃ ◌ঁ aḥ ◌ः ◌ঃ ka क ক kha ख খ ga ग গ gha घ ঘ ṅa ङ ঙ ca च চ cha छ ছ ja ज জ jha झ ঝ ña ञ ঞ 15 ṭa ट ট ṭha ठ ঠ ḍa ड ড ḍha ढ ঢ ṇa ण ণ ta त ত tha थ থ da द দ dha ध ধ na न ন pa प প pha फ ফ ba ब ব bha भ ভ ma म ম ya य য় (ẏa য) ra र র la ल ল va व ব śa श শ ṣa ष ষ sa स স ha ह হ 16 Introduction A Lateral Vernacular Model This dissertation is a contribution to the study of vernacularization. In the past millennium, several vernacular languages of South Asia garnered broad appeal beyond their local courts and regions to become "cosmopolitan vernaculars." This study concerns the manner by which one of those vernaculars, Maithili, moved beyond its parochial origin in Mithila into other regions and contexts. Unlike most North Indian vernaculars, Maithili is modeled nearly exclusively by the example of a single poet — Vidyāpati Ṭhākura (ca. 1370-1450 CE). The style, thematic content, and structure of Vidyāpati’s short lyric poems (padas) became the foundation for later poets in Mithila, Nepal, and greater Bengal who chose follow his model and to adopt Maithili (or its mixed Maithili-Bengali register [i.e., Brajabuli]).1 These padas became central and essential parts of literary canons in several modern languages: Maithili, Bengali, and Hindi. For this reason, I have chosen to examine South Asian vernacularism through an examination of Vidyāpati and his Maithili idiom. In this dissertation, I analyze how Vidyāpati (the poet as well as the poetic character) and his idiom moved beyond geographic and religious boundaries as an example of "lateral vernacularization." With this term I mean the lateral shift of vernaculars, transposed over landscapes, regions, religious and social milieus. This represents a type of literary circulation that occurs in parallel and is motivated and sustained by the impulse to connect with previous local regimes of cultural prestige. In Mithila and Nepal, the adoption of Vidyāpati’s idiom was 1 Brajabuli is a mixed register of Middle Bengali and Maithili that developed currency in Bengal. Brajabuli is an artificial art-language used solely in poetry. The name refers to the home of Krishna and Radha (Vraja) in which the majority of padas were set and not to Braj Bhasha as the language of west-central India. Brajabuli will be discussed subsequently in this dissertation. 17 motivated by a desire to project cultural and political power. In a parallel instance, the Vaiṣṇavas of Bengal sought to elevate their devotional lyrics to more authoritative tradition of ‘courtly’ literary prestige. A "lateral vernacularization" model helps describe these patterns of circulation and adaptation that occur in parallel (i.e. in Mithila, Nepal, and Bengal). These parallel developments are facilitated by the intersection of text and performance. This dissertation examines several of those points of intersection. The “lateral” model is to complement the "vertical" (or diachronic) development of those vernaculars out of the 'Sanskrit cosmopolis.2‘ Sheldon Pollock’s formulation of the ‘vernacular millennium’ and the emergence of ‘cosmopolitan vernaculars’ 3forms the foundation of the modern academic discussion on the subject. Pollock characterizes the vernacular endeavor as primarily political in motivation and an extension and transformation of the trends already existent in the Sanskrit cosmopolis in elite circles. In his formulation, the ontological worlds of kāvya (belles-lettres) and śāstra (the sciences) operated in connected, but separate functional worlds in the political culture of premodern South Asia.4 Pollock's central argument compares the early evolution of Sanskrit, from being a ritual- religious tool (“language of the gods”) to an elite political expression of power (“language of 2 Pollock declares that, “the phrase ‘Sanskrit cosmopolis’ carries three additional implications that make it useful here. The first is its supra regional dimension (“cosmo-”), which directs attention toward the expansive nature of the formation. The second is the prominence given to the political dimension (“-polis”), which was of particular importance in this form of global identification. Last, the qualification provided by “Sanskrit” affirms the role of this particular language in producing the forms of cultural and political expression that underwrote this cosmopolitan order.” (Pollock 2006: 12). 3 Pollock defines the vernacular impetus thusly: “vernacular literary cultures were initiated by the conscious decisions of writers to reshape the boundaries of their cultural universe by renouncing the larger world for the smaller place, and they did so in full awareness of the significance of their decision. New, local ways of making culture— with their wholly historical and factitious local identities—and, concomitantly, new ways of ordering society and polity came into being, replacing the older translocalism. These developments in culture and power are historically linked, at the very least by the fact that using a new language for communicating literarily to a community of readers and listeners can consolidate if not create that very community, as both a sociotextual and a political formation.” (Pollock 2000: 592). 4 Pollock 2006: 3 & Pollock 1998b: 48-19. 18 men”), to the inverse process of vernacularization that took place from the beginning of the second millennium CE. In both instances, Pollock understands the revolutionary changes to have been mainly literary and elite/courtly.5 It is only afterward, in a 'second phase,' that Pollock accounts for a shift to the quotidian and demotic as a secondary effect.6 This latter characterization broadly fits the court-to-court transfer of Vidyāpati's idiom (Oinvāra to Malla7) and its later adoption among Newari musician classes,8 but does not work in the case of its simultaneous lateral transfer to Bengal-Assam-Odisha. In the case of the Brajabuli/Vrajavali, the first evidence of Vidyāpati’s presence comes from a description of listening-performing on the part of Caitanya and his associates in the Caitanya-Caritāmṛta. From the sixteenth century CE, that tradition became more “literarized” and evident in textual sources only afterward. Moving beyond the vertical-diachronic emergence of vernacular identities out of the Sanskrit cosmopolis, other scholars have focused on the internal development of vernacular communities and the expansion of vernacular identities across caste groups, gender, and geographies. Christian Novetzke's study of Marathi vernacularization provides a useful representative model of vernaculars engaged on their own terms. Novetzke, in his study of the rise of Marathi as the vernacular of Yadava-period Maharashtra (c. 860-1317 CE), re-utilizes Pollock's vernacular model. Novetzke relocates the political power of the vernacular age in a “public sphere,” or more literally, a public square or marketplace, in which the “vernacular polity” is the very interaction between religious elites and the public vernacular masses.9 In this analysis of vernacular-cosmopolitan discourse, largely idealized by what Novetzke calls the 5 Pollock 2006: 21-24. 6 Pollock 2006: 20-21. 7 The Mallas are a set of dynasties that ruled the three major kingdoms of the Kathmandu Valley (Kathmandu, Patna, and Bhaktapur) independently or as a unified state between 1201 and 1779 CE. 8 Richard Widdess describes the trickle-down adoption of this medium, along with the Maithili padas by Newar musicians of the Kathmandu Valley into the present. (Widdess 2015: 237-240 and Widdess 2013: 5-7.) 9 Novetzke 2016: 26-29. 19 “Brahminic Ecumene,” there is a distinct contrast between theoretical literary discourse and what happens on the ground-level in public spaces. This cross-regional community (“ecumene”) can be described as a network of religious and cultural Brahmanical elites across South Asia. This is the network into which the Oinvāras, the Mallas, and others sought to tap into by engaging Vidyāpati’s language and idiom. In my study of Vidyāpati and the Maithili vernacular, I argue that the interplay between courtly discourse and public performance can account for the existence of Vidyāpati's idiom as a simultaneously performed and “literarized” tradition. Unlike Novetzke, who locates the Marathi case in the public interactions of high and low caste communities, the transmission of Maithili is related almost exclusively with Brahmanical prestige. It is in the contemporary period that Brahmanical identity becomes tied into various nationalist and regionalist projects for recognition. Though the usage of Maithili eventually extended beyond exclusive Brahmanical patronage, it was its Brahmin-origins that appealed to many other caste and religions communities. After all, the Mallas were not brahmins, but the brahmin status of Vidyāpati and the Oinvāras was certainly capitalized on as a central feature of Maithili's adoption in the Kathmandu Valley, Novetzke expands the definition of the second-millennium vernacular wave from only textual 'literariness' to that of the performative (and also other realms like the visual).10 By moving beyond the temporally and geographical moribund nature of inscriptions, Novetzke's added emphasis on the performative adds 'culture' back into the equation by considering sources scholars of religion and text have ignored. Novetzke calls this a “deeply geocultural process.11” This text-plus-performance model works well in the case of Vidyāpati and Maithili since, like 10 Novetzke 2008: 99-110. 11 Novetzke 2016: 10. 20 Novetzke’s subjects, they fall into the tricky gap between the political and the devotional. This ambiguity and lack of clear categorization seems to be a constitutive part of vernacular literary hagiographies. Novetzke's model can help to explain the impulses which might have motivated the widespread adoption of Maithili and to account for the multiple avenues of transmission but stops short at describing the parallel and multidirectional transformations that occurred in later centuries to Vidyāpati's idiom. Of course, it was not Novetzke's aim to characterize all instances of vernacular self-awareness in South Asia. Novetzke's "horizontal model" explains how vernacular identities are developed by actors working side-by-side in public arenas. Pollock's universalist "vertical" model emphasizes the exclusive role of courtly culture in the process of vernacularization. The lateral model I propose serves to account for the origin, transmission, and pluricentric transformations that occurred in the case of Vidyāpati and his Maithili idiom. This study also seeks to extend the conversation on vernacular cosmopolitanism started by Pollock and since added to by many other scholars. Allison Busch's seminal studies on Braj Bhasha, as a specifically courtly idiom, have helped to define better how a local idiom can be standardized and adopted (horizontally) from court-to-court. In her study on the secondary, non- imperial courts of North India, Busch emphasizes the highly developed adaptation of Sanskritic poetic models, and the poetic treatises used and composed by Braj Bhasa poets to mitigate their anxiety for writing in the vernacular. These explicit formulations on their styles and idioms at times relied on Sanskrit models, but also engaged with a ‘deśī aesthetic.'12 In a similar vein in the Bengali context, Thibaut d’Hubert has added to this conversation by focusing upon non-royal elites of “peripheral regions” and how they utilize multiple languages to 12 Busch 2004: 128-129. 21 leverage their connection to multiple cosmopolises. In his study of Ālāol and the Bengali Muslim literary communities of Arakan (Burma), d’Hubert connects multiple language communities and streams of literary prestige. Poets like Ālāol drew upon Vidyāpati’s Maithili model, Persian literature, and North Indian vernacular Sufi literature to connect themselves to multiple imagined literary landscapes.13 Ālāol and the Bengali Muslim literary community of Arakan looked to multiple regimes of cosmopolitan prestige (the Indic, the Persianate, the Islamic, etc.) to build their own identities as powerful intermediaries in what was, until recently, considered a peripheral region. D'Hubert's consideration of the multiple intersections of literary self- fashioning has informed my consideration of a multi-lingual framework and of sources in the early development of Maithili's literary popularity outside of Mithila. While d’Hubert considers the intersections of multiple classical and vernacular literary traditions that are easily distinguished from each other in the present and the past, this study focuses on divergences of one tradition (Maithili) and its efflorescence elsewhere. This reverse perspective still relies on interrogating the siloed categories of contemporary language communities. Through an analysis of the expansion of the Vidyāpati-tradition, I propose a lateral model, through which we can move beyond the predetermined designations established by language nationalists in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.14 Instead of looking backward in time for the teleologically determined origins of Maithili, Hindi, or Bengali, it is more profitable to examine how the borders of languages were not always so firm (Maithili vis-à-vis Brajabuli) or how a language might be adopted by non-speakers to suit their own cultural and political needs. 13 D’Hubert 2018: 20, 45-46, & 290-298. 14 Heidi Pauwels warns us against blindly following the suppositions of a teleological language historiography When considering literary communities of the Early Modern period, (Pauwels 2010: 208-209). 22 Vidyāpati and the Maithili Pada Tradition I have briefly introduced the significance of Vidyāpati and his idiom concerning the broader scope of this study, but it will be helpful to establish necessary contextual information on the poet and his language before beginning this dissertation. The Maithili language is spoken in Mithilā, a cultural-linguistic region that encompasses Northern Bihar and the eastern lowlands of the Nepali Terai. In the early twenty-first century, both the governments of India and Nepal have recognized Maithili as an official language in their constitutions (in 2003 and 2007 respectively). Contemporary Maithili speakers straddle the border between two modern nations. Though the border remains permeable, in recent years scholastic activity has been separated more dramatically between Kathmandu/Janakpur in Nepal and Patna/Darbhanga in India. However, the historical, literary, and cultural connection between the lowlands of Mithila and the highlands of the Kathmandu Valley (a.k.a. Nepal Maṇḍala) is capitalized upon by Maithils across the border to draw themselves out of the peripheries of both nations and into centers of power. Vidyapati (c. 1370-1460) is famed as the inaugurator of the Maithili vernacular lyric poetic tradition. His collection of padas (or lyric verses) has been the preeminent model for lyric composition across the Eastern regions of India, from the Kathmandu Valley to the Bay of Bengal, from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century CE. The formative period of early literary production in Mithilā took place during the Oinvāra rule in Mithilā (c. 1325–1556 CE). These brahmin-kings of a rural court in the hinterlands invested in both literary and śāstric projects that far outweighed their political presence in North and East India. Vidyāpati was patronized by no less than five of these Oinvāra rulers. The most famous pair of rulers to patronize Vidyāpati and be featured in his vernacular lyrics are Śivasiṁha (r. c. 1410-1414/16) and Lakhimā Devī (r. c. 1416-1428/9), the latter of whom ruled in her own right after the death of her husband. 23 Vidyāpati was a Sanskrit scholar of nīti and dharma-śāstra and a poet of Apabhraṃśa, yet he is most famous for his Maithili corpus, which continues to be the prime identifier for this fifteenth-century polymath. His style, language, and poetic structures dictated the norms and standards for the tradition in a way that few other figures of South Asian vernacular literary history have. Since the time of the historical Vidyāpati, different language and religious communities have constructed radically different memory traditions that represent him as a scholar, a saint (either Vaiṣṇava or Śaiva), or a court poet.15 Vidyāpati's technical Sanskrit works and Avahaṭṭha martial narratives reveal his identity as an orthodox brahmin with a Śaiva-Śākta or the very least a Smārta preference who held a professional position in the court.16 For traditional Maithil Paṇḍitas (the Jhā-s) and other upper-caste Maithils, Vidyāpati's status as a Brahmin and a scholar trumps his more popular vernacular legacy as a poet. Meanwhile, for the vast majority of Northern Biharis of other castes, Vidyāpati is indelibly identified as a devotee of Shiva, as Ugnā-Deva (Skt. Ugranātha-Deva).17 In in the Maithili-derived Brajabuli tradition of the East (Bengal, Odisha, and Assam), Vidyāpati is one of the 'first Vaiṣṇavas’ (ādi-vāiṣṇạva) who inaugurated the padābalī tradition. In Bengal, the famous founder of Gaudīya Vaiṣṇavism, Caitanya (1486-1534), is described as enraptured by the devotional songs of Vidyāpati, Caṇḍīdās, and Jayadeva, as sung to him by his 15 The earliest historical mention of Vidyāpati, a short entry in Abu Fazl’s ‘Ain-i Akbarī, already asserts several of these identities. This citation occurs when Abu Fazl concerns himself with the musical traditions of India, describes Vidyāpati as the famed Bihari composer of 'laccharīs.' He is also described as "belonging to the category of love- poets" (āz surīś-i ‘isq) (Sarkar 1948: 3:266). 16 All of Vidyāpati’s non-pada works are dedicated to Shiva in their introductions. As will be seen in section 2.4, the majority of Vidyāpati's Sanskrit works are either devotional/ritual treatises dedicated to Shiva and Devi or works of smṛti. 17 Skt. Ugra-deva. This form of Shiva is the focus of popular Śaiva devotion in contemporary Mithilā. In the Ugnā folktale, Shiva incarnates as a bumbling brahmin servant of the poet Vidyāpati. After later discovering his identity, Vidyāpati is sworn to secrecy. Vidyāpati accidentally reveals Ugnā's true identity to his wife. Shiva then disappears, and Vidyāpati is left to wander Mithilā is ecstatic sorrow singing songs of devotion. Vidyāpati's image is often situated near the main shrines of Shiva in central Mithilā. (Rakesh 1996). 24 associates according to Kṛṣṇadās Kavirāja’s Caitanya-Caritāmṛta (c. sixteenth cent. CE).18 For modern Bengalis, Vidyāpati was a proto-humanist/modernist before his time.19 This formulation says more about the divorce between the concerns of colonial and post-colonial Bengali literature and traditions of erotic or erotic/devotional literature in the premodern past. In Odisha, Rāmānanda Rāya (1504–1532) is credited with inaugurating the Odia tradition of Brajabuli-Vaiṣṇava poetry modeled after Vidyāpati and Old Maithili poetic standards. This is a decidedly Bengali/Maithili perspective that is often left out of Odia histories of their literary canon.20 In Assam, unlike in Bengal, Vrajavali was used by the followers of Śaṅkaradeva in their one-act devotional plays (aṅkīya nāṭs) on Puranic themes. The language of Vidyāpati and his ‘courtly’ status were divorced in the Assamese context since the concerns of Śaṅkara’s Eka- Śaraṇa reform sect did not engage with erotic frames of devotional literary expression like the Bengali Vaiṣṇavas did.21 Vidyāpati did not garner a position of greater importance in the Hindi heartland until the modern era, though already in the sixteenth century, Maithili-speakers seem to have been aware of what is referred to as Madhyadeśa Bhāṣā(s).22 Unlike the contemporary useful, but problematic usages of 'rīti’ and ‘bhakti’ in Hindi literary history, Maithili, Bengali, and Hindi literary scholars have not been consistent in the terms they have used to refer to Vidyāpati's 'courtliness.' Maithili and Hindi historians usually emphasize the poet's focus on the rasa of śṛṅgāra (erotic love), but many simultaneously subvert their designation by diffusing the erotic 18 Caitanya Caritāmṛta 1.13.40; 2.2.65; 2.10.113; 3.15.24-25; 3.17.4-7; and 3.17.58. (Stewart 1999: 283-284, 364, 487, 939). 19 Coomaraswamy 1994: 26 & 32. 20 Jha 2003: 10. 21 Smith 2003: 79-81. 22 ‘Madhyadeśa-bhāṣā’ (lit. the language of the central lands) is a category used by Locana Dās’ in his Rāgataraṅgiṇī. He explains that he uses this language (equivalent to Braj Bhasa) to explain the Maithili tradition of song-poetry to those outside of Tirhut. Rāgataraṅgiṇī 1.15 (Jha 1981: 5). 25 with esoteric "mystery" (rahasya)23 or the "spiritually metaphoric24.” Why Maithili? As one of the earliest 'cosmopolitan vernaculars' of North and East India (like Braj Bhasa or Avadhi), Maithili presents a unique case study on the emergence of vernaculars. Vidyāpati's vernacular oeuvre does not neatly fit within many current conversations regarding the nature of vernacular literary development across premodern South Asia in the last millennium. The Maithili lyric tradition evolved under the singular template established by Vidyāpati's poetic precedent and is dependent mainly upon that model. Referring to the Brajabuli branch of the Vidyāpati-tradition, Sukumar Sen has described a “Vidyāpati goṣṭhī”25 or “the poetic gathering of Vidyāpati”.26 In the case of Vidyāpati, we do have two significant theoretical treatises on the nature of the Maithili tradition — Jyotirīśvara’s Varṇaratnākara and Locana’s Rāgataraṅgiṇī, the latter of which relies on Vidyāpati’s padas as illustrative examples. These two texts, which straddle Vidyāpati’s lifetime by a century on either side, are of a different nature than those treatises found in Braj Bhasha, for example. The Varṇaratnākara is a compendium of legitimate descriptors and categories to be used in Maithili. The Rāgataraṅgiṇī makes its contribution to the study of music, meter, and rhythm. Both texts neglect the step-by-step, and fully explicated poetic scenarios and characters used in rīti-granthas on alaṅkāra (poetic devices), such as in 23 Kapūra 1968: 31. 24 Coomaraswamy 1994: 26-28. 25 Sen 1966. Thibaut d’Hubert makes use of this characterization of the Brajabuli tradition in his linking of the Vidyāpati tradition to that of the Arakanese Bengali poet Ālaol (fl. 1651-1671). A further discussion of d’Hubert’s work, the most extensive English language scholarship on the subject, will be provided in 1.5 of this dissertation. (d’Hubert 2018: 256). 26 This term refers to the tradition of poets who model their lyric poems in Maithili or Brajabuli on Vidyāpati's model. In some instances, it is clear that later poets directly reference Vidyāpati as a historical figure or his padas. 26 Keśavadās’ Rasikaprīya (1591). As a contrastive example, in her description of the "anxiety of innovation"27 at the root of the Braj poets’ vernacular medium, Allison Busch argues that the aesthetic-mannerist tradition (rīti) and its associated treatises on rasa were the defining mode of Braj Bhasha’s cosmopolitanism that was commodified and spread across North India during the Mughal Period. This contrasts with late nineteenth and early twentieth century nationalist Hindi historians who purposefully sought to relegate rīti literature to a minor status.28 Vidyāpati plays a more central role in the Maithili tradition in establishing these norms than, for example, Keśavadās does in the Braj Bhasha tradition. While a poet like Keśavadās might be said to embody the Braj Bhasha tradition and might be copied by later poets, they do not solely define the aesthetics or style of Braj Bhasha poetics. Vidyāpati’s lyrics do set the stylistic and structural precedents of the Maithili poetic tradition. The Maithili tradition is also limited in form and genre in a manner unlike other cosmopolitan vernaculars like Braj Bhasha. Vidyāpati-style lyric poems all follow a similar structure and style. This is true whether they are collected together in padāvalīs for singers or strung together into narratives in the kīrtaniña nāṭakas (‘devotional dramas’) of Nepal. The kīrtaniña-style dramas were primarily written by elite authors, many of them the Malla kings themselves. However, there is evidence that they were widely performed in public settings.29 Whether in pada anthologies or in narrative devotional dramas, Vidyāpati-style padas were the only living traditions of Maithili until the innovations of the colonial and postcolonial periods.30 The Maithili tradition was never extensively adopted for martial or historical narratives, though 27 Busch 2004. 28 Busch 2011: 102-129. 29 Miśra 1965: 30-50 30 Mishra 1949: 73-83. 27 Vidyāpati did use a register of Apabhraṁśa, known as Avahaṭṭha (Skt. Apabhraṣṭha), to write similar narratives.31 The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript Much of the scholarship that has been undertaken so far focuses on classifying Vidyāpati's lyric idiom and the efflorescence of Maithili lyric compositions that followed him. Out of necessity, these studies have relied on a handful of sources. These consist of three primary padāvalī manuscripts (the Nepal manuscript, the Rambhadrapur manuscript, and the Tarauni manuscript)32, and one musicological anthology (Locana Dās’ Rāgataraṅgiṇī)33 and have been the standard sources considered by scholars of the Vidyāpati-tradition for about a century. This leaves our understanding of the diversity of Vidyāpati’s padas in circulation in premodern Mithila and Nepal incomplete and also has the consequence that Vidyāpati’s ‘courtly style’ remains narrowly defined. In order to study how Maithili moved laterally from Mithila to Nepal, this dissertation is focused on Vidyāpati’s padāvalī (‘anthology of padas’) as preserved in one manuscript from the eighteenth-century Kathmandu Valley called the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta.34 This previously unpublished manuscript presents a collection of Vidyāpati’s lyric poems, interspersed with a handful of poems by other poets, organized loosely by theme. It is crucial for my argument since it represents a snapshot of the unexplored midpoint in the ‘Vidyāpati-tradition’35 between the 31 Herman Tieken discusses the embeddedness of New Indo-Aryan (vernacular) literary forms in Apabhraṁśa's lyrical tradition (Tieken 2008: 356-359). Vidyāpati, like most premodern vernacular authors, did not designate his vernacular as 'Maithili' or 'Tirhuta.' Avahaṭṭha, or the regional Apabhraṁśa of Eastern India, is the only designation provided by the poet himself in his famous aphorism. The identification of 'Maithili' and 'Avahaṭṭha/Apabhraṁśa' will be discussed in section 7.1 in depth. 32 These three manuscripts are described in detail in sections 3.1.2.1-3 of this dissertation. 33 This unique text is described and contextualized in section 3.1.3.1 of this dissertation. 34 ‘(Bhāṣā) Saṅgīta’. B286/34 National Archives of Nepal & Nepal-German Manuscript Cataloguing Project (NGMCP). 35 I have tried to consistently refer to only "Vidyāpati" when I mean to evoke the historical figure and author and to refer to the "Vidyāpati tradition" when I intend to refer to the entire corpus and history of memorialization that is 28 lifetime of the poet and his immediate successors in Mithila, and the adoption of his style in Nepal, Bengal, and beyond. I will provide an analysis of the manuscript’s language, style, and contents in order to locate it within the development of the Maithili pada tradition and the individual padas’ connections to Vidyāpati's aesthetic project. Additionally, the study of this manuscript contributes to the scholarly discussion of Vidyāpati's poetic corpus, which has up to now been restricted to a small set of textual sources. This manuscript brings to light 65 new Vidyāpati padas, some of which I have translated. The remainder are transcribed in the appendix. In addition, I provide new versions of 75 songs of Vidyāpati that are also found in better-known sources, some of which again I have translated, and the others transcribed in the appendix. I have selected a total 49 padas to broadly characterize the main thematic areas that define Vidyāpati's idiom, including new and unpublished padas in my selection. The manuscript allows me to juxtapose Vidyāpati’s songs with those of other poets, illuminating the nature of Vidyāpati’s poetic style as it was adopted by poets in the two centuries immediately following the poet’s lifetime. The jumbled and sometimes chaotic nature of the anthologies have led contemporary scholars to disregard the Vidyāpati manuscript tradition. The anthological nature of a ‘padāvalī (lit. ‘String of Padas) presents several challenges in the consideration of Vidyāpati’s Maithili work as any sort of united whole. The mixtures of differing styles of padas found in the available sources highlights the diverse usage of these textual objects. As both textual objects and sources and reflections on a performance tradition, it is difficult to assess whether the padāvalīs reflect or dictate the nature of performance. Additionally, the songs themselves are a bit of a mélange. Composed and transmitted for the purpose of singing, rather than archival preservation, attached to the poet's name. 29 Vidyāpati’s padas mix poetic scenarios and tropes freely. They do not represent consistent narrative scenarios individually or collectively. They are to be understood as musical vignette’s to be utilized in singing. While it is difficult to reconstruct a historical music tradition in Oinvāra-period Mithila or Malla-period Nepal, the anthological choices made by scribes provide glimpses of a tradition that was constantly being adapted and 'edited.' This inaccessibility has plagued the modern study of Vidyāpati’s Maithili tradition. Despite the physical degradation of manuscripts and the geopolitical borders that limit collaboration between Indian and Nepali Maithili-speakers, scholars have thankfully made the most of those sources that they came across. Tyler Williams has demonstrated the importance of studying such an anthology for a North Indian devotional community, the Nirañjanīs. They constituted whole unified texts (or granthas) by specific techniques of musical and thematic organization in addition to paratextual details (commentaries, scribal emendations, etc.).36 While the Nirañjanīs did so for theological reasons, there is a parallel in the Vidyāpati tradition in that it was also based on musical and thematic structures as is evident in the manuscripts of Mithila, Nepal, and Bengal. However, in the Maithili tradition, paratextual information is much less common. It is difficult to specify how these padas circulated within and between Mithila and Nepal since there are so few textual sources. Additionally, there are so few cross-occurrences of padas between sources as to make it impracticable to trace transmission purely on only the basis of the manuscripts available. We need a more extensive data set in order to convey a fuller picture of the creative adoption and adaptation of padas not just ascribed to Vidyāpati directly but the idiom, which developed out of his precedent. It is also necessary to consider more abstract 36 Williams 2014: 304. 30 elements of Vidyāpati’s idiom (structures, themes, and usages) rather than easily navigable paths of text-to-text transmissions. Still, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript contains enough padas that overlap with the better-studied manuscripts to historicize their circulation. As will also be specified subsequently in this dissertation, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta represents a middle layer between the oldest palm-leaf sources and the nineteenth and twentieth-century songbooks of Mithila, Nepal, and Bengal. A thorough philological study of this manuscript will allow for a more precise conceptualization of the fluid nature of a lyrical tradition that relies on performance as much as on textual transmission. Of the previously studied manuscripts, the 'Nepal Manuscript,' was written down in the Kathmandu valley in the sixteenth century CE, while the others likely came from lowland Mithila in the seventeenth century CE. Thus far, no materials have been published to assess the Vidyāpati-tradition in the Malla courts., Contemporary scholars (in Mithila especially) have identified manuscripts that are preserved in the archives of the Kathmandu Valley, among whom the prolific Maithili literary scholar, Jayakanta Mishra.37 Following his lead, I came across several dozen manuscripts labeled "Bhāṣā-(Saṅ)gīta’ and ‘Rāga-Mālā' in Maithili-language catalogs.38 These texts were in a variety of scripts (Mithilākṣara, Newari, and Nāgarī), written on several different materials (palm-leaf [tālapatra], Newari paper concertina-style songbooks [thyāsaphu], and other paper types), and contained different combinations of poems composed by Vidyāpati and other poets from lowland Mithilā and the Kathmandu Valley. Many of these unread and uncited manuscripts contain Vidyāpati’s padas. On the basis of my limited survey, I selected the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript, which contained the largest number of padas attributed 37 Mishra 1949: 193-196. 38 Jayakanta Mishra distinguishes between padāvalī-type and rāga-mālā-type manuscripts. The padāvalī-type is organized by a loose poetic theme, while padas in the rāga-mālā manuscripts are organized by rāga (Mishra 1949: 193-196). 31 to Vidyāpati, many of which are not found in other available sources. Structure of this Dissertation This dissertation is divided into four parts. 'Part 1' investigates the historical reasons why the Oinvāras and Mallas sought to capitalize on Vidyāpati as a historical and poetic figure. Situating the Maithili songs within Vidyāpati's broader corpus in Sanskrit, Avahaṭṭha, I seek to draw Vidyāpati the paṇḍita (scholar) and Vidyāpati the kavi (poet) closer together. I establish the memory of Vidyāpati that was adopted and utilized for literary self-fashioning on the part of several vernacular communities in subsequent centuries. 'Part 2' of this dissertation then moves on to examine the aesthetic employed by Vidyāpati in his work. While mainly drawing on existing tropes and imaginaries to construct his poetic landscape, Vidyāpati also blended in ethical, devotional, and social, dimensions. Vidyāpati's unique vernacular aesthetic idiom was adopted by the Mallas, the Khaṇḍavālas39, Bengali Vaiṣṇavas, and others. This section identifies a few significant themes found in the earlier manuscripts as well as in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta. First, I interrogate the ‘courtly’ by looking at padas that concern the nature of a ‘real man’ (supuruṣa).40 These songs could be described as didactic (upadeśa) padas. This blends into the concern for erudite connoisseurship and its relation to kingship. Vidyāpati is characterized as a ‘New Jayadeva,’ possibly by his immediate patrons. At the very 39 The Khaṇḍavāla Dynasty, better known as the “Darbhanga Raj”, succeeded the Oinvāras as rulers of Mithila (r. 1577-1947). Like their predecessors, the Khaṇḍavālas were brahmins and spent a considerable proportion of their time and wealth patronizing Sanskrit learning and the arts in Mithila, North India, and Bengal. The estates and descendants of this dynasty continue to be the main sources of financial and cultural support for the brahmins, scholars, and other elites of Mithila in Bihar (Jha 2014: 46-56). 40 “Supuruṣa” is difficult to translate into English. While it could literally be rendered as a “good man”, this would be inadequate. It does not fully encompass the broad range of ethical, social, and cultural skills at the command of such a person as prescribed by Vidyāpati in texts like the Puruṣaparīkṣā, and in this study, the upadeśa padas. I will interrogate this category further in in ‘Part 2’ of this dissertation. 32 least, this claim is substantiated by several padas in the Nepal and Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscripts. This connection between Vidyāpati and Jayadeva is significant for its ability to connect Mithila and Nepal to a larger literary cosmopolis that intersects vernacular and Sanskrit aesthetic realms. In doing so, I complicate the “vertical” model of vernacularization described earlier. In this section, I also look in-depth into the padas found within Vidyāpati’s vernacular corpus that are overtly devotional in their purpose. These songs are dedicated to Shiva and the Goddess. Though they are different in style, context, and imagery from the more famous ‘courtly’ padas, these songs represent a significant portion of the modern Vidyāpati repertoire still extant in Mithila. In this sub-section, I intend to define the devotional themes that draw together the historical textual tradition and the contemporary devotional performative tradition of Mithila. I conclude 'Part 2', by presenting two contrastive case studies that are parallel to the Malla adoption of Vidyāpati and his idiom, one from early modern Bengal one from contemporary Mithila. On the basis of musical handbooks of Bengal, I examine the bhaṇitās that cite Vidyāpati's courtly patrons, the Oinvāras. This reveals how the Bengali Vaiṣṇavas capitalized upon Vidyāpati's courtly prestige to lend authority to their devotional lyric tradition, not unlike what the Mallas did. Similarly, updating this study to contemporary times, I examine the intersection between text and performance in the contemporary Vidyāpati musical tradition of Mithila. This shows how contemporary Maithili speakers capitalize on the memory of their own region's 'golden age' under the Oinvāras. The figure of Vidyāpati and his poetic aesthetic coalesced into a poetic tradition. As a result, the language and formal structures found in Vidyāpati's Maithili padas became solidified and commodifiable. This is a significant point in the development of discrete vernacular identities in later centuries. What 'Maithili' was, became defined mainly by the Vidyāpati idiom as it crossed borders laterally. 33 'Part 3' of this dissertation extracts the linguistic, prosodic, and generic structures found within the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. The purpose of this exercise is to establish the relative conservativeness of Vidyāpati's Maithili as it crossed laterally into the Mallas’ usage of that same language. This part will demonstrate that the Mallas saw themselves as existing within the same, or at least overlapping, vernacular spheres with their lowland Oinvāra/Maithil counterparts. A summary snapshot grammar of the critical linguistic features of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript is provided to establish what was the 'Maithili' idiom that was adopted in Nepal. It is not my intention in this section to provide an exhaustive linguistic analysis or grammar of Old Maithili. That work has been undertaken in the past.41 Instead, I provide a snapshot picture of one specific context as a basis for future comparative studies. In chapter 8, I consider the intertwined musical and metrical patterns used in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’s padas. This section covers the metrical and the musical system (both melodic and rhythmic) of Vidyāpati’s poetry as preserved and adapted in the manuscript, comparing with the slightly later Locana Dās’ Rāgataraṅgiṇī (c. 16th cent. CE). Here, I can build on significant work carried out by Grierson in his Maithili Chrestomathy (1882) and compare with Thibaut d’Hubert’s work on the Brajabuli prosodic system.42 ‘Part 4’ of this dissertation consists of the edition and annotated translation of 49 selected padas from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. This selection includes all those padas of Vidyāpati that I have used in the course of my analytical and thematic assessment as well as some by others. They are organized into sections that correspond with several of the analytical portions of this dissertation. For instance, to correspond with section ‘2.1’, the padas included in section '4.1' are meant to represent how Vidyāpati combines both aesthetic-poetic and social-ethical concerns. 41 Jha 1954: 128-178 and Jha 1985. 42 d’Hubert 2018: 186-187. 34 These padas show that Vidyāpati did not separate his role as a court-paṇḍita from that as a court- kavi. Whenever a cross-citation of a particular pada is available, I have presented that text alongside the one transcribed from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta. The remaining verses of that manuscript are transcribed (but not translated), in 'appendix 1'. This section complements the larger purpose of this study, namely, to present a resource for scholars of the Vidyāpati tradition. The padas of other poets found within the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript are included in 'appendix 2’ without translation. These songs are indexed by the poet and are ordered as they are found within the manuscript. ‘Appendix 3’ is a visual representation of the Vidyāpati-tradition. This schema should help navigate the intersections and overlaps between textual and performance sources from all regions wherein Vidyāpati has found popularity. I conclude with a glossary of all those padas found within 'Part 4'. This glossary cites the grammatical forms found within the text, rather than theoretical grammatical bases and stems. This word list is meant to aid those familiar with other North Indian vernaculars to access Old Maithili as found within the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta. It is also available to those who would interrogate the change of language between the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta and other textual sources available in print. 35 Part 1: Vidyāpati the Man: Memory and Self-Fashioning in Three Contexts 1.0 General Remarks The Maithili literary “brand” depends upon the imagined prestige and cultural capital of the Oinvāra court. Part 1 of this dissertation explains the historical and social contexts from which the modern imaginaries associated with Vidyāpati and his Maithili idiom arose. The memorialized figures of Vidyāpati and his Oinvāra patrons were incorporated into the identity of the Maithili vernacular as adopted by those outside of Mithila and by contemporary Maithili speakers. The poet and his patrons represent a memorialized ‘golden age’ in Mithila’s past, with which many surrounding communities of non-Maithili speakers sought to associate themselves. This section establishes several reasons why the poet and his patrons were attractive for the purpose of self-fashioning prestige through literary association. To begin with, I have chosen to focus upon the available and verifiable historical biographic data on the poet and his patrons. These facts are not meant to assert the historical poet above the constructed memory of the poet. Instead, it is meant to demonstrate the possible sources for those cultural memories which gained currency in Nepal, Bengal, and beyond. This is a necessary prerequisite before moving on to Part 2 of this dissertation, in which I describe the aesthetic features associated with the poet that move laterally across borders, and Part 3 in which I describe the linguistic and structural features of the poetic language of Maithili that was adopted. As a subsidiary task, I have included a discussion of the known corpus of Vidyāpati in all languages (Sanskrit, Avahaṭṭha, and Maithili). This broader and holistic account of Vidyāpati’s literary activities across languages will prove useful when, in ‘Part 2’, I begin to discuss the permeable borders between Vidyāpati’s concerns as an aesthete and as a court-paṇḍita. 36 1.1 Biographic Data on Vidyāpati 1.1.1 Vidyāpati’s Dates Vidyāpati lived between ca. 1370 and 1460 CE43 and was most active in courtly and literary life between ca. 1400 and 1440 CE. These dates are quite broad and reflect the difficulty that scholars of the past century have had in accurately pinpointing dates for the poet’s birth and death.44 The basis for most attempts to date Vidyāpati’s life rely on a small number of dateable sources. However, because those sources are dated in the Lakṣmaṇa Saṁvat era, there are also problems in converting the dates to a more recognizable dating system (Western or Indic). It is beneficial to determine, as close as possible, the equivalent dates of the Lakṣmaṇa Saṁvat era with other calendars. This dating system is named for King Lakṣmaṇa of the Sena Dynasty (1118-1206) and is said to commence with the date of his birth or his accession to the Sena throne. Pramatha Nath Mishra has provided an exhaustive date list and set of calculations in order 43 These dates agree with those proposed by Thibaut d’Hubert in his study of Ālāol’s engagement with the tradition that Vidyāpati originated. (d’Hubert 2018: 255-256.) 44 Jayakanta Mishra provides a summary of previous estimates for Vidyāpati’s date of birth, all of which are plausible with the sources considered by the respective scholars: Nagendranath Gupta: 1358 Haraprasad Sastri: 1357 Benipuri: 1350 B.K. Chatterji: 1372 Satishachandra Ray: 1380 B.R. Saksena: 1357 Umesh Mishra: 1360 Ramanatha Jha: 1360 Shivanandana Thakura: 1360 (Mishra 1949: 138.) 37 to reconcile the inconsistencies with many dates provided for sources in Mithila.45 He concludes that the Lakṣmaṇa Saṁvat era, as used in Mithila into the modern period, was calculated differently from the scheme calculated in premodern Bengal and other surrounding regions. The non-Maithil Lakṣmaṇa Saṁvat calendar is explained by Abu’l-Faẓl in the in the Akbar-Nāmā as beginning at the start of Lakṣmaṇa’s reign and ending in the present year of 465. The Śaka year provided is 1041 which would be equal to 1119 CE. Although explicitly dated to the beginning of the Lakṣmaṇa Sena’s reign, it aligns more accurately with his date of birth. Subhadra Jha, in his edition of the ‘Nepal Manuscript’, accounted for the discrepancy between the various reckonings of the Lakṣmaṇa Saṁvat calendar as being the result of the conversion of the era from a solar calendar (as calculated in the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries) to a lunar or lunar-solar calendar in the mid sixteenth century. By Subhadra Jha’s reckoning, this would account for the difference between the copperplate date and the conversion mentioned by Abu’l-Faẓl in the Akbar-Nāmā.46 The post-Vidyāpati Maithil records (both manuscripts and inscriptions) seem to have been based on a copperplate, that records the donation of the village of Bisapī to Vidyāpati by his most famous patron Śivasiṁha, is the starting point from which most attempts to date the poet’s life begin. This copperplate records that Śivasiṁha donated Vidyāpati’s birth village to the poet and his family on the occasion of his own ascension to the throne in “292 Lakṣmaṇa Saṁvat”. In the post-Vidyāpati Maithil reckoning, this would equate to 1399 CE. Non-Maithil scholars have largely based their assumptions on George Grierson’s assessment, who seems to have used the non-Maithil/Akbar-Nāmā date reckoning of the Lakṣmaṇa Saṁvat to 1411-12 CE.47 Because of 45 Misra 1926: 388-389. 46 Jha 1954: 27-57. 47 Grierson 1885: 191–92 38 this discrepancy, many non-Maithil (largely Bengali) scholars have questioned the authenticity of this copperplate record. Ironically, the non-Maithil/Bengali reckoning of the Lakṣmaṇa Saṁvat seems to confirm at least the possibility of the donation’s proposed dates. In many attempts to calculate Vidyāpati’s dates, a manuscript copy of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, supposedly in the hand of the poet himself, is offered as evidence. Here the scribe (whether Vidyāpati or not) marks the date of the puṇya-pothī’s completion date 309 L.S. (=1428 CE). This copy, originally held by the Raj Library in Darbhanga, has been missing since the 1980’s and therefore is unavailable for examination.48 Occasionally, Vidyāpati’s dates are defined by the dating provided in his literary works. The Bhūparikramā and the Kīrttilatā are the two texts that mark the beginning of Vidyāpati’s literary career in the Oinvāra court. The last work that Vidyāpati composed was the Durgābhaktitaraṅgiṇī (‘Waves of Devotion of Durgā’). This was written for Candra-Siṁha, the younger brother of Bhairava-Siṁha, the last ruler under whom Vidyāpati served in the Oinvāra court. Afterwards, Vidyāpati supposedly withdrew from courtly life to his rural home. Vidyāpati’s retirement and death have since become matters of legend and local devotion in Mithila. Dating markers are also derived from the patrons mentioned in the bhaṇitās of the Maithili. This list of supposed patrons varies greatly depending on which source(s) one is examining. M. Shahidullah provides an excellent list based on the work of Nagendranath Gupta.49 The problem with Shahidullah’s accounting was his assumption that most patrons mentioned in Vidyāpati’s bhaṇitās were correctly attributed. This includes a list of some incongruous patrons like 48 Jha 1954: 57. & Shahidullah 1944: 211. 49 Shahidullah 1944: 213-214. 39 Nasir/Nusrat Shah (r. 1519-1533). This causes Shahidullah’s final assessment of 1390-1490 CE to be much later than most other scholars. While it is valuable to examine the bhaṇitās of Vidyāpati’s verses for the poet’s social relations, it should be considered critically and with limitations. Śivasiṁha and his queen Lakhimā feature most prominently in these signature lines. The sheer proportion and number help us to center Vidyāpati’s life and career in relation to his primary patron but should not be used to figure definite dates. This would ignore the prominent practice of adding and changing bhaṇitās in later sources, as is seen in the primary manuscript of this study. 1.1.2 Vidyāpati’s Family and Courtly Profession Jayakanta Mishra mentions an inscription in Mithila records the construction of a small temple by Vidyāpati’s ancestor Karmāditya for the goddess Haihaṭṭa in 1332 CE (213 L.S.). In that inscription, Karmāditya is stylized as a minister of the early Oinvāra court (‘sumantri’).50 Beyond this, the pañjī records extend Vidyāpati’s family back several more generations in the village of Bisapī. They are described as Kāśyapa Gotra Brahmins whose founding member (bījī- puruṣa) was Viṣṇu Ṭhākura. Nagendranath Gupta was amongst the first to claim that the erstwhile inaugurator of the Maithili tradition, Jyotirīśvara, was related to Vidyāpati, being the former’s grandfather’s brother. This claim is unsubstantiated and made only on the basis of “tradition”. In the generations between Karmāditya and Vidyāpati (the generations for which we have the most information) many were employed directly by the court and composed Sanskrit treatises on dharma-śastra, rāja-nīti, and jyotiṣa. For example, Vidyāpati’s great-uncle Caṇḍeśvara 50 Mishra 1949: 135. 40 Ṭhākura, was a minister of the court and composed texts like the Rājanītiratnākara (‘The Jewel of Political Ethics’) and the Sūryasiddhānta (‘Solar Theories’). There are more exhaustive accounts of Vidyāpati’s ancestors, relationship, and family achievements recorded by the scholars of Mithilā.51 There is not much to be said about Vidyāpati’s immediate family and descendents. He is known to have had three sons and one daughter by two wives. Vidyāpati’s first son Haripati was said to have followed his father and became a vernacular poet. In the Rāgataraṅgiṇī, there is one pada from a female poet, Candrakalā. Locana Das describes her as the daughter of Vidyāpati.52 Most modern Maithil scholars claim that she was the daughter-in- law of the poet and likely married to Haripati, though this last claim is made solely on the merit that of Vidyāpati’s three sons, only Haripati worked as a poet.53 It is not my intention to provide a meticulous pedigree for Vidyāpati. My objective is to provide a context for Vidyāpati’s own career in the Oinvāra court. Comparing Vidyāpati to his family and associates, it becomes clear that by certain measures he was a typical Sanskrit paṇḍita attached to a small regional Brahmanical court. His works on ritual life, interpretation of dharma-śāsta, and politics do not stand out as significant or divergent. If Vidyāpati’s Sanskrit works were the sum total of his accomplishments, then he would certainly not have garnered as much fame as he has in the subsequent centuries. Vidyāpati’s most distinctive achievements were almost entirely due to the fact that he chose to write in Avahaṭṭha and Maithili. As will be discussed later, Vidyāpati’s choice of language dictated both the features of his compositions (structures, genre, subjects/themes) and the ways in which they were transmitted through time and space (audience(s), modes of transmission, adaptability). 51 Mishra 1949: 134-138. 52 Rāgataraṇgiṇī, Song 17 (Jha 1981: 94). 53 Mishra 1949: 144. 41 1.2 Political Formations in the Age of Vidyāpati 1.2.1 Vidyāpati's Mithila 1.2.1.1 Mithilā and the Last of the Karṇāta Dynasty Traditionally, Mithila is defined as the area between the Gaṇḍaka river in the West, the Koṣi river to the East, the Ganges in the South, and the Himalayan foothills in the Nepali Terai to the North. This roughly corresponds to the northern half of the modern state of Bihar and the eastern lowlands of Nepal. In classical literature, this region is also identified with the older kingdom of Videha and the paternal home of Rama’s wife Sita. This small region remained as a suzerain of Delhi and later sultanates but maintained only loose connections with the Persianate sultanates that surrounded it. Many Maithil scholars and lay-folk claim that Mithila of this period was the only independent Hindu kingdom of the region that resisted Muslim rule. These claims are heavily tinged with Hindu and Maithili nationalism which not only defined India as a Hindu nation, but Mithila as its orthodox and “pure” heart. It is more accurate to claim that Mithila, or Tirhut (Skt. Tirabhukti), as it was more commonly referred to as in this period, was a small, rural Brahmanical court that functioned as a cultural and religious center, rather than any great center of political or military power. The Maithil court’s isolation is a product of its physical and political remoteness, rather than its cultural or religious fortitude, as claimed by Maithil nationalists. Two dynasties are identified with medieval and early modern Mithilā: the Karṇāta dynasty of kṣatriyas who ruled from 1097 to 1325 CE and the Oinvāra dynasty of brahmins who ruled from 1353 To 1556 CE. Because of their capital ‘cities’, these dynasties are sometimes referred 42 to as the ‘Simrāon’ and ‘Sugāon’ dynasties respectively.54 Several scholars have claimed that the Karṇāta kings have their origin in South India (as their name suggests), but there is no certainty as to the validity of that claim or how far the founding ruler, Nānya-Deva (r. 1097-1147 CE) was removed from their South Indian forebears. The court of the Karṇātas, especially during the rule of Harisiṁha-Deva (r. ca. 1307-1325 CE) hosted many scholars of Sanskrit learning. It was also during this period that the earliest known work in Maithili, the Varṇaratnākara (‘The Compendium of Descriptions’) was written by Jyotirīśvara in ca. 1324 CE.55 Even before the Oinvāras, the court in Tirhut established itself as a preeminent center of Sanskritic culture and brahmanical prestige. During this period, scholars of the region produced many treatises, commentaries, and foundational texts of the Nyāya and Mīmāṃsā schools of Indian philosophy as well as Śaiva and Śākta devotion. A distinctive Navya Nyāya (“New School of Logic”) became the hallmark of Maithili scholarship. Students of grammar and philosophy would be sent to Mithilā from neighboring regions, especially Bengal, which helped to foster an academic and artistic connection between the two regions. As will be discussed subsequently, even during this period, the links between the rulers of the plains in Tirhut and the Malla kings of the Kathmandu Valley were developing and deepening. 1.2.1.2 The Oinvāras and the 'Golden Age' of Mithila On occasion, the remote region of Tirhut did fall sway to the geopolitical forces of fourteenth century Northern India. The last ruler of the Karṇāta Dynasty, Harisiṁha Deva, was overthrown by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq, the Sultan of Delhi (died c. 1325 CE). Ghiyasuddin was returning from Bengal where he had gone to quell an uprising by the governor of Bengal, 54 Singh 1922: 59-69. 55 Mishra 1949: 121. 43 Bahādur Shah.56 This incident is mentioned by Farista. These later Karṇātas must have been conspicuously absent enough in the political life of Mithilā to prompt Firūz Shāh Tughluq (1309- 1388 CE) to appoint the brahmin landholder from the village of Oini (Madhubani district, Bihar) as the next suzerain of Tirhut. Kāmeśvara Ṭhākura of Oini was given rule of Mithilā and established the Oinvāra lineage in 1353 CE. It is likely that his forbears were given ownership of the land around Oini for their service in the Karṇāta court and for their scholarship. It is unclear why this family was singled out from amongst the elite of Tirhut to succeed the Karṇātas, but the second ruler of the dynasty, Bhogīśvara is described in the Kīrttilatā by Vidyāpati as being a dear friend (Av. ‘pia- sakhi’, Skt. priya-sakhā) of the Sultan Fīrūz Shāh.57 It was not until Bhogīśvara’s son Gaṇeśvara (d. ca. 1371) that Vidyāpati enters in to the history of Mithilā. It was Gaṇeśvara’s murder at the hands of the Afghan warlord Aslān that sets into motion the events that Vidyāpati describes in the Kīrttilatā. After retaking Tirhut with the assistance of Ibrahim Shāh of Jaunpur (r. 1402-1440 CE), Gaṇeśvara’s two sons Vīrasiṁha and Kīrttisiṁha succeeded their father to the throne. Vidyāpati, in the Kīrttilatā describes Kīrttisiṁha as similar in age and a playmate (‘khelana- kavi’),58 but this is spurious since the poet would have been a small child at the time of Kīrttisiṁha’s departure for Jaunpur. After the death of Kīrttisiṁha, the rule of Tirhut was passed to Bhogīśvara’s brother Bhavasiṁha Deva and his children because both Vīrasiṁha and Kīrttisiṁha lacked heirs. Bhavasiṁha’s son Devasiṁha59 acceded him and was the first primary patron for Vidyāpati. 56 Singh 1922: 64. 57 mati kāmesara sana rāe | tasu naṁdana bhogīsa rāo varubhoga purandara…piyasakhi bhaṇi piaroja sāha suratāna samānala’ || (Śrīvāstava 1983: 55.) 58 Śrīvāstava 1983: 58. 59 Vidyāpati mentions that Devasiṁha died in 1412/13 CE (293 L.S.). This would mean that Śivasiṁha took over from his father before is death in 1410/11 CE. (Thakura 1988: 252.) 44 Under Devasiṁha, Vidyāpati composed his first Sanskrit text, the Bhūparikramā, which will be described shortly. Many bhaṇitās of padas featured in the Bhāṣā-Saṅgīta manuscript mention Devasiṁha, separately or along with his consort Hāsinī Devī or as the father of Śivasiṁha. Śivasiṁha (r. 1412-1416 CE) is remembered as the famous scion of the Oinvāras, even outside of Mithila, as Vidyāpati’s primary patron. During Śivasiṁha’s rule and under his commission, Vidyāpati composed the Kīrttilatā, Kīrttipatākā, and the Puruṣa-Parīkṣā. Most scholars and lay appreciators of Maithili and Brajabuli remember Śivasiṁha and his first wife Lakhimā/Lachimā Devī as those patrons mentioned in the majority of Vidyāpati’s bhaṇitās. In those poetic signatures, he is characterized as a ‘supuruṣa’, a ’nāgara’, and a ‘rasika’. As will be described in my analysis of Vidyāpati’s bhaṇitās, Śivasiṁha and Vidyāpati embody both the Sanskrit and vernacular prestige of Mithila in eastern South Asia. He is even mentioned in Brajabuli padas from Bengal, which are very clearly not the work of the Maithil poet Vidyāpati but are later local fabrications. Despite the flourishing of Vidyāpati’s literary activities during Śivasiṁha’s reign, the latter’s rule was very short and ended after an attack by an unnamed Muslim in 1416 CE (299 L.S.). Śivasiṁha is described as fleeing to seek refuge with Rājā Purāditya in Saptarī (in the Nepali Terai).60 Very little is known about what happened to Śivasiṁha subsequently. Some scholars have debated whether Śivasiṁha was succeeded by his wife Lakhimā Devī or by his younger brother Padmasiṁha, though most recent historians have agreed that Lakhimā Devī led the Oinvāra dynasty in her own right for around twelve years (r. ca. 1416-1428/9). There are records describing her own literary activity.61 Many of Vidyāpati’s padas are likely to have been written during Lakhimā’s rule. Although we could never speculate about the personal 60 Thakur 1988: 256. 61 Thakur 1988: 260. 45 relationships between Vidyāpati and his most famous patrons, Śivasiṁha and Lakhimā, poets and authors into the modern period have speculated widely. Their relationship was the subject of plays, novels, and most famously a joint Hindi-Bengali film from New Theatres Cinema in Calcutta.62 Lakhimā was eventually succeeded by Śivasiṁha’s younger brother Padmasiṁha in 1430 CE.63 He was in turn succeeded by his wife Viśvāsa Devī within a year. She ruled for another 12 years and under her direct patronage Vidyāpati composed the Śaivasarvasvasāra and the Gaṅgāvākyāvalī. Vidyāpati describes the generosity of his patroness in both works. After Viśvāsa Devī’s death, she was succeeded by Harasiṁha-Deva, the younger son of Bhavasiṁha, as she and Padmasiṁha had died childless. He is mentioned in Vidyāpati’s Vibhāgasāra. Padmasiṁha was followed by his son Narasiṁha-Deva and then his grandson Dhīrasiṁha, Vidyāpati’s last patron. During his orders, Vidyāpati composed the Durgābhaktitaraṅgiṇī, which also includes praise for Dhīrasiṁha’s younger brothers and heirs Bhairavendra and Candrasiṁha. In the bhaṇitās of several putative padas ascribed to Vidyāpati, a handful of subsequent rulers of the Oinvāra dynasty are mentioned. It is likely that the bhaṇitās of these padas were appended in subsequent decades. Vidyāpati and the Oinvāras are also memorialized in Mithila in the landscape and architecture of later centuries. In Mithila, many large tanks are said to be built by Śivasiṁha64 and are considered a hallmark of power and prestige in the region. Kini and Pinch have traced the later history and rediscovery of the waterscapes of North Bihar and the court of Śivasiṁha and his court-poet Vidyāpati.65 The imprinting of Maithili cultural memory upon the landscapes 62 Bose 1937. 63 Thakur 1988: 261. 64 Thakura 1988: 257. 65 Kini & Pinch 2019: 203-211. 46 and locales of contemporary Mithila functions alongside literary memory to consolidate Maithili vernacular identity into the modern era. 47 1.2.2 Vidyāpati in Nepal 1.2.2.1 Historical Connections between Mithila and Nepal Mandala The majority of early manuscripts that survive come to us from the Malla courts of the Kathmandu Valley. The link between Mithila and the Kathmandu Valley extends several centuries prior to Vidyāpati and was culturally strengthened after Vidyāpati’s idiom became the dominant musical language for courtly music in the Malla courts. The last Karṇāta ruler of Mithila, the dynasty in power prior to the appointment of the brahmin Oinvāra dynasty by Firuz Shah Tughluq,66 Harasiṁhadeva (r. 1304-1324), was the father of an early Malla ruler, Jagatasiṁha.67 Some have claimed that Harisiṁha fled into the highlands of Nepal and conquered Bhatgāon and its surrounds. After later evidence emerged, some of these same scholars now believe that Harisiṁha and his retinue settled in the Kathmandu Valley and remained there as landholders under their Karṇāta-Malla cousins. Many were mentioned to be active in the court of Jayastitimalla in Bhatgāon in a 1413 CE inscription found in Patan.68 Even earlier, two grandsons of Nānya-Deva, the first ruler of the Karṇātas of Mithilā, are said to have gone on to rule in Nepal (unnamed son) and in Mithilā (Gaṅgā-Deva).69 This connection proved to be a point of pride for later Malla rulers after the period of Sthithimalla (r. ca. 1382-1395 (i.e. after the establishment of the Oinvāra kings).70 The “orthodox” Hindu pedigree of these later rulers was attributed to the rulers’ Maithil heritage. Mithila was considered a bulwark and epicenter of orthodox Smārta and Nyāyika learning during the Sultanate Period in the eastern half of the subcontinent. For this reason, many later rulers also 66 Choudhary 1976: 41. 67 Regmi 1965: 258-295. 68 Thakur 1988: 228-229. 69 Thakur 1988: 194. 70 Slusser 1982: 57. 48 took wives from Mithila. The movement of elite women also implies the circulation of singers and the transposition of domestic rituals and lifecycle songs. In times of conflict, of which there were many in the Sultanate period in Bihar, the rulers and intellectuals of Mithila would seek protection in the Kathmandu valley. Vidyāpati is said to have fled with Queen Lakhimā (r. 1416– 1428/9),71 the widow of Vidyāpati’s most famous patron, Śivasiṁha (r. 1410-1414).72 This constant and close contact led to many brahmin-purohits migrating or being invited by the nobility of Kathmandu Valley. Many Newari castes claim descent from these groups of Maithil brahmins who made the journey into the Himalayas.73 Because of the close cultural, familial, political, and religious connection between these two cultural regions, Old Maithili transformed from the local idiom of Mithila, into a transregional poetic language that was employed by the Malla kings for musical poetry and drama in their courts. As we will discuss later, the Malla kings themselves directed the process of Old Maithili literary expansion. Even after the Gorkha annexation of the Kathmandu Valley, the Newari cultural memory of the Malla courts is inexorably linked with Maithili literary heritage and specifically the figure of Vidyāpati. 1.2.2.2 The Malla Adoption of Vidyāpati's Maithili Idiom Beyond the familial and historical connections between the dynasties of lowland Mithilā and the Malla courts of the Kathmandu Valley, both shared a new interest in patronizing not only Sanskrit (largely orthodox Hindu) scholarship, but also the newly forming Maithili vernacular as 71 For a detailed introduction to the most famous king of the Oinvāra dynasty of Mithilā. (Thakura 1988: 247–60.) 72 The village of Bisphī is currently the site of several monuments and institutions dedicated to the memory of Vidyāpati. Along with a community and cultural center, several Śiva temples feature prominent pictures or statues of Vidyāpati within their precincts. For a full transcription of the much-discussed deed granting the village to the poet. (Vidyāpati-Padāvalī: Nepāl Se Prāpta Vidyāpati Ke Padoṁ Kā Saṁgraha: 1:19–20 and Thakura 1988: 259– 61.) 73 Slusser 1982: 66. 49 a medium for courtly literary production. For both mannerist and devotional styles, Vidyāpati’s large corpus of padas provided an ideal model. By extension, through Vidyāpati and his Maithili musical medium, the Mallas were able to access a larger network of literary and cultural prestige that extended from Jayadeva’s musical innovations in the Gītagovinda (c. 12th century CE) in the Sena courts and a newly emerging Eastern Indic literary landscape.74 This section will primarily provide evidence for Vidyāpati’s textual popularity in the Kathmandu Valley and will introduce the attempts of the Malla kings themselves at producing Vidyāpati-style Maithili padas and other musical/dramatic pieces. The majority of the well-preserved and lengthy manuscripts that record Vidyāpati’s padas are found within the former royal collections of the Kathmandu Valley capitals (Kathmandu [Yai], Patan, and Bhaktapur [Bhatgāon]). In comparison to the Brajabuli pothīs and padābalīs of Bengal and Assam, these manuscripts are quite lengthy and retain many of the core linguistic features of Old Maithili. The primary manuscript of this study (the ‘Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’ manuscript) and the more well-known “Nepal Manuscript” have their origins amongst the Maithili speaker’s resident in the Malla court Bhatgāon (Bhaktapur) in the 16th-18th centuries CE. Manuscripts like the ‘Nepal Manuscript’ and the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta, which feature Vidyāpati primarily along with other Maithil poets provide evidence of a performative tradition popular in the valley. It was the first-hand adoption of this medium, rather than its mere consumption on the part of the Malla kings that transforms the role of Maithili from a regional vernacular to a transregional musical idiom. After the lifetime of Vidyāpati and largely after the dissolution of a strong central court in Mithilā after the execution of last Oinvāra ruler Lakṣmīnātha in c. 1526 by Nasrat Shah (1518- 74 This connection is discussed in section 2.3. 50 32),75 the center of Maithili literary cultural life shifted into the highlands of Nepal. In those courts with pre-existing ties to the Maithili royal lineages and brahmanical culture, many of the monarchs themselves began producing Maithili musical and dramatic texts in addition to patronizing and consuming it. Some scholars point to the fabrication of some of the ties between the Mallas and the Karṇātas. Horst Brinkhaus has claimed that unlike the definite and long- lasting genealogical pedigrees of Maithil brahmins (puñjīs), the Mallas could not accurately trace their own lineage and that this was a source of anxiety.76 Their past intermarriages with some of the Maithil rulers were therefore played up and the literary idiom of their cultured cousins was adopted in the present. The Mithilākṣara manuscripts (especially those covered in this study) feature the padas of Vidyāpati and the close contemporaries of Vidyāpati that were active in lowland Mithilā. In the Newari-script Maithili pada manuscripts of the 16th-18th centuries, the verses of Vidyāpati are interspersed with those of notable Malla rulers, like Jagajjyotirmalla (1614-37), Bhūpatindramalla (1696-1722), or his son Raṇajitamalla (1722-69).77 The padas of these kings are featured primarily and are frequently interspersed with those of Vidyāpati and Jayadeva to lend their own verses legitimacy. Maithili musical and dramatic literary activity in the Malla courts continued on until Pṛthvī Nārāyaṇa Śāha’s conquest of the Kathmandu Valley in 1786, when the Newari courts were replaced with a Nepali-speaking Gurkha kingdom. Maithili and Newari musicians continue to dwell in the valley but have since lost their monopoly on elite culture of central Nepal. 75 Nasrat Shāh appointed his son-in-law, Alā-ud-Din as the governor of Tirhut, as a vassal of the Sultanate of Bengal. (Thakur 1988: 276.) 76 Brinkhaus 2003: 67-77. 77 Ramawatar Yadav provides a valuable highlighted account of many of the poetic and dramatic works of the kings of Bhaktapur. (Yadav 2011: 5-10.) 51 1.3 Works Attributed to Vidyāpati 1.3.1 General Remarks Vidyāpati’s literary works span a variety of genres, purposes, and contexts. His texts can be put into three large groupings based on language. Vidyāpati’s Sanskrit texts, though receiving more attention in recent years, have been considered in isolation as representative examples of Mithila’s brahmanical heritage. These texts, covering ethical and devotional-ritual concerns, are not usually brought to bear on the more popular reception of the poet’s vernacular Maithili lyrics. The purpose of enumerating the subjects and social perspectives of Vidyāpati’s Sanskrit texts is to provide a foundation upon which analysis on the nature of manhood, a connoisseur, and devotion in the Maithili tradition can be undertaken (in ‘Part 2’). Afterwards, I consider Vidyāpati’s Avahaṭṭha corpus. This localized Apabhraṁśa tradition seems to have had a specific historical-panegyric function for the poet and his patrons. The only texts that we have provide detail on the military and political exploits of Vidyāpati’s patrons and their predecessors. These texts are the most unified in conception and narrative scope. My consideration of these texts in this section is meant to further interrogate the choice of language when we approach the way in which Vidyāpati reflects upon his language choice in part 3.3 of this dissertation. I will also briefly describe two other works in Maithili (and mixed with Sanskrit and Prakrit) that are sometimes attributed to Vidyāpati, both dramas. This characterization of Vidyāpati, his social milieu, the kingdom of his adopters, and his entire literary corpus is meant to describe the source from which traditions pulled when they self-consciously adopted the poet’s Maithili idiom. 52 1.3.2 Sanskrit Works Bhūparikramaṇa Vidyāpati’s first work was the Bhūparikramaṇa (‘A Tour of the Earth’). Śivasiṁha’s father, Devasiṁha, is thought to be the patron for this text, based on a mention of him within the text, though Śivasiṁha is mentioned prominently in the same line. It is possible that Śivasiṁha commissioned the Bhūparikramaṇa on behalf of his father.78 The ostensible purpose of this text was to provide a portrait of local geography. Vidyāpati describes a journey from Naimiṣāraṇya79 to Tirhut through a series of eight moralistic tales. The frame of the text describes an intended sixty-five stories, so it seems that the work was left incomplete. Though, the eight stories featured are replicated exactly in the Puruṣaparīkṣā. This leads one to believe that Vidyāpati abandoned the frame text of the journey from Naimiṣāraṇya in favor of the more overtly moralistic frame narrative of the Puruṣaparīkṣā. Puruṣaparīkṣā The Puruṣaparīkṣā stands out amongst Vidyāpati’s corpus as unique in style, content, and purpose. Vidyāpati describes in the invocation of the Puruṣaparīkṣā that he composed this collection of didactic morality tales for certain classes of people: Śiśūnāṁ siddhyarthaṁ nayapariciternūtanadhiyāṁ 78 bhūparikramaṇagrantho likhyate ca bhuvi naimiṣe || devasiṁhanideśācca naimiṣāraṇyavāsinaḥ | śivasiṁhasa ca pituḥ sūnapīṭha nivāsinaḥ || Bhūparikramaṇa 1.1-2 (Jhā 1987: 1). 79 This is the same Naimiṣa forest were many of the events of the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa took place. Similar to the way in which Vidyāpati connects Maithil royal and brahmanical culture with a cosmopolitan pan- Indic social landscape, this framing of the same eight initial moral stories plants Mithilā within a recognizable epic/Puranic Indian geography. 53 Mude paurastrīṇāṁ manasijakalākautukajuṣām| Nideśānniḥśaṅkaṁ sapadi śivasiṁhasya nṛpateḥ Kathānāṁ prastāvaṁ viracayati vidyāpatikaviḥ||80 To provide an acquaintance with “Ethics”, which is for the success of boys, whose minds are fresh. and for the pleasure of those urbane women who have an inborn propensity for the arts of the god of love, Confident [and] at the command of King Śivasiṁha, The poet Vidyāpati fashions the introduction of these stories. Vidyāpati’s indication that this text is primarily for the education of young boys in ethical standards gives a generic nod towards the Hitopadeśa.81 It is also interesting that Vidyāpati includes the entertainment of cosmopolitan women as a central aim of his composition. This could be a nod to the Kāmaśāstra. Generic affiliation notwithstanding, the Puruṣaparīkṣā was commissioned by Vidyāpati’s patron Śivasiṁha, but it is less clear whether Vidyāpati’s proposed goal of educating young men in ethics and entertaining urbane women was shared by Śivasiṁha. Pankaj Jha has posited that Vidyāpati’s work was part of an effort by the elites of Mithilā to establish their own political and cultural sovereignty in an era of upstart sultanates and powerful landowners, Vidyāpati, and his patron Śivasiṁha, projected a unique Maithili identity that was a 80 Jha 1983: 2. 81 In the Hitopadeśa’s frame story, King Sudarśana of Pāṭaliputra (also a geographic connection to Mithilā) is distraught about the education and well-being of his wayward sons: asti kaścidevaṁbhūto vidvānyo mama putrāṇāṁ nityam-unmārgagāminām-anadhigataśāstrāṇām-idānīṁ nītiśāstropadeśena punarjanma kārayituṁ samarthaḥ| Is there such a learned man who is now capable of the instruction ethics/policy in order to give a new life to my always wayward and ignorant sons? To which the Sage Viṣṇuśarman answers: Ato ‘haṁ ṣaṇmāsābyantaraṁ tava putrānnītiśāstrābhijñānkariṣyāmi | Therefore, I will make your sons knowledgeable of ethics/policy in a period of six months. After this Viṣṇuśarman proceeds to instruct King Sudarśana’s sons by telling a series of stories. (Kale 1924: 4-5). 54 syncretic combination of cosmopolitan Sanskritic ideals and an awareness of contemporary history and geography.82 After the invocatory praises to the Goddess as “Ādiśaktī”,83 the Puruṣaparīkṣā begins with a frame narrative that further defines the purpose of this text; i.e., to discern the nature of a “real man” (puruṣa). A powerful king named Pārāvāra had a daughter who had reached the age for marriage. He asked a sage named “Subuddhi” (“Wisdom”), whom should he make his son-in- law. The sage replied glibly that the groom should be a man.84 This flippant remark annoyed and perplexed the king, who questioned how it could be otherwise. The sage then clarified his statement: Labhyante puruṣākārāḥ puruṣaḥ khalu durlabhaḥ| Vakṣyamāṇena cihnena nikhilenopalakṣitaḥ ||8|| Tadyathā - Vīraḥ subuddhiḥ savidyaśca puruṣaḥ puruṣārthavān | Tadanye puruṣākārāḥ paśavaḥ pucchavarjitāḥ||859|| One [can easily] find men-in-shape, a [real] man is certainly rare. [Such a man] is described in detail by the following characteristics: | So— A [real] man is: the hero, the intelligent-one, the skilled-one, and one possessed of the Puruṣārtha-s. The others are men in shape [only]. They are animals without tails. The hero (vīraḥ), the intelligent (subuddhiḥ), the skilled (savidyaḥ), and the one who has attained 82 Jha 2014: 24-40. 83 This generally confirms that Maithili Brahmins (and much of the lower classes) maintain Śakta/Śaiva devotional practices. 84 “puruṣaṁ varaṁ kuru|” (Jha 1983: 4). 85 Jha 1983: 4. 55 one of the goals of life (puruṣārthavān) are the four categories that Vidyāpati defines as four types of “real men”. The Puruṣaparīkṣā is divided into four chapters (parriccheda) and each pertains to one of these four character-types. In these chapters, Vidyāpati defines the main subtypes and characteristics of a man who belongs to the larger category. He also includes an equal number of counterexamples (pratyudāharaṇa) in each chapter to illustrate each ideal type of man by its opposite.86 In each chapter, the most eminent and honored sub-type of that category appears first, followed by subsequent lesser types of men of the same category. These various sub-types are defined by moral, mental, and physical attainments that are held to constitute types in particular combinations. Vidyāpati employed three main strategies in the Puruṣaparīkṣā in order to consciously represent an insular regional “kingdom” and to assert regional identity and maintain supra- regional connections amongst its peers of other “Hindu” states. Vidyāpati “physically” situates Mithilā in a geographic and temporal map of India in the Sultanate period by interspersing stories of Mithilā with those of other prominent Hindu states of the past few centuries. Secondly, Vidyāpati adapts and innovates on generic conventions and intention of classical Sanskrit genres to legitimize the text itself and to create a literary and aesthetic pedigree for Mithilā, a center of Sanskrit learning and artistic culture. Lastly, Vidyāpati constructs an ethical universe in which to place Mithilā and Maithili identity by adapting widely accepted ethical tropes and a sectarian “Hindu” identity. Specifically, he emphasizes Brahmanical culture and an ethos of aesthetic cultivation. By understanding the manner in which the aesthetes (like Vidyāpati) and the Oinvāra kings wished to present themselves to the broader cosmopolis through Sanskrit narrative 86 anvayavyatirekābhyāmuktaṁ vīrasya lakṣaṇam| apyudāhṛtayaḥ proktāḥ kathā dvārā dvayorapi || The characteristics of a hero have now been said in stories. This has been described both by means of logical connection and contrast (Jha 1983: 56). 56 genres, we can also understand how these elite rasikas wished to present themselves to each other through the production and patronage of vernacular works, like the padas. Likhanāvalī The Likhanāvalī (‘Collection of Letters’) is another of Vidyāpati’s unique Sanskrit texts that does not easily fit within a traditional genre. The purpose of the Likhanāvalī is to educate members of the local elite in the art of written correspondence. Vidyāpati advises on the proper manner to ask about a variety of issues to people in various social stations. For instance, a king might want to ensure that a village was properly granted as ordered through the local village headman87 (chaudhurī) or a mother might write to her daughter regarding her troubles with her in-laws.88 Insights into local elite social life and a premodern writing culture are the main interests of this text. Unlike most of Vidyāpati’s other texts, in any language, that are written for members of Mithilā’s main ruling dynasty, the Oinvāras, the Likhanāvalī was written for a lower-order chieftain named ‘Purāditya’ of Saptarī (in the Nepali foothills). This is possibly the same Purāditya with whom Śivasiṁha and Lakhimā sought refuge after their deposition around 1418 CE.89 Śaivasarvasvasāra The Śaivasarvasvasāra (‘Complete Compendium of Śaiva [Worship]’) is the first of a group of Vidyāpati’s Sanskrit texts that are compendia of verses from other authoritative texts. 87 Likhanāvali, ‘letter 28’ (Jha 2019: 88). 88 Likhanāvali, ‘letter 36’ (Jha 2019: 89). 89 Thakur 1988: 256 & Mishra 1949: 141. 57 Each of these texts focus on a particular mode of orthodox brahmanical worship. The Śaivasarvasvasāra, as its name suggests, collects together recognized Hindu texts that describe the authoritative merits and methods for worshipping Shiva. The majority of cited texts are Purāṇas. The Bhaviṣya-Purāṇa, Nandi-Purāṇa, and Skanda-Purāṇa-s are cited from extensively. Some of the topics covered, among two-hundred and fifty-nine others, are ‘the merits of pilgrimage to sacred Shiva sites’ (śiva-tīrtha-yātrā-phalam),90 ‘the merits of donating a village’ (grāma-dānam),91 and ‘the merits of bathing in a river located near to a Śiva-Liṅga’ (śivaliṅga-samīpastha-nadyādau snana-phalam).92 In regard to the history of Mithila and the Oinvāra court, Vidyāpati also includes praise verses (praśasti) for Bhavasiṁha, Devasiṁha, Śivasiṁha, Padmasiṁha, and the commissioner of the text, Viśvāsa Devī, the widow of Padmasiṁha and independent ruler in her own right.93 Gaṅgāvākyāvalī Like the Śaivasarvasvasāra, the Gaṅgāvākyāvalī (‘Compendium of Utterances Regarding the Gaṅgā’) was composed under the patronage of Viśvāsa Devī.94 It is also a text that mostly comprises of a collection of Puranic statements regarding the merit and practice of worship for the river Gaṅgā. A complete and fairly old palm-leaf manuscript (ca. 16th century CE) is held in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. This palm-leaf manuscript is a good example of Mithilākṣara, though in Sanskrit. 90 Miśra 1981: 224. 91 Miśra 1981: 498. 92 Miśra 1981: 570. 93 Mishra 1949: 143. 94 Mishra 1949: 142. 58 Vibhāgasāra The Vibhāgasāra (‘Compendium on [Inheritance and] Division’) could be called a collection of smṛti scholarship in the same spirit as the compendia on methods and the merits of worship. In this text, Vidyāpati has collected all of the recognized authoritative texts on issues related to property and inheritance. Vidyāpati cites from a variety of smṛtis like Manu, Nārada, Yajñavalkya, etc. The Vibhāgasāra was commissioned by Harisiṁha in ca. 1433.95 This text is most similar to the works thought to have been produced by Vidyāpati’s ancestors and family. Dānavākyāvalī The Dānavākyāvalī (‘Collection of Utterances Regarding Donation’) was written under the orders of the wife of Harisiṁha, Dhīramatī.96 Like the Vibhāgasāra, this text describes prescribed methods of donations from the perspective of the smṛtis. This text also collects authoritative understandings of what merits can be gained by certain types of donations. In this way, it combines elements from texts on worship (like the Śaivasarvasvasāra) and texts on the interpretation of śāstra (like the Vibhāgasāra). Durgābhaktitaraṅgiṇī The Durgābhaktitaraṅgiṇī (‘Waves of Devotion to the Goddess Durgā’) was written for Vidyāpati’s last patron, Bhairavasiṁha.97 It was also written near the end of the poet’s life. It is similar in nature to the other prescriptive devotional texts of Vidyāpati’s corpus, but in addition 95 Mishra 1949: 143. 96 Mishra 1949: 143. 97 Mishra 1949: 143. 59 to providing an organized collection of verses describing the merits of certain modes of devotional worship, the Durgābhaktitaraṅgiṇī seems to be an original composition describing the rituals for worshipping the goddess. Some of the ritual described are said to be part of contemporary Maithili observances of Durgā Pūjā. None of the rituals described are Tantric in nature. While some scholars have proposed that Vidyāpati had a more secretive Śākta proclivity, the majority of authoritative sources believe Vidyāpati to have been a Smārta, whose favored deities were Shiva and the Goddess.98 Gayāpattalaka The Gayāpattalaka is a handbook guiding brahmins on the proper methods of ritual used in the town of Gaya in in order to propitiate one’s ancestors, known as the śrāddha rites. This is among the more obscure texts by Vidyāpati. Varṣakṛtya The Varṣakṛtya (‘Annual Observances’) is both a descriptive and prescriptive text concerning the cycle of yearly ritual practices observed in then-contemporary Mithila. This text is valuable for its description of the domestic lifecycle since it focuses on the ritual obligations of householders (gṛhastas). Like the Gayāpattalaka, this text is one of Vidyāpati’s more obscure Sanskrit texts. 98 Jhā 1950: 91–99. 60 1.3.3 Avahaṭṭha Works Kīrttilatā The Avahaṭṭha text Kīrttilatā (‘Vine of Glory’) is considered Vidyāpati’s most exceptional and unique work other than the poet’s Maithili padas. This can be attributed to three factors. Firstly, more than any other text produced by Vidyāpati, or in the court of the Oinvāras more generally, this text provides a narrative account of several early kings of that dynasty and their political dealings with local Indo-Afghan clans and the Jaunpur Sultanate. Second, Vidyāpati presents a direct vision of his own language choice. Lastly, the Kīrttilatā also details Vidyāpati’s understanding of his role as a poet and the nature of poetic connoisseurship. The narrative of the Kīrttilatā centers on the experience of two princes of the early Oinvāra dynasty. Upon the death of their father, Ganeśvara (d. 1371)99 at the hands of a local Afghan warlord, Asalān/Arslān, the two princes Kīrttisiṁha and Vīrasiṁha travel to Jaunpur. They meet with the Shārqī Sultan, Ibrahim Shāh (r. 1402-1440) in order to retake Tirhut. The first three Pallavas (‘branches’) focus on the two Maithil princes’ encounters with the Turkic ‘other’ of Jaunpur, a description of the city, and a description of the final military campaign that retakes Tirhut. Unlike the idealized moral Indic landscape presented in the Puruṣaparīkṣā, the Kīrttilatā presents a grounded political landscape. In this geography, Tirhut is not only a bastion of brahmanical moral purity, but a region that actively engages in the cosmopolitan-multicultural reality of its time and locality. As Kīrttisiṁha and Vīrasiṁha journey from the outskirts of the city of Jaunpur up to the citadel, we are provided with a description of the city and its markets (nagara varṇana) and the 99 Thakur 1988: 238. 61 inhabitants of the city, both Hindu and Muslim. Vidyāpati’s describes the Turkic warriors of the market place and their ribald eccentricities in Avahaṭṭha verse and prose that is peppered with Persian loanwords.100 Unlike his unruly subjects of the lower city, the Sultan himself is portrayed as a wise and just ruler,101 though certainly not in the same language as his brahmin-king patrons. Though rife with hyperbolic praise, as is typical with most panegyric texts, the Kīrttilatā, more than any other of Vidyāpati’s texts demonstrates the way in which the elite of Mithila wished to portray themselves in relation to a larger world. Kīrttipatākā The Kīrttipatākā is the only other Avahaṭṭha text composed by Vidyāpati for which we have material evidence. It currently exists in only one manuscript from Nepal that is missing many folios.102 This text of mixed prose and verse focuses its praise upon Vidyāpati’s most 100 Kīrttilatā 2.41 (1) abe be bhaṇanta sarabā piantā | kalīmā kahantā kalāme jiantā || (2) kasīdā kaḍhantā masīdā bharantā | kitebe paḍhantā turukkā anantā || (1) Drinking wine and saying ‘abe be’, Reciting the qalīmā and living according to its words. (2) Loudly reciting qasīdās-s and filling the mosques, Reading books — there are countless Turks. 101 Kīrttilatā 2.56 (1) ohu khāsa-darbāra saela mahimaṇḍala uppari | uttthi apana bebahāra raṅka le rāahu cappari || (2) uttthi sattu uthi mitta utthi sira nabaï sabba kaï | uttthi sāti parasāda uttthi bhae jāe bhabba kaï || (3) nia bhāga abhāga vibhāga bala oṭamāhi jāniña sabbe gae | ehu pātisāha saba upparahi tasu upari karatāra pae || (1) There, the hall of assembly was above all the [others of the] earth. In that place, the poor urgently brought their business to the King. (2) In that place, both enemies and friends, everyone bows their heads [in reverence]. In that place, there was much happiness, grace, and everything was made beautiful. (3) In that place, everyone came to know of the allotment of their own good or bad fortunes. This Bādshāh is above them all and above his is only the Creator. 102 H.P. Sastri first reported this manuscript from the Royal Darbar Library which is dated to 1545 CE (426 L.S.) (Mishra 1949: 151). 62 famous patron, Śivasiṁha. In many ways, this text represents a mid-point between the ‘historical’ and social concerns of texts like the Kīrttilatā since both panegyric praise and descriptions of erotic poetics are included. The manuscript seems to be a mix of several different texts. Because of the tattered state of the manuscript, it is relatively unclear as to whether every part of the manuscript as collected in the contemporary archive belongs together as a single unified text.103 Shashinath Jha and Govinda Jha, in the available edition, promote the idea that what is called Kīrttipatākā is actually a collection of three fragmented texts.104 In the central core of the manuscript is a section called Hari Keli (‘The [Love] Play of Hari’). In this section, Krishna, in the guise of a cultured nāgara, is described in his association with the young women of Vraja and their erotic dalliances. The content of the Hari-Keli section of the Kīrttipatākā is comparable with the predominant themes of the pada tradition, i.e., that of the love play between Radha and Krishna. This campu-like text preserves many of same metrical patterns used more broadly in the Sanskrit prosodic system (such as the anuṣṭubha and toṭaka meters) along with those also found in the Kīrttilatā and more famously in other New Indo-Aryan traditions across North India in later centuries. The caupāī and dohā are used in the text. Even so, while the Kīrttipatākā uses metrical forms from the Sanskrit and Prakrit/Apabhraṃśa traditions, the pada tradition employs a regional system of prosody. On this front, the Kīrttipatākā requires further examination. 103 Some have counted the Hari-Keli as a fully separate text rather than an embedded extract, despite no separate manuscript being found (Jha 2019: 9). 104 (Jhā 1992: 7). 63 1.3.4 Other Works in Maithili Gorakṣavijaya In the premodern vernacular Maithili canon, drama takes a position of prominence. After the so-called “Age of Vidyāpati”,105 a proportionate majority of Maithili literary production in Mithila and Nepal took the form of devotional plays (Kīrtanīña Nāṭaka-s). These musically oriented devotional dramatic narratives contained Sanskrit frame narratives, Newari stage directions, and a preponderance of Maithili verses. Like the pada tradition, Vidyāpati is often ascribed as the inaugurator of the Maithili dramatic tradition. The Gorakṣavijaya (‘The Victory of Gorakhnātha’) is the basis for this claim. This play with Sanskrit and Prakrit prose text, and Maithili songs throughout, features the story of Gorakhnātha and his associate Kanhapā’s attempt at rescuing their guru Macchendranāth (Skt. Matsyendranātha) from a royal life of luxury and his ignorance of having been pulled astray from his yogic nature. This text is interesting for the early vernacular mention of the Gorakhnātha-Macchendranāth narrative and for the new link it provides between plains and Himalayan performances of the Matsyendranātha story. Unlike the anthological padāvalīs and rāga-mālās, the Gorakṣavijaya’s songs are strung together in a narrative. Several scholars, among them primarily Herman Tieken, have expressed doubt about Vidyāpati’s authorship of this drama as a fully realized work.106 The Maithili vernacular songs contained within the Gorakṣavijaya contain the poetic signature of Vidyāpati (the bhaṇitā), but the play itself lacks any attribution. Many later plays in the Maithili-Newari Kirtanīña Nāṭakas (devotional-dramas), popular in the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries CE in the Kathmandu 105 Mishra 1949: 130-192. 106 Tieken 2010: 63–75. 64 Valley, also included Maithili songs in the same structural format as the Gorakṣavijaya. The play narrative was limited in these cases and provided a structural framework in which to perform and order the Maithili songs. In the later and more developed form of the genre, the play as a unified composition was attributed to one author, not individual songs contained therein. While it can be said that the Kīrtaniña Nāṭakas inherited the Sanskrit/Prakrit frame and vernacular song structure, the relationship between the two parts is more unusual in the Gorakṣavijaya. In this text, the songs function to explicate and drive the narrative, rather than as devotional or didactic interludes. It could be argued that the Gorakṣavijaya’s original form was a collection of thematically related padas on the Macchendranāth-Gorakhnāth narrative that were strung together at a later period into a cohesive dramatic presentation. This would not be so different from the Bhāṣa Saṅgīta manuscript examined in detail in this study which organizes padas according to their poetic themes. The question of the authorship of the padas themselves still remains. For the time being, this will remain an open question as only one manuscript from Nepal survives and is presented in facsimile form by Indian Maithili scholars.107 For a consideration of the padāvalī tradition, the Gorakṣavijaya’s Maithili songs make for an interesting point of contrast as the only other examples of Maithili poetry produced by Vidyāpati. The padas of the Gorakṣavijaya are outliers if we consider them alongside the padāvalī padas. They do not fit well within any category of mannerist or devotional verse and are more sectarian (Nāth) in their concern.108 In terms of language, much of what is called 107 Miśra 1984: 18. 108 Gorakṣavijaya Song 2 Mālava Rāge – (1) Accha accha rājā mahendranātha | Yoga teji re yuvati ratinātha || (2) Guruka udese gorakhanātha āva | Tasu paya Vandana karae ke pāva || Dhruva. (3) Maṅgala karatha jagata ehu bramhā | …. …. …. … … … || 65 Maithili by modern editions shades into Brajabuli and even Bengali109 in a manner uncharacteristic of the padāvalī manuscripts also found in Nepal. This leads me to agree with the notion that the Gorakṣavijaya as a complete work is a much later creation of the late sixteenth of early seventeenth centuries CE in Nepal, rather than from the fifteenth century Oinvāra court in Mithila. The linguistic evidence should be weighed against the fact that only one manuscript of the Gorakṣavijaya has been reported from the Royal Durbar Collection (currently held in the National Archives of Nepal) and that too in a rather damaged state.110 Maṇimañjarī Nāṭaka Other than the Gorakṣavijaya, one additional mixed-language drama is sometimes ascribed to Vidyāpati, the Maṇimañjarī Nāṭikā (‘Drama of the Bouquet of Jewels’). This play is modeled after the mostly Prakrit nāṭikā genre of shorter ‘second-order’ plays whose stories were not based on Puranic or epic tales. The narrative of the Maṇimañjarī Nāṭikā is unique to this text but engages in the same aesthetic universe of nāyikās and nāyakas that is employed extensively in the pada tradition. In some major ways, this text departs from the style of Vidyāpati’s more well- (4) Sujana muniñe sukha dujanahu bodha | Bhalā mandā duhu sahaja virodha || (5) Duahum̐ ke kara jasa hamāra | Bhanaï Vidyāpati ka… … … || (Miśra 1984: 3-4). Trans. In Rāga Mālava – (1) Once there was a King, Mahendranātha. Abandoning renunciation (lit. Yoga), [He became] cupid (lit. Lord of Erotic Passion) [among] young women. (2) For the purpose of his master, Gorakhanātha came. Who is able to worship his feet? Refrain. (3) Brahmā, the creator blesses this very world. …. …. …. …. …. (4) “Good men” and Sages both are happy with realization of what is bad. [The extremes of] good things and bad things both are easily resisted. (5) Of both, who hands us our fame. Says Vidyāpati, …… 109 Bengali became a prominent language of drama in Nepal during the later years of Malla rule up until the conquest of Prthvi Narayan Shah (1743 CE). (Yadav 2011: 5). 110 Miśra & Miśra 1961. 66 known play, the Gorakṣavijaya. This play does not contain any lyric verses or songs in any language, let alone Maithili. The primary language of the text is Prakrit with Sanskrit used by the appropriate characters. Direct dialogue and Sanskrit recitation predominate and would seem like a retrograde from the Kīrtanīña Nāṭakas that are centered on Maithili songs. The story revolves around the amorous affairs of a king and his beloved Padmāvatī. The narrative is rather unremarkable and spends most of its time in formulaic poetic descriptions. There has been doubt shed upon the genuine authorship of this text because of its genre and language choice, since its neither Avahaṭṭha nor Maithili, but the more standard varieties of classical dramatic Prakrits. Even the publisher of the Maithili edition and translation, Chandradhara Jha, explains why most scholars have ignored this text. He claims that this is because of the incongruous language of the drama, the fact that the text does not assign a primary patron, and the very common reality of lesser litterateurs ascribing their own work to more famous artists for fame.111 He attempts to debunk this by claiming that the erotic, mannerist style and content of the play in Prakrit matches that of the primary themes of the pada tradition.112 I find this claim to be fairly spurious, since this could be said of most classical dramatic works in which śṛṇgāra was the predominant rasa. 111 Jhā 1982: ‘ga’. 112 Jhā 1982: ‘ja’-‘ta’. 67 Part 2: Vidyāpati's Aesthetic & Self-Fashioning 2.0 General Remarks ‘Part 2’ of this dissertation discusses the main themes and aesthetic concerns that travelled along with the figure of Vidyāpati (‘Part 1’) and his poetic idiom (‘Part 3’). I highlight the ways that Vidyāpati’s aesthetic extends beyond the thematic categories usually associated with his vernacular corpus. Namely, that Vidyāpati’s padas in Maithili connect thematically with several of the same social and aesthetic concerns covered in Vidyāpati’s Sanskrit and Avahaṭṭha works. The role of aesthetic connoisseurship in (brahmin-)kingship is emphasized in this regard. I also discuss the ways in which Vidyāpati’s aesthetic is utilized by three different vernacular communities in order to access the prestige associated with the poet. The Mallas of Nepal found Vidyapati’s pre-existing connection to Jayadeva and the late- Sanskrit period Sena Court useful in extending their prestige as kings, poets, and patrons further into the past. In Bengal, loose-leaf and anthologized manuscripts juxtaposed the padas of Vidyāpati with the Vaiṣṇava devotional padas of Bengali Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavas. The resulting memory recasts Vidyāpati as a Vaiṣṇava devotee and the Vaiṣṇavas of Bengal as accessing a prestigious courtly world associated with the Oinvāras. Amongst contemporary speakers of Maithili, the textual and performance traditions of Vidyāpati’s padas have merged and interacted. I account for the ways in which upper-caste musicians and scholars depend on each other for presenting an image of Vidyāpati useful for projecting the unique position of Maithili and an emerging Maithili-Bihari-North Indian identity. After establishing the historical reasons why the Mallas and others saw Vidyāpati and his idiom as attractive option to project their own cultural prestige in ‘Part 1’, this section has 68 described the diverse ways in which Vidyāpati’s social and aesthetic concerns also moved beyond the borders of Mithila. Though Maithili moved ‘laterally’, many sought to reach ‘vertically’ into the past to build a pedigree for themselves. Because we cannot rely on tracing direct textual transmissions of individual padas, social and aesthetic thematic concerns have to be emphasized in defining Maithili’s literary identity. What results is an isolatable set of literary traits that jump regions and manners of transmission (text and performance). This chapter has five subsections, each details a prominent theme of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript that can be applied more broadly to the Vidyāpati-tradition as a whole. The first (2.1), describes the way in which Vidyāpati both explicitly and intrinsically defines himself as a court-poet. Specifically, it examines the ways in which Vidyāpati defines the nature of a supuruṣa (real man) and a rasika (connoisseur). While a ‘courtly’ style can be described as primarily aesthetic in nature, a large number of padas from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript also concern general ethics and advice (upadeśa). This section will detail the ways in which Vidyāpati’s ethical and social concerns as explicitly discussed in his Sanskrit works (primarily the Puruṣaparīkṣā) make an appearance in his Maithili songs. Additionally, Vidyāpati’s connection with his Sanskrit role model, Jayadeva, the composer of the Gītagovinda, will be examined in part 2.3. While Vidyāpati is undoubtedly a court-poet, his poetry includes lifecycle/domestic as well as devotional themes. These too are not mutually exclusive categories, but shade into one another. Both the domestic/occasional and the devotional are examined in section 2.4. Sections 2.5 and 2.6 present two case studies of Vidyāpati’s adoption by the Vaiṣṇavas of Bengal and by contemporary Maithili speakers. Both purposefully mix the courtly and the devotional present within Vidyāpati’s idiom to capitalize upon the prestige of Mithila’s memorialized golden age under the Oinvāras. 69 2.1 The Supuruṣa, the Rasika, and Vidyāpati’s Courtly Vernacular It is clear from Vidyāpati’s own explicit formulations of connoisseurship in the padas that the poet imagined himself to be engaging in a ‘courtly’ project when writing poetry in the vernacular. The character of what is courtly relies on the ability of a rasika (a connoisseur) and/or nāgara (urbane person) to adequately discern and recognize the rasa elicited by the poet in any instance. Śṛṅgāra rasa (erotic love) dominates Vidyāpati’s padas but it is cast through a variety of lenses. Like Jayadeva, Vidyāpati anesthetizes the quasi-Vaiṣṇava world of Radha and Krishna in Vraja. This section examines both how Vidyāpati explicitly defined the role of a rasika/nāgara. Vidyāpati reflects upon the nature of composing for a court and his ideal patrons most explicitly in the prastāvanā of the Kīrttilatā and to a lesser degree through fable in the Puruṣaparīkṣā. The first pallava of the Kīrttilatā also contains Vidyāpati’s reflection on his own position as a poet and the ways in a properly educated rasika, or connoisseur, should receive his works: bālacanda bijjābaï bhāsā | duhu nahi laggaï dujjana hāsā || o paramesara sehara sohaï | ī ṇiccaï nāara mana mohaï113 || Both the crescent moon and the language of Vidyāpati are untouched by the ridicule of the ‘uncultivated person’. For the moon attains beauty enthroned upon the head of Śiva [and] Vidyāpati’s language certainly enchants the minds of cosmopolitan people. The ‘cosmopolitan’ person (Av. nāara, Skt. nāgara), is the ideal poetic audience for Vidyāpati. They possess the qualification of interpretation necessary to properly appreciate his verse (in Avahaṭṭha, Sanskrit, or Maithili). Vidyāpati goes on to emphasize that he is only writing for the rasikas in the court and not for a popular audience.114 113 Kīrttilatā, 1.10. (Agravāla 1962: 10). 114 Kā parabodhaño kamana manāvaño |Kimi nīrasa mana rasa lae lābaño || 70 In the aesthetic universe of Vidyāpati’s padas, both the hero (nāyaka) and the heroine (nāyikā) can take on the guise of nāgara/nāgarī, the urban man/woman well-versed in rasa theory. In the following pada (Song 20), the unnamed heroine is characterized as a nāgarī who is wasting away her life pining after her beloved who has missed their latest rendezvous. Bhāṣā Saṅgīta — 20115 Āsābarī rāge — (1) tua bisabāse kusume bharu seja | basantaka rajanī cādaka teja || (2) mana utakaṇṭhā kata hoa mora | caüm̐diśa śuna nayana baha nora || (3) beri beri hari tua darasana lāgī | nāgarim̐ rayani gamāili jāgī || (4) supuruṣa bhae nahi kariya e rose | baḍa bhae kapaṭī ū baḍa dose || (5) bhaṇayi vidyāpati eho rasabhāsa | je nira bāhia tā diya āsa || In Rāga Āsāvarī — (1) Trusting that you [would come], I have covered the bed with flowers. The spring night is illuminated by the moon. (2) How excited is my heart [in expectation]? [But], every direction remains empty and tears flow from my eyes. (3) [This happens] again and again, oh Hari! Because of that one glimpse of you. The cultured, urbane lady wastes the night awake. (4) The ‘good man’ has appeared, now don’t be so angry. [However], he is a great deceiver. This is his main failing. (5) Vidyāpati says, “This is an improper manifestation of such a rasa (rasābhāsa). Those tears which have been shed [in reality] provide hope.” Vidyāpati chides the heroine by claiming that her show of grief is either improper or feigned (‘rasābhāsa’). The poet claims that she has done so to manipulate her beloved, a supuruṣa, into showing up for their affair. The proper execution of rasa is the focus of this pada and Jaï surasā hosaï majhu bhāsā | jo bujjhiha so kariha pasaṁsā || In what manner ought I explain and whom should I convince? How shall I bring and fill with rasa a mind that is without rasa. If my language will be replete with good rasa, Then those who will understand will praise it. Kīrttilatā, 1.11 (Agravāla 1962: 11). 115 Taraunī Manuscript — 159 71 Vidyāpati’s good-humored derision of the heroine is meant to be a source of pleasure for the rasika reader/listener. As indicated in the cited verse from the Kīrttilatā, Vidyāpati speaks directly to the secret understanding of a cultivated “urbane” person (‘ī ṇiccaï nāara mana mohaï’). Vidyāpati and the other poets in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript designate their own patrons as these ideal urbane and cultivated men and women. This use of the bhanịtā (poetic signature) will be explored in chapter 9. The discourse on the nature of rasa has also concerned the nature of connoisseurship.116 The characterization of a rasika presented in ‘Song 20’ is not unique to Vidyāpati, but it is unique in its double concern with the nature of a properly cultivated or “real” man (supuruṣa). The supuruṣa figures prominently in the padas of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. This character is contrasted directly with the durjana (‘wicked person’) or the piśuna (‘rogue/villain’), both prominent characters that appear in the Puruṣaparīkṣā.117 Reading Vidyāpati’s vernacular padas with a prior understanding of Vidyāpati’s social and ethical concerns as presented in a text like the Puruṣaparīkṣā has the effect of drawing the Sanskrit and Maithili Vidyāpati’s into closer union. Where the vernacular and the classical cosmopolises start and end are much opaquer. This debate amongst aesthetic philosophers as to where rasa is ‘located’, plays into discussions of the role and nature of a rasika. Vidyāpati’s understanding of this debate would have been influenced by the many layers of aesthetic/rasa theory that had accreted by the fifteenth century CE. In the closely aligned realm of nāṭaka (drama), Sheldon Pollock notices that by the time of Ramacandra and Guṇacandra’s Nāṭaka-Darpaṇa (‘Mirror of Drama’) around 1200 CE, rasa was confusingly located everywhere: in the characters, in the reader, and the poet. 116 Pollock 2016: 239-247. 117 Among the negative pratyuddhāraṇa (counterexamples) given by Vidyāpati in the Puruṣaparīkṣā are: the wretch (kṛpaṇa), the villain (piśuna), the ignorant (avidya), and the one of broken understanding (khaṇḍitavidya). Puruṣaparīkṣā, 1.7, 2.5, 3.12-13. (Jha 2009: 34-36, 57-64, 105-106, 107-109). 72 Vidyāpati in pada 20, amongst others, makes it clear that proper interpretation and skill is required to enact and interpret rasa and to appreciate his poetry. The onus is placed upon the reader/listener. According to the Puruṣaparīkṣā, one can achieve the status of a ‘proper man’ (supuruṣa) through masterful artistic skills and proper connoisseurship, not just conventional moral behavior. One of the four main types of supuruṣa defined in the Puruṣaparīkṣā is the ‘savidya’ (‘one possessed of a particular field of knowledge’).118 Among the various skills a real man might possess are the skills of painting, singing, and dancing. In many of the moral tales of various savidyas, exemplars are taken from prestigious pan-Indian courts; however, the skills associated with the arts use exemplars from Mithila’s past. What is unique in the pada cited previously is that in parallel feet of this verse (three and four), Vidyāpati contrasts the ‘cosmopolitan person’ (nāgara) with a ‘wicked person’ (Av. dujjana, Skt. durjana). Instead of contrasting the urbane and cultured connoisseur with someone slow or deficient in intellect, Vidyāpati criticizes the non-rasika as morally deficient and not a fully cultivated or proper man. Turning to the story of the “one skilled in music” (sagītavidya), Vidyāpati makes it clear that aesthetic performance culture is a significant aspect or route for cultivating social status as a supuruṣa. In this story, a Maithili musician, Kalānidhi, is challenged to a singing competition by the local musicians of the neighboring region around Gorakṣapura. Initially, Kalānidhi refuses as there would be no one able to judge his skill. He admonishes, as if in Vidyāpati’s own voice, the sad state of affairs when a king and a kingdom are bereft of proper discernment of aesthetic enjoyment.119 After being pushed by the king and the musicians, Kalānidhi again refuses and 118 Puruṣaparīkṣā, 1.1.9. (Jha 2009: 4). 119 Avijñatvaṃ yathā rajño guṇīnāmaparigrahāt | parigrahācca mūrkhāṇāṃ tathā lokeṣu jāyate ||2|| Whether out of neglecting people of quality, 73 twice claims the preeminence of the kings of Mithilā to judge musical skill. Śrotā yadāsīddharasiṁhadevo gātāhamāsaṁ nṛpate tadaiva | Mayā samānaṁ madhurasvareṇa na pañcamaṁ gāyati kokilo ‘pi || When my listener was Harasiṁhadeva, then alone I dwelt as singer [before] a king. In competition with me, even the cuckoo does not sing the fifth note with its sweet voice. And - Haro vā harasiṁho vā gītavidyāvidausthitau | Harasiṁhe gate svarge gītavit kevalaṁ haraḥ || Only Hara (Śiva) and Harasiṁha are knowledgeable about the skill of music. When Harasiṁha went to heaven, only Hara [remains and] is knowledgeable of song.120 This praise of his patron’s predecessors’ underlines Vidyāpati’s motivation to compose the text — to design a literary, historical, and ethical pedigree for his patrons and fellow courtiers in Mithilā. The Oinvāras are proper connoisseurs because the Karṇātas were also proper patrons of the arts, this is a constituent element of Maithil courtly life, according to Vidyāpati.121 In the padas themselves, Vidyāpati equates a properly discerning rasika with the supuruṣa. Or because the favoring of fools, [similarly] the people pay no heed to the king. (Jha 1983: 136). 120 Puruṣaparīkṣā, 3.7.3-4 (Jha 2009: 95). 121 As a counterexample to the many types of “skilled men”, the Puruṣaparīkṣā presents warnings of infamy and decrepitude for those who would neglect the pursuit of knowledge or skill. In the story of the “unskilled one” (avidya-kathā), Vidyāpati complicates the image of an educated elite in Mithilā. In it, an uneducated Maithili brahmin named Ravidhara, ashamed of his illiteracy and recognizing that his time for learning has run out, is determined to have his son educated by the very best tutors. Unfortunately for his son, Ravidhara had given him an ungrammatical name — Manadhara. One day, Ravidhara, along with his son, attended the court of the king seeking favor. When the king asked to hear the news, Ravidhara replied, “jñānonāstimeva”, an apparently non-grammatical, nonsensical phrase that roughly gives the impression that, “I don’t have any knowledge.” After being ridiculed by the court, Manadhara quickly defends his father and demonstrates his own learning by explaining that his father actually gave an accurate reply and the courtiers simply misunderstood. Reordering his father’s reply (anvaya) and giving a commentary-like explanation, Manadhara explains that his father actually said, “noma jñā nāsti meva, lakṣmīriva. Yathā lakṣmīrna vidyate tathā jñā ‘pi na vidyate” (“For us, there is no ‘Jñā’, just as there is no Umā”, like Lakṣmī. Just as there is no Lakṣmī (Goddess of wealth), similarly there is no Jñā (Sarasvatī, the Goddess of Knowledge). The king and the courtiers are apparently satisfied and praise Manadhara for his grammatical prowess, while Ravidhara remains a fool. Puruṣaparīkṣā, 3.12 (Jha 2009: 105-107). 74 In Vidyāpati’s estimation, one who cannot understand or engender rasa properly or at the right moment is also unable to distinguish between vice and virtue (‘guṇa dūṣaṇa bheda’): Bhāṣā Saṅgīta — 51 Korāba rāge — (1) hamarahi am̐gam̐nā bāhara śāhara tarem̐ gela | ehi bāṭe bhamara gatāgata kichu puchio na bhela || Dhruva. (2) bhane o bhela bhamiā bathu pābathu mane khedha | eka rasa puruśā na bujae guṇa dūṣaṇa bheda || (3) kaminike lobhe dhāola pāola nahi pāśa | madhu punu ḍiṭhihu na dekhala arajala upahāśa || (4) kamini aili ketaki gela saurabha rahu purī | kaṁṭake kabanu karebara mukhe mākhala dhurī || (5) bidyāpati kabim̐ gāola rasa bujae rasamanta | Deba-Siṁha naba nāgara Hāsini-Devi kanta || In Kolava Rāga — (1) Outside of my courtyard a mango fell to the earth. On that road, [some person] was wandering back and forth. [Though it did not seem like] he had anything to ask [of the household]. Refrain. (2) It looked like some object had vexed him while he was wandering about. Until a man can understand even a single rasa, he cannot distinguish between virtue and vice. (3) Desiring that ardent woman, he ran forward, but he did not fully approach [her]. Madhu (i.e., Krishna) did not manage to get another glimpse [of her], though he received [much] ridicule. (4) When the woman came out of her house, there was the fragrance of the screw-pine pervading [from within]. “What troublesome person has smeared dirt upon your face and body!?” (5) The poet Vidyāpati sang, “Only the person that possess a rasa, understands that rasa. Devasiṁha is a young urbane man and the beloved of Lady Hāsinī.” On the surface of this pada, it seems that Krishna is the unwitting nāyaka and the object of ridicule for both the companions of the nāyikā. He is presented as a bumbling stranger who has come to the threshold of the heroine’s home. From the perspective of the companion (sakhī) or go-between (dūtī) of the nāyikā, Krishna is certainly not a supuruṣa, as defined in in Vidyāpati’s moral vision as presented in the Puruṣaparīkṣā and someone entirely unsuitable of their 75 companion/charge. Through innuendo, line four of this pada reveals that it is likely that the hero and heroine managed to meet in private for a tryst. The telltale signs are all there. Her face and body are disheveled and the fragrance of screw-pine (used in perfumes) hint at the heroine’s activities behind closed doors, out of the prying sight of her companions. This secret signal is directed at the rasikas in the audience who could perceive what was happening in reality. Our first impression, that Krishna is the object of ridicule, is flipped on its head and now the sakhī, unable to properly interpret rasa, is left in a moral quandary in which she cannot recognize the sexual encounter of her friend and Krishna. She is now to be ridiculed as a non-connoisseur by the listener/reader. This hidden reality is a source of additional aesthetic pleasure for a connoisseur. The bhaṇitā of this pada emphasizes that Vidyāpati’s patron, Devasiṁha in this case, is such a suitable qualified rasika. This pada also equates a proper connoisseur with a cosmopolitan of urbane man (nāgara). This helps to elicit a clearer idea of the audience and courtly atmosphere that Vidyāpati understood his patron’s court to be. 2.2 Vidyāpati, the New Jayadeva In his examination of Jayadeva’s transformational role in devotional and courtly Sanskrit literature, Sanskritist Jesse Knutson observes that Jayadeva serves as a catalyst of literary change: “Jayadeva’s status in traditions of reception is a unique and bizarre as the poem itself, making this the first real concern for anyone who would understand the Gītagovinda’s emergence. While ostensibly connected to some sort of coherent tradition of lyric poetry extending back to the Ṛgveda,122 the poem’s appearance triggered an explosion of 122 Dimock et. al. 1974: 144-197. 76 cultural contortions and heavy-handed appropriations that continues into the present.”123 Vidyāpati, living only two centuries after Jayadeva, was certainly part of this trend. Among the many that figures who drew upon Jayadeva’s precedent, Vidyāpati is unique in spawning a tradition which regards him with equal nostalgia and reverence. If the copperplate land-grant of Śivasiṁha is to be believed, the rasa or ethos of Vidyāpati’s Maithili padas has been likened to that of the twelfth century CE Sanskrit poet of the Sena court and composer of the Gītagovinda, Jayadeva since the lifetime of the poet himself. In this copperplate, Vidyāpati is granted the honorary title of ‘Abhinava-Jayadeva’, or the ‘new Jayadeva’.124 It is not difficult to see why the Malla courts and other musicians-poets of Kathmandu made the comparison of the Sanskrit poet Jayadeva with the Maithili poet Vidyāpati. Explicitly drawing a pedigree of lyrical poetic expression that transcended language boundaries enriched the cultural clout of both the Maithil rulers in the plains and their Malla counterparts in Kathmandu. Moving beyond patronage, the Mallas engaged with literary production in a more direct fashion than their contemporary Oinvāra and Khaṇḍavāla counterparts. These kings not only boasted of their cultural greatness through patronage, but also through their own composition. Vidyāpati, or the scribes transmitting Vidyāpati’s padas in manuscript form, readily adopted this title and it is mentioned in a number of poetic signatures. The following pada appears in both the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript and the Taraunī manuscript: 123 Knutson 2014: 74. 124 Jha 2014: 37. 77 Bhāṣā Saṅgīta — 35 Korāba — (1) sāmara purusā hama gharam̐ pāhuna raṅge bibhābari gelī | kācā siriphala naha muti laolanhi kesu pam̐khuriyā bhelī || (2) sehe piyā dae gela keśa pam̐khuriā dhaela mae ām̐care goyī | [kā]jare kāra sakhījana locane ḍiṭhi(hi) maïla janum̐ hoi(li) || (3) nūtana neha sam̐sāraka sīmā upacita kaisana corī || byādha kusuma-śareṁ sara bighaṭāuli rāja kuraṅgini morī | (4) cāri bhāve hame bharamali achalihu samadi na bhele mohi sebā | kām̐nha rupa śiri śiba-siṅgha āela kabi abhinaba jayadebā || [In Rāga] Korāva — (1) A dark-complexioned man [came as] a guest in my house. The night was spent in passion. On her unripe wood-apples [breasts] he put his nail marks. They [seemingly] became the red petals of Kesu/Palāśa tree. (2) That very beloved was given petals of the Kesu tree. I ran away and disappeared behind the end of my sāṛī. It is as if I have become dirty from the black soot eyeliner cast by my group of female companions. (3) New love is the upper most limit of this world [’s happiness]. How can it be stolen away once accumulated? The flower-arrowed one (I.e. Kāmadeva), as a hunter, breaks up [this new love] of mine with an arrow, like a king [hunting] a female deer. (4) I am lost in the ‘four-bhāvas’. That is why I was not given this service. The poet ‘Abhinava-Jayadeva’ (i.e. Vidyāpati) has come to serve Śrī Śivasiṁha, who is in form like Krishna. In this pada, many of the most common poetic comparisons and scenes found in the Gītagovinda are evident, such as natural comparisons for the beauty of the heroine (wood-apples,125 kesu trees,126 etc.) and other denizens of the poetic landscape (Kāmadeva,127 the rogue-like stranger,128 etc.). The poetic hero of this pada is a ‘sāmara purusā’ (‘dark-complexioned man’) who vaguely 125 e.g., Gītagovinda 9.3 (Miller 1977: 109). 126 e.g., Gītagovinda 2.20 (Miller 1977: 81). 127 e.g., Gītagovinda 3.11-13. (Miller 1977: 84). 128 e.g., Gītagovinda 7.1-12. (Miller 1977: 97-99). 78 resembles Krishna and hints at the rasa of a late-night rendezvous also found in the Gītagovinda, but there is nothing distinctively reverent or devotional in padas like these. W.G. Archer notes an important difference of perspective between the lyrics of Vidyāpati and Jayadeva.129 While both Radha and Krishna are at the center of the poetic universes that both poets engage with, each poet prefers to center the narrative perspective of their verses on one or the other. The Gītagovinda privileges the perspective of Krishna upon Radha’s lamentations or enjoyments, though the newfound popular position afforded to Radha by Jayadeva is significant. Archer calls Vidyāpati’s perspective “almost feminine” in comparison to Jayadeva’s “robustly male approach”.130 The diversity of female perspectives in the Maithili pada tradition seems to surprise Archer. This is perhaps because he had given too much credence to the older Bengali perspective which viewed Vidyāpati’s entire corpus as devotional and Vaiṣṇava in nature. He does not consider the fact that in the Mithila-Nepal tradition, Vidyāpati’s padas are not entirely centered on Radha and Krishna. Not even considering Vidyāpati’s devotional padas dedicated to Shiva or Devi, only a portion of the ‘courtly’ padas of Vidyāpati’s corpus mention Radha and Krishna by name. They are the preferred nāyikā and nāyaka in many cases, but they adopt very little of trappings and paraphernalia of Braj or the Vaiṣṇava aesthetic universe. Manuscripts Connecting Jayadeva & Vidyāpati in Nepal After the waning of Malla-Newar power in the Kathmandu Valley after the Gurkhā conquest (1789), Vidyāpati and Jayadeva continued to be connected with the memory of the Malla courts. The compounded prestige of the Sena, Oinvāra, and Malla courts endures to exert such a strong cultural memory, that contemporary lower caste Newar musicians continue to 129 Archer 1963: 30. 130 Archer 1963: 30. 79 transmit and practice the songs of those two poets alongside those of their cultural heroes, the Malla kings, in Sanskrit and Maithili. In the past three centuries, those languages have become mixed with ‘Newari-isms’ and the singers themselves have no working knowledge of Sanskrit or Maithili. Memory and nostalgia are all that remain. The most evident sites for this memorialization-for-the-sake-of-nostalgia are the thyāsaphu songbooks of Dāphā musicians of the Kathmandu Valley. As musicologist Richard Widdess argues, “Newars of the farming community do not normally know Sanskrit, and the Hindi that they know is the Hindi/Urdu of Bollywood movies; even the archaic Newari poses many obstacles to understanding.”131 Most of what is preserved in contemporary songbooks found in abundance in Nepal is riddled with mistakes and is difficult to decipher, even for the specialist. Widdess adds, “a name here, a word there may be sufficient to indicate the subject of a song, and the proper context in which to sing it.”132 Ritual propriety dominates the contemporary Newari usage of these songs and songbooks. In my examination of the Nepali archives, I came across a large number of these songbooks from the Malla period and after. I present a number of these manuscript-style in chapter 6 in my discussion of script and textual practices; however, I would like to preemptively add another example in the Nāgarī script of a more contemporary paper notebook that predominately covers the padas of Vidyāpati and Jayadeva in a somewhat haphazard fashion:133 131 Widdess 2013: 43. 132 Widdess 2013: 43. 133 “Bhajanasaṅgraha.” n.d. Kathmandu. E1033/11. National Archives of Nepal. 80 Figures 4 & 2: "Bhajanasaṅgraha" E1033/11. National Archives of Nepal. In this paper manuscript, likely from the late nineteenth century, a rough approximation of the Gītagovinda alternates pages with padas of Vidyāpati. They comprise roughly the first quarter of the entire notebook. The rest consists of various songs dedicated to Shiva (as Paśupati), Ganesha, 81 and other deities. Interestingly, the padas of Tulsīdās and Kabīr appear at the end of this notebook in another hand. The language of these songbooks is sometimes clearly Sanskrit, Maithili, or Braj, but the majority of the time, they are unreadable even to the musicians as the language is obscured by Newari-ism and misspellings. The most intriguing feature is the manner of this songbook’s collection. There are at least ten different scribal hands, which vary from classical Nāgarī style to Newari-ish Nāgari. Sometimes it appears to be the hand of a child, learning and copying from some other text. Most interestingly, however, are a large number of illustrations. Some of these are of devotional decorations or objects, sometimes they are musical diagrams clearly used in teaching. Some of the illustrations are ‘doodles’ of everyday objects: coins, buildings, faces, and statues. This mix of hands and the indications of the texts’ usage as a songbook and object that was passed from hand-to-hand gives us evidence for the historical usages of Newari-Maithili songbooks, but they also serve to give evidence of the intertwined association between Jayadeva, Vidyāpati, and the Malla kings. What is the Connection? Since Vidyāpati’s corpus differs in structural form (anthologized padas vs. connected narrative lyric poetry), language (Maithili vs. Sanskrit), and thematic approaches (devotional vs. mannerist) from Jayadeva’s Gītagovinda, what salient features appealed to the self-fashioning projects of the Oinvāra or Malla kings? In his characterization of Jayadeva, Knutson emphasizes the unique departures of Jayadeva’s work.134 This disruption to the Sanskrit order of form and content led many to categorize Jayadeva’s language as “vernacular Sanskrit” or at least a new type of Sanskrit that felt comfortable with engaging in non-Sanskrit forms and structures (mostly 134 Knutson 2014: 72-88. 82 Prakrit and Apabhraṁśa).135 Sometimes, Vidyāpati departs from the language and formal elements of premodern Maithili literary cultures and established a new standard. The function of innovation is the operable feature of Vidyāpati’s literary corpus that establishes the poet’s legacy and establishes Maithili, or Mithilāpabhraṁśa (see 7.1) as an independent vernacular with its own standards. Both the poetic innovations of Jayadeva and Vidyāpati and the perceived cultural nostalgia for their associated courts and patrons. Instead of only “remembering” Jayadeva and his Sanskrit cosmopolis, historical and contemporary Newars and Maithils in Nepal have also integrated Vidyāpati’s vernacular cosmopolis. 2.3 The Devotional Aspect of Vidyāpati's Vernacular Corpus If one were to only read Vidyāpati’s padas through recent print editions or manuscripts, one would believe that only the erotic-courtly padas are worthy of literary analysis or consideration.136 However, in the contemporary performance and devotional traditions of Maithili-speakers in India and Nepal, Vidyāpati is revered as a saint, one with his own sites of pilgrimage,137 folk hagiographies,138 and religious iconography.139 This being the case, then what are the basic characteristics of the devotional padas that are found in the premodern manuscript tradition? This section will provide a survey of the devotional padas dedicated to Shiva or Devi. This survey is an examination of the relative place of these devotional padas within Vidyāpati’s vernacular corpus and the various types and usages of those padas between the historical textual tradition and contemporary performance-devotional practices. 135 Miller 2007: 14-17. 136 Jha 1954: 191-193. 137 Jha 2019: 1-13. 138 Rakesh 1996: 77-80. 139 Mishra 1949: 190. 83 The available Vidyāpati pada sources provide enough information to map the relative balance of Shiva/Devi padas within and between manuscript sources, as well as the distinct sub- categories of Shiva/Devi padas. I have surveyed and organized the results in the following table, which shows the number of Shiva/Devi-related padas of each textual source in relation to that text’s total number of padas: Source Total padas No. of Vidyāpati padas Shiva-Devi padas Percentage of Vidyāpat’s Padas Nepal Manuscript 288 261 15 5.7% Rambhadrapur Manuscript 96 93 0 0% Tarauni Manuscript 238 230 0 0% Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript 140 92 13 14.1% Rāgataraṅgiṇī 103 51 5 9.8% Grierson’s Chrestomathy 82 82 2 2.4% Figure 5: Devotional Padas in Various Sources It is notable that the primary manuscript of this study, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript, contains a relatively high proportion of devotional padas. The later date of this manuscript (seventeenth- eighteenth cents. CE) is a likely factor for the increased presence of devotional padas. Similarly dated padāvalī and rāga-mālā manuscripts from the Kathmandu Valley are likely influenced by the popularity of Maithili devotional plays (kīrtaniña nāṭakas) during that period. The Maithili dramas of Nepal consist of loose frame narratives in Sanskrit ornamented by Maithili lyric verses (padas). Unlike the padāvalīs and rāga-mālās, the content of the dramatic padas were entirely devotional, both Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava. 84 A Devotional Pada Typology While modern editors and translators have categorized the Radha/Krishna padas into many thematic sub-genres according to the circumstances of the nāyikā, the speaker, the season, etc., the same treatment has not been given to the Shiva/Devi padas found in manuscript sources. In contemporary ‘folk’ literature, they are classified by the occasion or context in which they are sung. In order to texturize the flattened body of Shiva/Devi padas as presented in modern scholarship, I distinguish between three main categories. These types are not enumerated or discussed in traditional Maithili scholarship but are a heuristic characterization of the pada tradition: (1) Devotional Praise Songs (stotra or prārthanā padas) (2) Yogic Songs (3) Lifecycle Songs (particularly wedding songs) These groupings are focused on the functions of the padas, rather than their age, original authorship, or mode of transmission. These categories are also permeable. Meaning, that there is a relative amount of functional bleed between the types. It is still helpful to think of at least some of the cultural spaces in which each of the Shiva/Devi pada types have operated. Since the advent of mass-market musical and film distribution of Maithili music in India and Nepal, the ‘praise-songs’, in particular, have burgeoned in number and popularity. All three categories have cross-caste appeal in Mithila. Maithil culture is deeply stratified by caste. Local elite (and literary) culture is dominated by upper-caste Brahmin and Kayastha professionals and landholders. Vidyāpati has taken on a split-persona in twentieth and twenty-first century Maithil culture. The Vidyāpati of the ‘literary’ Krishna/Radha padas has been transformed into the representative of brahmanical and high-Hindu Maithil culture. On the other hand, the Vidyāpati 85 of the Shiva/Devi padas is represented as a a pan-Maithil saint, whose songs and religious sites are democratically accessible to Maithils of all castes. (1) Praise Padas (stotra or prārthanā padas) Stotra-padas (‘praise padas’) or Prārthanā-padas most popular type Shiva/Devi-related pada for contemporary Maithili-speakers. In their formal elements and structure, the padas of this type most closely resemble the ‘stotra’, a genre of Sanskrit praise poetry. In her study of the stotra genre in Sanskrit amongst Tamil-speaking Śrī-Vaiṣṇavas, Nancy Ann Nayar emphasizes the legitimacy and prestige that the genre derives from the Vedic stotra tradition and the stotras explicitly sanctioned by philosophers like Śaṅkara, despite its most likely immediate origin being amongst the Āḷvārs (c. 6th-7th cents. CE). Nayar also accounts for the trickle-down popularity of these genres amongst the general vernacular-speaking populace as the inherited prestige of Sanskrit.140 This can also hold for contemporary Maithili speakers who listen to and recite/sing Vidyāpati's praise stotras in a variety of ritual and general devotional practices. Non-Brahmin Maithils revere Vidyāpati because of his connection to Mithila’s hegemonic brahmanical and Sanskritic past. The following pada, from the ‘Nepal Manuscript’, typifies the stotra-pada genre in theme, content, and style. Shiva and the Goddess, in their joint form as Ardhanarīnareśvara (“the Lord who is Half-Woman and Half-Man”) is a recurrent theme for Vidyāpati’s Maithili lyrics. The following example from the oldest manuscript available, the ‘Nepal Manuscript,' is attributed to Vidyāpati by one of his alternative nom de plumes, ‘Kaviratṇa’ (‘Jewel of Poets’).141 140 Nayar 1992: 15-25. 141 This poetic signature was included by Nagendranath Gupta in his edition; however both the editions from the Bihār Rāṣṭra-Bhāṣā Pariṣad and Subhadra Jha at least question whether this is correctly attributed. I have chosen to include this pada in my characterization of the stotra-pada sub-genre because of its widespread popularity in Mithila and near-universal attribution to Vidyāpati in contemporary Maithil devotional culture (Gupta 1909: 502). 86 ‘Nepal Manuscript’ —132 Dhanachī rāge – (1) jae jae śaṅkara jae tripurāri | jae adha puruṣa jae adhanāri | Dhruva. (2) ādhā dhavala ādhā tanu gorā | ādha sahaja kuca ādha kaṭhorā || (3) ādha haḍamālā ādhā motī ādhā | cāndana sobhe ādha vibhūtī || (4) ādha cetane mati ādhā bhorā | ādha paṭora ādha muja ḍorā || (5) ādha joga ādha bhoga vilāsā | ādha pināka ādha nagaphāsā || (6) ādha cānda ādha sindura sobhā | ādha virūpa ādha jaga lobhā || [(7) bhane kaviratana vidhātā jāne | duha kae bāṭala eka parāne || ] In Rāga Dhanāśrī – (1) Victory! Victory to Śaṅkara (‘the giver of happiness’)! Victory to the ‘Lord of the Three Cities! Victory to the half-man! Victory to the half-woman! Refrain. (2) Half dazzling white and a half with body golden; half with natural breasts and half harsh. (3) Half with a bone rosary and half with pearls; half beautiful with sandalwood and half with sacred ashes. (4) Half with full [cosmic] awareness and a half with a simple mind; half with silken cloth and half with threads of reed. (5) Half a renunciant and half delighting in enjoyments; half with a bow and half dwelling in the mountains. (6) Half with a moon and half beautiful with vermillion; half deformed and half the desire of the world. (7) (Says the ‘Jewel of Poets’, The Bestower knows that both have been split from one soul.) This type of stotra-pada praises Ardhanarīnareśvara, but centers Shiva as the object of devotion.142 The simplistic refrain (‘jae jae śaṅkara’) and repeated structural patters 142 Locana Dās cites a pada of Vidyāpati centered on the theme of Ardhanarīnareśvara: Rāgataraṅgiṇī – Song 89 (1) katahu śmaśrudhara katahu payodhara bhala vara milala suśobhe | adhaṅga dhaïli nāri na gunali niña gāri garua gauri guna lobhe || (2) ālo śiva śambhū tumi śiva śambhū tumi jo badhalā pacabāne ||dhruva.|| (3) gāṅga lāgi girijāka manaulihe kake devi bolaha mandā | carana namita phani manimaya bhūṣana dharakhi khiāëla candā || (4) bhanaï vidyāpati sunaha tilocana paya paṅkaja mori sevā | candala deï pati vaidanātha gati nīlakaṇṭha hara devā || (Jha 1981: 182). 87 (‘ādha…ādha’) of this pada have lent to its contemporary popularity. This simplicity, a source of popular proliferation, has also meant that elite Maithil literary critics have derided similar padas as having relatively little ‘literary value’ and the most divergent from the courtly-erotic padas. This formulation is sometimes oversimplified and the boundary between devotional and courtly padas blurs. In song 23 of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript, the dual gendered nature of Shiva-Devi is also explored. In this pada, simple refrains and straightforward descriptions are replaced by the rhetorical flourishes. Shiva and Devi have also changed in character. They are no longer passive objects of devotion. Instead, they take on the dynamics of a nāyaka and nāyikā: ‘Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’ Manuscript – Song 23 Mālava Rāge – (1) katana vedana mohi desi madanā | hara nahi bānā hame ỵuvati janā || (2) vibhuti bhuṣana nahi candanaka reṇu | bāgha chāla nahi netaka vasanu || (3) nahi morāṁ kālakūṭa mṛga mada | cāru phanipati nahi morā mukutāka hāra || (4) caṁdana tilaka morā nahi īndu goṭā | lalāṭa pāvaka nahi sinduraka phoṭā || (5) nahi morā jaṭā bhāva cikuraka veṇī | surasari nahi morā kusumaka melī || (6) bhanaī Vidyāpati suna deva kāma | eka dosa acha morāṁ nāme pae bāmā || In Mālava Rāga – (1) How much pain do you give me, oh Madana! I am not Hara in disguise, I am a young woman. (2) This adornment is not of sacred ash; it is the dust of sandalwood. This is not a tiger’s skin, its clothing made of fine cloth. (3) I do not have the Kālakūṭa poison (a.k.a. Halāhala), this is deer-musk. I am not the beautiful lord of serpents; this is my necklace of pearls. (4) I have a tilaka of sandalwood [on my head] and not the moon. It is not fire upon my brow, but a spot of vermillion. (5) This is not my matted hair, it is my charming lock of plaited hair [and in it] it is not the Ganges, but it is braided with [white] flowers. (6) Vidyāpati says, “listen Kāmadeva! If there is even one misstep, then I will get infamy as a woman” In this pada, Gaurī tries to prevent Kāmadeva from attacking her when the latter mistakes her for her own husband Shiva, his usual enemy. Gaurī then describes each feature of Shiva that is mistaken for her own. Though not exactly describing Shiva and Gaurī as Ardhanarīnareśvara, 88 the feminine and masculine features of these male and female deities are identified with each other and intertwined. This example engages equally with the ‘literary' and the ‘devotional,’ likewise there is little in organization of textual sources like the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta that would lead one to believe the performers and audience thought of them as drastically different from the rest of the poet’s corpus. 2. Yogic Songs The second category of Vidyāpati’s devotional corpus characterizes Shiva as a yogi. In this manifestation, Shiva wanders the countryside aimlessly, not as the powerful and esoteric ‘Lord of Yoga’ (Yogeśvara), but as a more comical wandering mendicant, inebriated from his well- known habit of consuming bhāṅga (cannabis) and dhātūra (toxic white thorn-apple). Devi takes on her persona as an auspiciously married woman who bemoans her poor fortune at having been matched with such an unseemly and disheveled husband. Shiva’s real identity as the supreme lord is sometimes known to the goddess and sometimes known only to a chorus of yogis in attendance who laugh at the illusion of Shiva’s public appearance. In an ambiguous voice that could be that of Gaurī or the poet himself, the subject of this pada laments over their own separation from Shiva, just as Radha might mourn her own loss of Krishna when he disappears. ‘Nepal Manuscript’ —279 Dhanachī Rāge – (1) kehu dekhala naganā| bhiṣiā magaïte bula āṅgane āṅganā || Dhruva. (2) ugana umata kehu deṣala vidhātā| gaurika nāha abhaya vara dātā || (3) vibhuti bhuṣaṇa kara vīsa ahāre| kaṇṭha vāsuki sira surasari dhāre || (4) keli bhūta saṅge rahae masāne| tailoka isara hara ke nahi jāne || 89 In Rāga Dhanāśrī – (1) Has anyone seen a naked [mendicant]? He is begging alms, as he wanders from threshold to threshold. Refrain. (2) Ugnā is mad! Has anyone seen the creator? The Lord of Gaurī is the giver of the boon of fearlessness. (3) Sacred Ash is his adornment. He ingests poison (a.k.a. The Halāhala). Around his neck is Vāsuki [the Lord of Serpents]. From his head flows the Gaṅgā (lit. The River of the Gods). (4) Cavorting with ghosts, he dwells in the cremation ground. That Hara is the Lord of the three worlds, who does not know this? Shiva, in his manifestation as Ugnā (or ‘Ugana’), has disappeared and is causing great pain to the Goddess and to his devotees. This poem engages with many of the standard Śaiva tropes (the Halāhala poison, serpents, the river Gaṅgā) and could be used by a devotee of Shiva focusing on the voice of Vidyāpati or for a rasika who seeks to resonate with the bhāva of Gaurī as the nāyikā. Shiva is the dangerous and rogue stranger in the garb of a yogi who has come to violate codes of honor and to seduce the young women of the village. In another iteration, Devi is cast as the young woman who fears and finally succumbs to the terrible influence of Shiva in the garb of a yogi. Young Gaurī often falls into a swoon and Shiva is appointed to administer a medicine.143 143 ‘Nepal Manuscript’ — Song 254 Dhanachī Rāge – (1) āje akāmika āela bheṣadhārī | bhīṣi bhuguti laë calali kumārī || Dhruva. (2) bhīṣiā na lei baḍhābae | risī vadana nihāraë bihusīṃ hãṃsī || (3) e ṭhamā sakhi saṅge nikahi achalī | ohi jogiā deṣi muruchi palalī || (4) dūra kara gunapana are bheṣadhārī | kām̐ ḍiṭhiaolaë rājakumārī || (5) keo bola deṣhae dehe janu kāhū | keo bola ojhā āni cāhū || (6) keo bola jogiāhi dehe dahu ānī | huniki o bhae baru jibio bhavānī || (7) bhanaï Vidyāpati abhimata sevā | candaladevi pati baijaladevā || In Rāga Dhanāśrī – (1) Today, unexpected, a [man] in disguise came begging alms. A girl came [came outside] with an alms-offering. Refrain. (2) Not accepting the offering the sage moves forward. The Sage stares at the swan[-like] girl, who is smiling. (3) Here, [when she was] with her companion, she was perfectly fine. [But when] she saw the mendicant she fainted and fell. (4) O man in disguise, please ward off your magic. Why have you cast the evil eye on our princess? (5) Someone says that no one should see her body [and] someone says that the witchdoctor should be brought. 90 3 Marriage & Life Cycle Songs (‘Maheśvāṇī’) Into the present, many of Vidyāpati’s devotional songs are also used in weddings and other life cycle events. While the two previous sub-genres are widely sung and consumed by both men and women, this last category is primarily preserved and performed by women during family gatherings. The role of women in practicing and transmitting Vidyāpati’s domestic songs is often erased when considering only textual sources, vis-á-vis G.A. Grierson and Lakshmeśvara Singh (r. 1860-1898).144 This category of Shiva/Devi padas can be identified with several distinct traditions of Maithili folk music that are variously called, Maheśvāṇīs, Gosāunīs, Jogs, Ucitiīs, etc.145 Of the popular contemporary domestic songs attributed to Vidyāpati, the category of the Maheśvāṇī is perhaps the most well-defined. The Maheśvāṇī is a song addressed to the mother of Gaurī, Manāini (Skt. Menakā). Gaurī, or one of her companions (sakhīs) describes, or complains, about the features of Shiva, Gaurī’s future groom. As with all but the most direct praise padas (stotras), Shiva is not the resplendent and terrible lord of the universe but is instead a bumbling local brahmin or yogi who would be hard to distinguish from other men in Mithilā. The first example, taken from Grierson's Chrestomathy (1882), represents a typical example of the Maheśvāṇī subgenre: Grierson Chrestomathy — 82146 (1) āge māī ehana umata vara laila hemata giri dekhi dekhi lagaïka raṅga | (2) ehana umata bara goḍabā na caḍaïka jehi goḍa raṅga raṅga jaṅga || (6) Someone says to bring to her none but the mendicant. It is better that she become his and live, that Bhavānī. (7) Vidyāpati says, ‘Concede to the service of the lord of Candaladevī, who is Baijaladeva. 144 Grierson 2009: 35-36. 145 Mishra 1949: 162. 146 Grierson provides a descriptive title for this pada: ‘umā sakhī kṛta śiva varṇana vivāha samaya’ (‘A friend of Umá addresses her mother, on the occasion of Śiva’s coming to marry her’). 91 (3) bāghaka chāla je basaha palānala sām̐paka bhorala taṅga | (4) ḍimiki ḍimiki je ḍamarū bajaïna khaṭara khaṭara karu aṅga || (5) bhakara bhakara je bhām̐ga bhakosathi chaṭara paṭara karu gāla | (6) cāndana som̐ anurāgala thikaïna bhasama caḍābathi aṅga || (7) bhūta pisāca aneka dala sājala sira som̐ bahi gela gaṅga | (8) bhanahim̐ Vidyāpati suniai manāina thikāha digambara bhaṅga || (1) O mother! such an intoxicated bridegroom have they brought. Even the peaks of the Himālayas blush as they gaze at him. (2) He is so intoxicated that he cannot even ride a horse, even a fully equipped one. (3) [So instead], He has spread a tiger's skin over a bull. He tied it with a snake for a belt. (4) ‘Ḍimiki, ḍimiki’, goes his ḍamarū drum, and rattle, rattle go the bones in his body. (5) Gobble, gobble, he gorges himself with bhāṅga, and smack, smack go his cheeks on those morsels. (6) He has painted himself with sandalwood and has smeared his whole body with ashes. (7) He has collected a great horde of ghosts and spirits, and down from his head flows the Ganges. (8) Vidyāpati says, ‘Listen Manāinī! This is Lord Shiva, who dresses himself in only the four directions and consumes cannabis.’147 The ambiguity between wonder, disgust, and confusion lends itself to a genre of women’s songs sung at weddings which express women’s anxieties about their precarious status in marriage and throws it back into the grooms face as ridicule (gālī).148 A prototypical version of a Maheśvāṇī appears in the earlier manuscript tradition: Nepal Manuscript — 255 (1) prathamahi śaṅkara sāsura gelā | binu paricae upahāsa palalā || (2) puchio na puchala ke baisalāha jahā | niradhana ādara ke kara kahā || Dhruva. (3) hemagiri maḍapa kautukarasī | heri hasala sabe buḍha tapasī || (4) se suni gauri rahali sira nāe | ke kahata mā ke tohara jamāe || (5) sāpa sarīra kākha bokāne | prakṛti auṣadha kedahu jāne || (6) bhanaï vidyāpati sahaja kahu | āḍambare ādara ho sabatahū || (1) For the first time, Śaṅkara went to his wife’s paternal home. Not being 147 This translation is an adapted version of George Grierson’s original translation (Grierson 2009: 111-112). 148 Henry 1998: 431-433. 92 recognized, he became a joke. (2) They did not even ask [after his welfare]. Who will seat him? In what way would anyone respect the poor [man]? Refrain. (3) Peeking from the rooftop of the snow-peaked mountains (Himālayas) out of curiosity, all of the old renunciants laughed when they saw him. (4) Hearing this, Gaurī remained with her head bowed low [in shame]. Tell us who this is mother? Who is [this] son-in-law of yours? (5) Who knows [this man who has] serpents [on his] body and with “natural medicine” in the sack under his arm? (6) Vidyāpati says, ‘[If Shiva] spoke up more readily, in place of fripperies there would be respect everywhere.' In both song 255 of the Nepal Manuscript and in song 82 of Grierson’s collection, the scene is similar. Either genuinely or artificially, Gaurī and her companions enact shock at the unusual appearance of her new would-be husband Shiva. The audience, and in the case of song 255 the yogis, all know the true wonder of a god like Shiva appearing in this manner. The thematic content and poetic characters of a Maheśvāṇī are all present, but the structure and language are also courtly. The bhāva of Gaurī’s worry and frustration mix both śṛṅgāra and hāsya rasas. As discussed, Vidyāpati frequently nods to his audience and patrons and praises their ability to decode his poetry’s aesthetic qualities. In this song, Vidyāpati points to the feigned and somewhat farcical scene in which Gaurī does not fully realize the divine nature and elevated status of her groom. Both the audience (external) and the peeping Himalayan yogis (internal characters) are meant to realize the true nature of Shiva’s appearance. As is expected, Vidyāpati further emphasizes a rasika’s proper understanding in the bhaṇitā (line 6), mixing a Puranic- devotional theme with his own aesthetic endeavors. 93 2.4 Elevating Devotionalism to the Courtly in Bengal Evoking the prestige of the court of Śivasiṁha and Vidyāpati is the feature of the Vidyāpati-tradition that is shared by those who adopted it in Mithila, Nepal, and Bengal. When adapted to the devotional Vaiṣṇava context in Bengal, the courtly elements never entirely disappeared. While only a few dozen padas exist across the Bengali and Maithili manuscript sources, the bhaṇitās of Vidyāpati referencing his patron (and his qualities as connoisseur, or rasika) were maintained. W. L. Smith attributed this to two factors, namely that the relative antiquity of Old Maithili (vis-à-vis Bengali, Assamese, or Odia) and the cultural memory of Mithilā as a center of Nyāya and Sanskrit studies in eastern India led to the enshrinement of Old Maithili poetic standards as part of the embodiment of that culture.149 While Smith and others have focused on the linguistic effects of this memory tradition (a path of enquiry that needs further exploration), I propose that an analysis focused on specific cultural markers and clues of rhetoric within the padas contributes to understanding the process of vernacular literary memory and identity formations. I will demonstrate this by means of a close-reading of one pothī-style manuscript held in the Asiatic Society in Kolkata. Studying the poetic signature (bhaṇitā) of Vidyāpati reveals a link between the uniquely Bengali attestations of particular padas and the royal Oinvāra patrons of Vidyāpati in historical Mithilā. While I do not have permission from the Asiatic Society of Bengal to reproduce the concerned nineteenth-century pothī in its entirety, a small selection of the pages with the bhaṇitā in this manuscript demonstrates a clear relationship between the Vaiṣṇava Bengali Vidyāpati-tradition and the original court of Vidyāpati and Śivasiṁha. 149 Smith, Juntenen, Smith & Suneson 1995: 339. 94 Figure 6: "Vaiṣṇava Pada" G4876 The Asiatic Society of Bengal. “Vaiṣṇava Pada” Manuscript — Song 23 bhanae vidyāpati vara yuvati iha vasa koī na jani | Rāja Śiva Siṁha rūpa Nārāyana Lachima deī parināma ||23||150 Says Vidyāpati, “Oh best of the young women! There is no [other] such compulsion.” King Śivasiṁha, the very image of Nārāyaṇa, is the husband of Lachima Devī [sic]. Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript — Song 21 (6) bhanaï vidyāpati suna bara yauvati citem̐ janu jām̐khaha āne | Rājā Śivaasiṁgha rūpa nārāyaṇa lakhimā dei biramāne || (6) Vidyāpati says, ‘listen best of all young women. Do not let your mind lament and come. King Śivasiṁha, the very image of Nārāyaṇa, is the husband of Lakhimā Devī. Nepal Manuscript — Song 209 (6) Sukha sambhoga sarasa kavi gābae būjha samaya pacabāne | Rājā sivasiṃha rūpanarāeṇa vidyāpati kavi bhāne || (6) Of the joys of sexual union sings the connoisseur poet, knowing that this is the season [governed by] Cupid. King Śivasiṁha is the very image of Nārāyaṇa declares Vidyāpati. Rāgataraṅgiṇī — Song 98151 150 Vaiṣṇava Pada, Accession Number G4876. Kolkata: Asiatic Society, 1882. 151 Jha 1981: 192-194. 95 (6) bhanaï vidyāpati sunaha sucetani gamana na karaha vilambe | rājā sivasiṃha rūpa narāëna sakala kalā avalambe || (6) Says Vidyāpati, listen with attention: Don’t delay your departure. King Śivasiṁha is the very image of Nārāyaṇa, skilled in all the arts. In this example, the bhaṇitā found in the Brajabuli pothī follows a pattern found in all the older sources of Mithila and Nepal. These signature lines memorialize King Śivasiṁha and his wife Lakhimā. At times, these figures are brought into the narrative of the individual pada to which they are attached and at other times these signature lines seem like non-sequiturs and mere formulaic and stylistic obligations. This could make sense in the Maithili and even the Newari- Nepali context in which the prestige of the Oinvāra kings of Mithila is invoked in literature because of a preexisting cultural or blood relation. Why would Vaiṣṇava devotees in Bengal necessarily care about the kings of Mithila? Song 23 (of the ‘Vaiṣṇava Pada’ pothī) does not appear in other padāvalī sources and could be dismissed as insignificant. However, the bhaṇitā contains clear structural and thematic connections to padas of the Maithili substrata of the Vidyāpati tradition. Ignoring the linguistic irregularities of this closing distich of the pada, there are two elements directly parallel to the earlier example padas. Namely, that in the first hemistich, Vidyāpati beseeches the best of the youthful women, and in the second half, he evokes the figure of Śivasiṁha. In this pothī example and those parallel bhaṇitā lines from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta, the Nepal Manuscript, and the Rāgataraṅgiṇī, all maintain the same basic elements and structure. In the first hemistich, Vidyāpati declares some truth that reveals the rasa of the pada and in the second, King Śivasiṁha is offered as the prime example of a good king-man-connoisseur. It is striking that this reference to the brahmin non-Vaiṣṇava king features so prominently in the Gauḍīya Brajabuli padas. Some feature or allure of Vidyāpati’s courtly affiliation must have 96 been useful for Bengali-Brajabuli poets in projecting their own vernacular cosmopolitanism to a brahmin court like Mithila, in much the same way as the Mallas did from the North for their own purposes. This “inauthentic” pada in nineteenth century pothī can tell us about how the poets and audiences, removed from Vidyāpati by time, region, and linguistic medium, thought of the poet. Invoking the names of Vidyāpati and Śivasiṁha also has the effect of elevating purely devotional-oriented (bhakti) padas to the realm of high or courtly literature. This pothī, like dozens of others, also contains the padas of Govindadās (1535–1613), often called the second Vidyāpati, though usually taken as more overtly Vaiṣṇava than Vidyāpati. The combination of Vidyāpati and Govindadās’ padas within a single small pothī has the effect of devotionalizing Vidyāpati’s padas and literarizing the padas of Govindadās by mutual association. This pairing of Vidyāpati and Govinda Dās (and in other cases Caṇḍīdās) was exceedingly common in nineteenth-century padāvalīs. The manuscript collection at Calcutta University contains more than two dozen such small pothīs. Many more are scattered and neglected in other collections. One of the largest accessible collections of pothī style collections of Vaiṣṇava padāvalīs is the Manuscript library of Calcutta University. Alongside roughly two dozen edited Bengali/Brajabuli volumes, like the Padakalpataru, this collection holds nearly seventy-five small pothī-style manuscripts. The challenges of a physically degrading archive, a large number of fragmental manuscripts, and colophons which are either missing or not supplied make it difficult to discern textual patterns or literary associations. Here I provide a ‘distant reading/view’ of the archive collection as a whole, to reveal the ways that Bengali-Gauḍīya poets imagined Vidyāpati to feature in their own tradition. 97 Table 1: Poets Featured in the Calcutta Manuscript Library's Padāvalī Collection Alongside Vidyāpati The table featured above, shows all of the pothī-style Padāvalīs in the Calcutta University Manuscript Collection that feature both Vidyāpati and at least one other Maithili/Brajabuli poet. It is clear that there is a much stronger association between Vidyāpati and his fellow Maithili poet Govindadās and another pre-Caitanya poet Caṇḍīdās than other late-period Brajabuli poets with clearer Gauḍīya identities. While definitive conclusions about the imagined history of Vidyāpati in the Bengali/Brajabuli canon cannot be drawn from a sample reading like this, it can help to nuance qualitative ‘close-readings’ and to understand their place in the archive. A close reading can provide insights into the way Vidyāpati’s idiom gets adopted and transformed in a variety of contexts, as is the purview of this dissertation. While a ‘distant- 98 reading’ could be helpful when considering how members of a certain community (Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavas in this instance) imagined their own literary past. This survey of one collection reveals that earlier poets in the Brajabuli tradition (Caṇḍīdās, Govindadās, Jñānadās, etc.) were closely related to Vidyāpati in later century pothīs, while later and relatively contemporary poets were less frequently cited. This allows one to identify layers of the tradition’s development by groupings of poets who are closely identified with the ‘founder’ of the genre and those that aspired to their qualities in later generations. 2.5 Canon and the Interaction of Text and Performance in Contemporary Mithila Other than historical sources for the Vidyāpati tradition, the contemporary performance, recording, and circulation of Vidyāpati’s padas in Mithila (both India and Nepal) provides one of the largest and hitherto unexamined ‘collection’ of Vidyāpati’s padas. When also simultaneously reading the archive of manuscripts, it becomes apparent that the body of poems popular in the century immediately following the poet are not those popular among contemporary Maithili speakers in North Bihar. This is the same problem that we have discussed in regard to the lack of overlapping padas between textual sources. Despite this being the case, the majority of Maithils believe in the incorruptible historical heritage of Vidyāpati’s padas in their devotional and domestic lives. Vidyāpati, through his padas, represents a cultural touchstone and ethnic hero for Maithili speakers. It is necessary to access additional “texts” to understand the relationship between Vidyāpati’s historical oeuvre and the body of poetry in circulation in contemporary India outside of the manuscripts and print editions available. Twentieth century recordings of popular music and musical devotional films can provide this context and a lens through which to read the 99 written texts. This section considers the ways in which the recordings and distribution of Maithili popular singer Sharda Sinha impacts the reception of Vidyāpati’s poetic corpus and vice versa. Through the influence of online distributors and popular media in Bihar, the language, recensions, and individual padas that are thought to embody the entire tradition are shaped and curated. The editorial choices of these popular musical forms inform the ways contemporary Maithili speakers use Vidyāpati’s padas in lifecycle events (especially weddings) and in devotion to Ugnādev, a local form of Shiva with whom Vidyāpati is closely associated. The differing vision of the Vidyāpati presented by contemporary devotional and performance culture poses a problem for a solely textual examination of the tradition. How can the disparity between contemporary lived performance culture and the historical textual evidence of manuscripts inform our reading of Vidyāpati’s padas? In my examination of both ends of the tradition, I have found there to be evidence of a recursive feedback loop between the padas of Vidyāpati originating in manuscripts and those padas that are circulated in contemporary performance culture. This ‘loop’ is evident in the way in which contemporary artists (singers, filmmakers, etc.) attribute widely popular padas to the historical poet, not on the basis of textual history, but by citing general thematic similarities with padas that are present in the manuscript sources. These ‘kaṇṭhastha-padas’ (‘padas learned by heart/ on everyone’s tongue’) then inform Maithili literary scholars, who selectively reinterpret and publish historical padas of Vidyāpati based on ‘folk’ and popular imaginaries of the poet. The canon of popular songs is standardized and then fossilized between these modern print and recorded editions of Vidyāpati’s songs. To illustrate, I consider one subgenre of Vidyāpati’s devotional songs, the Maheśvāṇī, as presented by a popular Bihari Singer, Sharda Sinha, and its thematic antecedents in the manuscript tradition. 100 Sharda Sinha and the Standardization of Devotional and Aesthetic Bihari Life One could hardly identify a more quintessentially ‘Bihari’ singer than Sharda Sinha. (b. 1952). She rose to fame in Bihar as a singer of folk music in Maithili, Bhojpuri, Magahi, and Angika (the so-called ‘Bihari Languages’).152 Her interpretations of Chaṭh Pūjā153 songs in Maithili and Bhojpuri are particularly popular in Bihar and among Bihari migrant communities across the rest of South Asia. Sharda Sinha’s immense popularity has had the effect of standardizing the musical style, social contexts, and entire repertoire of Vidyāpati’s songs which could be described as ‘canon Vidyāpati’ in contemporary Maithili culture in Bihar and the Nepali Terai. This has also disrupted the originally domestic spaces in which Vidyāpati’s songs were transmitted between women. Now, men and women sing Sharda Sinha’s rendition of Vidyāpati’s song in both public and private spaces, sometimes detached from the lifecycle or religious events that with which they were originally associated. Sharda Sinha’s repertoire is dominated by domestic lifecycle and festival songs, though many of these songs could also be described as devotional.154 Vidyāpati’s padas that praise Shiva or Devī are included in her recordings, which mostly place these two deities in their domestic roles. As discussed in section 4.5 of this dissertation, one of the sub-genres of Vidyāpati’s devotional padas is the Maheśvāṇī. In the Maheśvāṇī, Gaurī (the young, unmarried manifestation of Shiva’s consort Parvati), or her companions, complain to the young bride’s 152 The ‘Bihari’ languages as mentioned were formulated as a single language sub-family within the eastern sub- group of Eastern Indic Languages by G.A. Grierson. This grouping has largely been debunked on linguistic grounds but remains current in Bihari political life where ‘Bihari’ identity and nationalism are potent forces (Jha 2018: 40- 49). 153 Chaṭh Pūjā is a widely celebrated solar festival in Bihar among Maithili, Bhojpuri, Angika, and Magahi speakers. The fasting and ceremonial observations of this festival are usually carried out by the married women of each family. The songs associated with the festival are almost exclusively women’s songs (Henry 1998). 154 Her voice is recognizable to many across India because of the popularity of her ‘vidāī’ (‘farewell’) songs, used in weddings (and film depictions of weddings) during the final ceremony of the wedding during which the bride bids farewell to her family and departs for her new husband’s family home (Henry 1998: 432). 101 mother Menāinī (Skt. Menakā) about the shocking appearance of Shiva. Instead of the handsome and opulently ornamented bridegroom riding in a procession on an elephant or horse, Gaurī receives Shiva when he appears on her doorstep as an intoxicated and tattered mendicant in the company of ghouls and ghosts riding on the back of his bull, Nandi.155 The following song is an example of the Maheśvāṇī sung by Sharda Sinha:156 ‘Hama Nahi Āju Rahaba’ (‘I Will not Remain today’)157 (1) hama nahi āju rahaba ehi ām̐gana jaño buḍha hoyata jamāe || (ge māi) (2) eka tam̐ bairī bhela bīdhi-bidhātā dosara dhiā kera bāpa | (3) tesara bairī bhela nārada bābhana je buḍha ānala jamāe | (ge māi) (4) pahiluka bājana ḍāmaru toḍaba dosare toḍaba ruṇḍamāla || (5) baḍada hām̐ki barāta bailāeba dhiā lae jāeba paḍāe | (ge māi) (6) dhotī loṭā patarā pothī seho saba lebanhi chināe || (7) jaño kichu bajatā nārada bābhana dāḍhī dhae ghisiāeba | (ge māi) (8) bhanahi Vidyāpati sunu he manāini diḍha karu apana geāna | (9) subha subha kae siri gauri biāhia gaurī-hara eke samāna || (ge māi) Trans.158 (1) I will not stay here in the courtyard of this house if your son-in-law is going to be an old man! (Oh Mother!) (2) The first to show himself as an enemy is the ‘Lord of Fate’ (God) and the second was the father of your daughter. (3) The third enemy was that [troublesome] brahmin Nārada, who brought to you this son-in-law. (Oh Mother!) (4) First, I will break his ḍamaru drum and after that I’ll break his garland of corpses. (5) I will drive away the groom’s wedding procession (bharāta) by driving off his ox (Nandi). This is how your daughter will chase them away. (Oh Mother!) (6) I will snatch away his loincloth, water vessel, box of pān, and his book. (7) If that brahmin Nārada says anything, then I will pull on his beard (Oh Mother!) (8) Vidyāpati says, “Listen, oh Menakā! (Mother of Gaurī), make your wisdom resolute! (9) Put blessings of auspiciousness upon the head of Gaurī and have her married, for 155 The ridiculous appearance of Shiva is supposed to be humorous as it obscures his true nature as the the supreme ‘Lord of the Universe’. This mistake of Gaurī is sometimes pointed out within the song by another yogi, one of Gaurī’s companions (sakhīs), or her mother Menakā. Even among contemporary Maithili musicians and devotees of Shiva, it is not entirely clear when a devotional song is a ‘Maheśvāṇī’ or some other subtype (e.g. Jog, Gosāunī, Ucitā, etc.) Jayakanta Mishra provides the clearest definition of the Maheśvāṇī (Mishra 1949: 162). 156 This style of song is reminiscent of a more general category of ‘insult songs’ (gālī) popular in Bihar and Eastern Uttar Pradesh. In this type of folk song, women of the bride’s family hurl insults at the would-be groom and his immediate family. Edward O. Henry describes this as a catharsis for the bride and her family who are normally socially subordinate to the groom’s family. This song transforms domestic concerns to a humorous scene between the Goddess Gaurī and Shiva in his form as a mendicant (Henry 1988: 52). 157 Sinha 1987. 158 The translations are my own unless otherwise noted. 102 Gaurī and Hara are equal matches for one another. (Oh Mother!)” This song does not appear in any manuscript source available to us. It does occur in three of the more reputable print editions, Mitra and Majumdar’s Vidyāpati Padāvalī,159 the ‘Mithilā Gīta Saṅgraha’160 and in Benipuri’s edition of Vidyāpati’s Padāvalī.161 Sharda Sinha’s 1987 recording of this pada is identical to the variant recording in these few canonical print editions of Vidyāpati’s Padāvalī. This means that a supposedly ‘folk’ pada was likely taken from a scholarly print edition, itself purportedly a contemporary representation of the historical court- poet’s corpus. In turn, these print editions cite ‘kaṇṭhastha padas’ as one of their source materials. Sharda Sinha’s recording transformed a scholarly source into a performative source material. Bound by the materiality of nineteenth and twentieth century scholarly prints, padas such as these could have been limited to the shelves of elite literary scholars of Mithila. Though likely not the originator, Sharda Sinha’s musical arrangement and interpretation of this pada has been the only standard version used by performers and recording artists into the present since the 80’s. This song, among other padas sung by popular singers like Sharda, represents Vidyāpati and the ‘golden age’ Tirhut (under the Oinvāra kings) to the average non-scholarly Maithil as much as those found in the oldest manuscripts from Nepal, if not more so. Like this pada, most of Vidyāpati’s other padas, even those attested in manuscript sources, blur the lines between what is typified as ‘folk’, ‘devotional’, or ‘courtly’. Are there antecedents to this style (the Maheśvāṇī) in what we can read in the material manuscript evidence? The answer is mixed. While the general domestic theme of Gaurī and her 159 Mitra and Majumdāra 19??: song 898. 160 Jha 1977: 31. 161 Benīpurī 1936: song 2. 103 companions complaining to the heroine’s mother Menakā is present in the older manuscripts, they do not hold the same musical or linguistic forms. Consider the following pada from the ‘Nepal Manuscript’: Nepal Manuscript — Song 255162 (1) prathamahi śaṅkara sāsura gelā | binu paricae upahāsa palalā || (2) puchio na puchala ke baisalāha jahā | niradhana ādara ke kara kahā || Dhruva. (3) hemagiri maḍapa kautukarasī | heri hasala sabe buḍha tapasī || (4) se suni gauri rahali sira nāe | ke kahata mā ke tohara jamāe || (5) sāpa sarīra kākha bokāne | prakṛti auṣadha kedahu jāne || (6) bhanaï vidyāpati sahaja kahu | āḍambare ādara ho sabatahū || (1) For the first time, Śaṅkara went to his wife’s paternal home. Not being recognized, he became a joke. (2) They did not even ask [after his welfare]. Who will seat him? In what way would anyone respect the poor [man]? Refrain. (3) Peeking from the rooftop of the snow-peaked mountains (Himālayas) out of curiosity, all of the old renunciants laughed when they saw him. (4) Hearing this, Gaurī remained with her head bowed low [in shame]. Tell us who this is mother? Who is [this] son-in-law of yours? (5) Who knows [this man who has] serpents [on his] body and with “natural medicine” in the sack under his arm? (6) Vidyāpati says, ‘[If Shiva] spoke up more readily, in place of fripperies there would be universal respect.' Gaurī certainly shows the same befuddled disdain for Shiva’s shabby appearance and she pleads with her mother in the same manner, but there are several features that stand out. The language is Old Maithili, while the inflections and grammar of Sharda’s song are entirely modern Maithili. Chapter 7 reflects on the language of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript and can be used to compare the language of the padas above. The structure of this song from the Nepal Manuscript is more typical of Vidyāpati’s style with two distinct hemistiches in each line, each of which maintain their end rhymes. The lexicon is slightly elevated above the simpler language of Sharda Sinha’s 162 Nepal-German Manuscript Cataloging Project (NGMCP) – A21/16 ‘Nepal Manuscript’ 104 song. This second song does not appear in any other source outside of the ‘Nepal Manuscript’, so it is impossible to know if there was a performance legacy for this specific pada. It would be more accurate to say that this pada became one of many sources for performers who adapted the language and musical structure of this style to produce a more well-defined, modern subgenre that has come to be called the Maheśvāṇī. When scholars in contemporary Mithila and Nepal read the manuscript sources or other scholarly editions, they do so through the receptive lens of their contemporary musical culture. Sharda Sinha’s rendition of ‘Hama Nahin Āju Rahaba’ is claimed as ‘spiritually’ Vidyāpati’s because it embodies the same aesthetic universe, not because it has a self-evident textual pedigree. The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta does contain verses describing Parvati and Shiva, but nothing by Vidyāpati that so directly plays into the theme of the Maheśvāṇī. Another poem in that manuscript of the poet Sadānanda includes one verse that portrays a similar theme, i.e. the incredulity of Shiva’s appearance as a groom: Bhāṣā Saṅgīta — Song 140 (1) śira surasari parijana parihari re | bhūta samāja rahiya kone pari re || (2) umatā re tohi kone mati deli re | turaya teji gaja basaha palāna re || (3) palaṅga teji nita bhumi śayāna re | cādana nahi tanu bibhuti bhuṣaṇa re|| (4) maṇi na dhariya phaṇi kaone geāne re | lalita dhāma teji basiya masāna re || (5) amṛta na khāha kariya biṣa pāna re | sukabi sadānanda biparita kāja re || (6) apane bhiṣāri sebaka diya rāja re | (1) Upon your head is the River of the Gods (i.e. the Ganges) and you have given up polite company, Re! For some reason, you dwell in the company of ghosts. Re! (2) You are intoxicated, Re! How can I put some sense into you? Giving up a horse, you sit upon a saddled bull, Re! (3) Abandoning a comfortable bed, you make your bed upon the earth, Re! You don’t have sandalwood on your body, [instead] you are adorned with sacred ashes, Re! (4) You don’t hold jewels, [instead you have] snakes. Who is not aware of this! 105 Re! Abandoning a beautiful dwelling-place, you settle in the cremation grounds, Re! (5) You do not eat nectar, but drink poison, Re! The good poet Sadānanda [all of your] deeds are contrary [to normal convention]. (6) You have given to your own servant a kingdom! Re! Spanning two manuscripts and a contemporary singer’s repertoire, it is astonishing how long the tradition of imitating a “Vidyāpati-style” extends across time. While this study has emphasized the continuity of Vidyāpati’s Shiva/Devi-related padas in several chapters, this continuity of adaptation and imitation is equally present in Vidyāpati’s ‘courtly’ songs as well, even if the exact padas do not make the bridge between manuscript and contemporary performance practice. This ability for padas to jump between modes of transmission (textual and performative) is not unique to the contemporary context, even though recorded music is a much easier source to map than premodern musical traditions. The parallel and intertwined nature of the body of oral and textual padas attributed to Vidyāpati have been a source of confusion for textual scholars working with a limited source of manuscripts. From at least the time of Caitanya (1486-1534), roughly a half century after the lifetime of the poet, Vidyāpati’s padas were known in Bengal. Up to the late nineteenth century, many hundreds of padas in a hybrid Maithili-Bengali (Brajabuli) literary language were attributed to Vidyāpati. 2.6 Conclusion Vidyāpati’s Maithili padas, as presented in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript and elsewhere, are diverse in their thematic and aesthetic concerns. Whether devotional, ethical, or concerned with connoisseurship, Vidyāpati’s vernacular aesthetic ‘toolkit’ was quickly adopted by Maithili speakers in India and Nepal, Newari speakers, and the Vaiṣṇavas of Bengal. The emergence of Maithili as a distinctive medium of vernacular literary expression was facilitated by Vidyāpati’s 106 ability to yoke in elements of Sanskrit, Prakrit, and Apabhraṁśa modes of expressing power. However, it was Vidyāpati’s divergences from language and stylistic precedents that cemented him as an inaugural figure within the tradition. His connection with Jayadeva was because of this innovative streak, not in spite of it. All of these elements are represented in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’s pada, which tells us that these functional elements of aesthetics-plus-memory is at the root of his enduring popularity. An accurate analysis of Vidyāpati’s vernacular legacy must consider all of these factors. 107 Part 3: Vidyāpati's Idiom: Language, Text, and Translation 3.0 General Remarks ‘Part 3’ of this dissertation builds upon the reasons that Maithili proved an attractive medium for many communities to construct their own literary cultures across borders and time periods (‘Part 1’) and the social and aesthetic concerns adopted in that process (‘Part 2’). While Vidyāpati and his patrons might have provided a literary regime upon which to capitalize (on the parts of the Mallas, Bengali Vaiṣṇavas, etc.), it was his aesthetic idiom that travelled across borders and established a new vernacular literary cosmopolis. This final section examines how several centuries later (by the eighteenth century), language, history, and thematic-aesthetic concerns had coalesced into a commodifiable vernacular identity. This is done through a consideration of of the language, material elements, and other structural features of Vidyāpati’s idiom in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript, prior to presenting my selection of texts and translations from that source. Within each subsection, I address the ways in which certain language, material, or structural features help us to establish the identity of what would be called literary Maithili. 3.1 Sources of the Vidyāpati Tradition The textual corpus of Vidyāpati’s padas that scholars have had access to has been limited to a small set of source materials. Typically, scholars have focused only on their own language tradition of Maithili or Bengali-Brajabuli to the exclusion of the other. Maithil scholars tend to reference, but ultimately discredit Bengali sources as supplementary but not informative of the 108 original Vidyāpati.163 Meanwhile, Bengali scholars working on the Brajabuli tradition have often been blinded by their sources which have cast Vidyāpati as a Vaiṣṇava devotee or a premodern love poet, modern before his time.164 This general pattern is now changing; in recent years the scholarship from Mithila has become more available in Bengal and vice versa.165 The contribution of this dissertation is a critical and holistic overview to put the sources across traditions in conversation with one another. This chapter outlines both the materials, textual and oral, that have been used for modern collections of Vidyāpati’s padas and the limitations for each source. Each manuscript, print text, or oral-performative source has supplied additional padas to the ever-growing body of songs from Vidyāpati, but each presents a slightly different perspective. This illuminates the ways in which anthologized songs were circulated in premodern South Asia. Manuscript sources provide brief windows into moments wherein a living performed traditions were crystalized and preserved. It is difficult to determine whether these texts were then copied in a written chain of transmission and how sustained performance tradition informed further textualized instances. Chapter 6 of this dissertation will delve further into the paleographic evidence for scribal transmission that seems to have developed alongside oral performative input. The specific purpose here is to place the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript on which I focus in the dissertation within a chronological and textual map, so that it might be dated. The ultimate goal is to better understand the modes by which Vidyāpati’s padas continued to be circulated and performed right into modernity. The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta, like many other collections of Maithili 163 See e.g., Mishra 1959: 182-188.Jha 1954: 62-74. Siṁha & Sinhā 1979: 30-48. 164 This last sentiment is expressed most clearly by W.G. Archer in his introduction to Deben Bhattacharya’s translation of a selection of Vidyāpati’s verses: “To those aware of modern literature, it may come as something of a shock that living long before Shakespeare, in the Middle Ages, an Indian poet also should have shown so deep an understanding of modern love.” (Archer 1963: 38). 165 Śaṅkarīprasāda Basu distinguishes between Vidyāpati the ‘śaiva-kavi’ and Vidyāpati, the poet of beauty and love and recognizes that these characterizations are based on selective readings in the past (Basu 1999: 6). 109 songs held in the Nepali archives, remains uncontextualized and unattributed. The archival documentation was limited to the language of the manuscript (Maithili) and the genre (gīta). Therefore, this dissertation relies on comparison with the existing sources in structure, overlapping padas, and material features (orthography, etc.). While Vidyāpati’s memory is alive and well in contemporary South Asia, the actual trail of manuscripts falls short of leading us back to the “original” Vidyāpati. Generally, three manuscripts from the earlier Maithili period (fifteenth to sixteenth centuries CE) have been used as sources for the Vidyāpati tradition. All but the earliest manuscripts have been destroyed or have disappeared. Even between the three earlier sources, only a handful of padas occur in all three. Vidyāpati is no exception. There are similar problems of attribution for other early North Indian poet corpuses and has been much commented upon. In the case of the burgeoning Kabīr tradition across North and Western India between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries CE, Callewaert describes interaction of oral traditions and scribal-manuscript culture, “act[s] like a fog and pollution, creating a nebulous environment in which is becomes difficult to find the original version of the songs.”166 Like Callewaert, I seek to turn “fog” itself into insight. Linda Hess, in her study of the same Kabir tradition, advocates for a deep engagement with contemporary traditions that shape out the texts analyzed in isolation by philologists. While not uncovering the “authentic”, as defined by textual scholars, Hess’ approach incorporates sound, embodiment, and the role of memory in the circulation and distribution of South Asian musical traditions, which are poetic at their cores. At the same time, she does not advocate for abandoning the discourse of “authenticity” since it has been foundational in Orientalist scholarship, but merely searches for new voices, often from the 166 Callewaert, Sharma, & Taillieu 2000: 1. 110 margins, of those involved in the living tradition. Hess turns Callewaert’s ‘fog’ into an object of study itself.167 Hess’ approach is valuable for this study of Vidyāpati’s corpus. When we count the majority of those padas attributed to Vidyāpati as “inauthentic” from the outset, what remains to be studied? The questions of authorship and performativity must be considered at the same time. John Stratton Hawley’s study of the religious and cultural memories associated with the Braj Vaiṣṇava poet Sūrdās and his pads emphasizes the importance of considering memorializations of a poet/saint in association with, but not entirely identical with, the literary corpus of that poet.168 This appreciation of authorial voice and memory, combined with Hess’ appreciation for the performative, can help turn Callewaert’s “fog” into a matter of fascination as the diversity of perspectives multiplies ad infinitum. 167 Hess 2015: 112-148. 168 Hawley 1984: 22-33. 111 3.1.2 The Manuscript Sources 3.1.2.1 The ‘Nepal Manuscript’ The oldest and most “authoritative” palm-leaf manuscript (tālapatra) still available, the Nepal Manuscript (hereafter NM) has been the standard source for twentieth-century scholars of both Mithilā and Bengal as the authoritative source by which later collections were assessed. It is written in the Maithili script, variously called Mithilākṣara or Tirhutā. This script closely resembles the Bengali and Assamese scripts. Though contemporary Maithili is written in Nāgarī, many Maithil Brahmins continue to cultivate Mithilākṣara for ceremonial and religious purposes. This manuscript was first reported by historian and Indian nationalist Kāśī Prasād Jayasvāl in 1936 in the Government Library of Nepal (a.k.a. The Nepal Darbar Library).169 Later, the Maharaja of Darbhanga, Kāmeśvara Siṁha (1907–1964), sponsored two copies of the manuscript to be made and deposited in the Patna College Library and the Patna University Library. Since then, those copies have been “misplaced”. Chronologically, the NM provides the earliest waypoint, by which we can refer all other later manuscripts until such time as an older source can be found. According to Maithili linguist Subhadra Jha,170 this manuscript probably dates from the first half of the sixteenth century, though no date, location, or name of a patron or scribe is included in the text itself. I am inclined to date this manuscript a century later to the seventeenth century on the basis of similarities with another manuscript of Vidyāpati’s Sanskrit devotional 169 This palm-leaf manuscript consists of 108 folia. The last leaf is numbered as 109. Leaf number 104 is marked as number 105 in error. Each leaf is approximately 8 × 2.25. The Nepali label, which is superinscribed in Nepali Nāgarī, reads “Vidyāpati ko Gīta” (“the Songs of Vidyāpati”) (Jha 1954: 115). 170 Jha 1954: 123. 112 text, the Gaṅgāvākyāvalī, which has been deposited in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France.171 This manuscript is remarkably similar in style and presentation. Both the NM and Gaṅgāvākyāvalī manuscripts are in the palm-leaf style and of roughly the same dimensions. The scribe’s hand of both manuscripts is not identical but feature many of the same general stylings as to be ascribed to the same period. This manuscript contains 288 total padas, of which 261 are ascribed to Vidyāpati in the bhaṇitā. According to Subhadra Jha, a few stanzas are missing in various padas. He assesses that this is not due to any degradation of the manuscript but to scribal omission, through inference from missing end-rhymes and interlinear poetic allusions.172 Twenty-six other poets’ padas are included in this collection. Thirteen padas are ascribed to eleven different poets, and thirteen are unattributed. Thematically, Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa, Śiva, and Śakti are the focal subjects of the padas. The poems dedicated to Śiva and Śakti/Devī (also called Nacārīs) are usually interpreted as devotional, while the nominally Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa-centric padas as more overtly erotic, mannerist, and courtly. Many twentieth-century collections of Vidyāpati’s padas have included the padas of the NM with varying levels of acceptance and authority. Bengali scholar Nagendranath Gupta’s influential collection included 219 of the 261 padas.173 This edition has been influential for later editors in Bengali and Hindi language collections alike. A recently republished edition of the NM, by the Bihār-Rāṣṭrabhāṣā-Pariṣad, has made the task of collating occurrences of particular padas much easier with its collation between the three main manuscript sources. 171 Vidyāpati. 1522. ‘Gaṅgāvākyāvalī’. Palm leaf. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Catalogue A. Cabaton. Cote: Sanscrit 678. Ancienne cote: Sanscrit Bengali 164: 141 folios. 386x60mm, in “Bengali Script” 172 Jhā 1954: 113–27. 173 Gupta 1909. 113 3.1.2.2 The ‘Rāmbhadrapur Manuscript’ The Rāmbhadrapur Manuscript (hereafter RM), named after the village in North Bihar where it was discovered, has been the second major source of Vidyāpati’s padas for twentieth- century scholars seeking to authenticate padas found in Bengali sources. Some have regarded the RM as equally old as the NM. This manuscript was deposited in the archives at Patna University, from where it “disappeared” in the late 1980s, presumably it was stolen. Such “theft” is a common story for many manuscripts relating to the Vidyāpati tradition.174 From the description given in the Bihār-Rāṣṭrabhāṣā-Pariṣad’s edition, we know that this palm-leaf manuscript was incomplete, missing the first ten folia. While only sixty padas include a bhaṇitā that attributes them to Vidyāpati, many later editors assume that a larger number of padas from this manuscript is also by Vidyāpati. Maithili scholar of the early twentieth century, Śivānanda Ṭhākur, in his well-regarded and conservative Viśuddha Vidyāpati Padāvalī (1938) cites forty of these padas.175 Bengali literary historians, Mitra and Majumdar’s more wide-ranging collection includes ninety-three.176 3.1.2.3 The ‘Tarauni Manuscript’ The Tarauni Manuscript, also named for the village of its discovery in the Madhubanī district of Mithila, was originally made available to several scholars in Calcutta by the Bengali scholar Mohinimohan Gupta. Nagendranath Gupta eventually came to use the Tarauni 174 In a recent conversation, Raman Jha of the Department of Maithili at the Lalit Narayan Mithilā University in Darbhanga, Bihar, told me that most likely the manuscripts were destroyed, lost, or misplaced and that “theft” was a convenient excuse given by local bureaucrats and librarians. I cannot confirm or deny these claims, but it is likely due to the current state of these libraries. Sadly, this is the end of the investigative trail as far as the Mithilā-based manuscripts are concerned. 175 Ṭhākura 1941. 176 Mitra & Majumdara 19???: 1:102–3. 114 Manuscript for his influential edition of Vidyāpati’s Padāvalī.177 After completing his work, Gupta donated the manuscript to the library at Calcutta University. Since then, the manuscript, like so many others, has been lost. Nagendranath Gupta’s edition and a more recent edition by the Bihār-Raṣṭrabhāṣā-Pariṣad are the only sources available for this manuscript. Whereas Gupta’s edition was based on a reading of the manuscript, the Bihār-Rāṣṭrabhāṣā-Pariṣad’s edition is based upon the work on Gupta and other Bengali scholars. There are a disputed number of padas in this text. At the count of the Bihār-Rāṣṭrabhāṣā-Pariṣad’s edition, we can conservatively say that the TM contained 231 padas, of which 101 unambiguously contained Vidyāpati’s bhaṇitā.178 3.1.2.4 Padāvalīs and Rāga-Mālās of the Kathmandu Valley While the “Nepal Manuscript” represents the oldest preserved layer of the Vidyāpati tradition and provides a snapshot of the corpus of Vidyāpati-related padas as present in sixteenth-century Nepal, there are other, up to now unpublished, manuscripts from Kathmandu. These manuscripts, preserved by the Nepal-German Manuscript Cataloging Project and held in the National Archive of Nepal in Kathmandu, have thus far escaped scholarly attention, probably due to their haphazard construction, ephemeral design, and lack of contextual information regarding scribes or patrons. These texts are best described a musical handbook. Many are in the hands of several scribes and others are several different texts literally stitched together into a collection. These were the workaday possessions of musicians and performers of the Maithili tradition. While revered for their place within the musical-devotional tradition, they are not permanent objects like inscriptions or religious texts. They were copied dozens of times, with 177 Gupta 1909. 178 Vidyāpati-Padāvalī, 1:103–5. 115 older notebooks being discarded after they fell into disrepair. These ephemeral bits of evidence of the performance tradition deserve more attention; especially, owing to the juxtaposition of Vidyāpati’s padas alongside the Malla poet-kings. Ranging from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries CE and written in three scripts (Mithilākṣara, Newari, and Nāgarī), these manuscripts bridge the gap between the Vidyāpati’s lifetime in the early fifteenth century CE, and the explosion of Vidyāpati-attributed and imitative padas in later centuries in the Bengali padābalīs of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and in the popular performance tradition across Mithila and Nepal, as evidenced by sources like Grierson’s Chrestomathy. The padāvalī and rāga-mālā manuscripts are very diverse in the form, attribution, and content. A few exclusively feature the padas of Vidyāpati. Others juxtapose Vidyāpati’s padas along with excerpts from Jayadeva’s Gītagovinda or the Maithili compositions of Malla kings like Jagajjyotirmalla (r. 1613-1637) Bhupatindra Malla (r. 1696- 1722). The interest of these Maithili manuscripts, all designated as books of song, is that they display a remarkable level of engagement with a non-local vernacular language on the part of royal patron-poets and local audiences. They document how Maithili became a trans-local musical language of prestige. They do not constitute the full body of all of the Vidyāpati-related manuscripts held in archives in the Kathmandu Valley, but they do provide a good representative sample of Malla-period Maithili poetry. Padāvalīs and Rāga-Mālās Though not using terms prevalent in the centuries immediately following Vidyāpati, Maithili literary historian, Jayakanta Mishra provides two general manuscript categories that are 116 helpful in this assessment of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript.179 The first category described by Mishra is the ‘padāvalī’ (‘Anthology of Lyrics’). This category of manuscripts is organized by poetic themes and comes in two further subtypes, the “Vidyāpati Padāvalīs” that primarily feature the verses of Vidyāpati along with a few other poets, and independent works in the same poetic tradition as Vidyāpati. The ‘padāvalī’ grouping is the most appropriate category in which to place the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta since it is indexed by theme and not rāga, though the musical modes are listed. In Nepal, the non-Vidyāpati-centric padāvalīs were largely consisted of the compositions of the Malla kings. Interestingly, theses Malla-period padāvalīs were written down by the lower caste Newar musicians of the Kathmandu Valley in their Dāphā songbooks. In the process, the texts became sometimes garbled. Richard Widdess describes the process by which the literary culture of the Mallas was preserved for its semiotic significance, rather than for its poetic qualities, since most contemporary Newari speakers are unable to fully understand the Maithili lyrics of Vidyāpati or the Sanskrit lyrics of Jayadeva.180 These courtly voices sanctify the songbooks themselves. In a manner similar to the lowland Maithil nostalgia for the ‘golden-era’ court of Śivasiṁha and the other Oinvāra kings, contemporary Newars of the Kathmandu Valley view the Malla kings of the pre-Gurkha expansion with nostalgia and reverence. Despite the songs of their revered monarchs being written in Maithili, rather than Newari, contemporary Newar-speakers deem the musical and textual remnants of their lost kingdoms as part of their contemporary identities. The second broad category that Mishra describes are the Rāga-Mālās, or collections of padas indexed by Rāga or Rāgiṇī. This category can also be further broken down into two sub- 179 Mishra 1949: 193-196. 180 Widdess 2015: 238-240. 117 genres: songbook collections likely used by musicians hence the classification by Rāga, and musical anthologies with more explicit musical analysis and meta-criticism. Locana’s Rāgataraṅgiṇī would fall in this category.181 as well as Locana’s Rāgasaṅgītasangraha (no longer extant) and Jagajjyotirmalla’s Saṅgītacandra. As is mentioned in chapter 8 in regard to musical prosody, the Maithili tradition of musical-poetic analysis is tied in with late-period Sanskrit theoreticians, most prominently with Śubhaṅkara and his Saṅgīta-Dāmodara. Although we only have the Rāgataraṅgiṇī as present evidence, the mere existence of several other texts of the same type confirms a continued interest in the meta-analysis of the tradition. The Bhāṣā-Saṅgīta Manuscript Scholar of Bengali and the ‘discoverer’ of the Cārya-padas Haraprasad Śāstrī and Bengali Sino-Indologist P.C. Bagchi identified a text called Bhāṣā-Gīta containing eighty-one padas and likely dated to the reign of Bhūpatindra Malla (1696-1722).182 Jayakanta Mishra identified a second Bhāṣā Gīta in the Rājaguru Hemaraja Sharma’s Library in Kathmandu. This collection contained 173 padas in two scribal hands. Jayakanta Mishra also identifies a padāvalī that he calls the ‘Kaṁsa Nārāyaṇa Padāvalī’. There is a possibility that this manuscript is the same as the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript of this study. Mishra notes that the Kaṁsa Nārāyaṇa Padāvalī includes 146 padas from 24 poets, including Vidyāpati. His estimate of 146 is close to the 140 of the currently considered manuscript; however, this manuscript only contains twelve poets other than Vidyāpati. He estimates this manuscript to be two-hundred years old (ca. mid- eighteenth cent. CE). The Bhāṣā-Saṅgīta manuscript of this study is an additional source to those identified by Indian Maithili scholars in their surveys of Nepali collections. These twentieth 181 I will use Locana’s framing of rāga in chapter 8 of this dissertation, but the text is described in brief in 5.3.1. 182 Mishra 1949: 195. 118 century surveys of Nepali collection of Vidyāpati’s padas are helpful in considering the scope of the Maithili lyric tradition in the Kathmandu Valley from the late seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries. The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript seems to be only one of many existing collections of Maithili lyrical poetry that have yet to be identified in the Nepali archives, but is a good representative of the “middle layer” of the tradition between the earlier palm-leaf texts and the early print padāvalīs of both Bengali and Mithila/Nepal. 3.1.2.5 Texts of the Bengali-Brajabuli Tradition It is clear that Vidyāpati’s padas had been circulated in Bengali by at least the early sixteenth century CE. The earliest evidence can largely be traced to the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava followers of Caitanya (1486–1534). Caitanya himself is said to have enjoyed Vidyāpati’s padas not as a rasika (connoisseur) of literature, but as a bhakta (devotee). His biographer, Kṛṣṇadāsa Kavirāja in the influential Caitanya-Caritāmṛta, also emphasizes that Caitanya ‘listened’ to the padas being sung to him as a devotional practice. This secondary account of devotional- performative practices gives us a clue as to the very early phase of Vidyāpati’s adoption in Bengal and one that directly led to the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava adoption of Maithili-Brajabuli as their medium for song-poetry in later centuries.183 From the eighteenth to the nineteenth centuries, several large compendia of padas were assembled in this devotional milieu. These padāvalīs are distinct from their Maithili counterparts in their devotional and liturgical orientation. The language of these devotional anthologies of Bengal is usually designated “Brajabuli,” variously claimed as a dialect of Maithili, a Mischesprache or a Kunstsprache. This artificial language of poetry is usually described as 183 Caitanya Caritāmṛta 1.13.40; 2.2.65; 2.10.113; 3.15.24-25; 3.17.4-7; and 3.17.58. Stewart 1999: 283-284, 364, 487, 939. 119 Middle Bengali flavored with certain shibboleth inflections of Maithili that remove it enough from premodern quotidian Bengali as to make it exotic or other, but not enough to make it unintelligible.184 There are varying opinions as to whether this is closer to Maithili or Bengali. This task is made more difficult since both languages are closely related ‘Eastern Indic’ vernaculars that were poorly defined until the modern era. Analogous traditions also exist in Assamese (called “Vrajavali”) and in Oḍia. The tradition of Brajabuli literature in Bengal extends from the time of Vidyāpati until the late nineteenth century CE, when Bengali reformers began using contemporary Bengali (calita bāṅglā) as their preferred poetic medium. Though most of the large Bengali pada collections contain thousands of individual padas by historically Maithili and Bengali poets, a much smaller number of padas can be traced directly from the older Maithili sources. Out of the more than three thousand padas in Vaiṣṇava Dās’ (née Gokulānanda Sen) Padakalpataru (late eighteenth century CE), only four padas can also be found in the NM, and an additional ten can be found in other Maithili sources.185 Other prominent Bengali/Brajabuli padāvalīs/pada-saṁgrahas include Viśvanātha Cakrabartī Ṭhākura’s Kṣaṇadā Gītacintāmaṇi (early eighteenth century CE),186 Radhamohan Thakur’s Padāmṛta-Samudra (mid-eighteenth century CE),187 Dīnabandhu Dās’ Saṁkīrttanāmṛta (1771 CE),188 and the Kīrttanānada (likely early nineteenth century CE).189 Other than these better-studied larger padāvalīs, there exists a large number of small 184 Sen 1935: 1-10. 185 This is the largest Bengali/Brajabuli padāvalī. The bhaṇitās of 161 padas mention Vidyāpati (Bhaṭṭāchārya 1963). Mitra and Majumdar use only twenty-four padas (Mitra & Majumdāra 19??). 186 Cakrabartī 1962. 187 Total 746 padas. Sixty-four padas are attributed to Vidyāpati by their bhaṇitās (Ṭhākura 1984). Mitra and Majumdar use sixty of these padas (Mitra & Majumdāra 19??). 188 Twenty-four poets with 491 padas. Ten padas are attributed to Vidyāpati. Of these, two are ascribed to the “Bengali Vidyāpati” by Mitra and Majumdar (Mitra & Majumdāra 19??). 189 The date of the original manuscript is unknown, but the first printed edition was published in 1826. Of the 659 total padas of this collection, approximately 580 are attributed to Vidyāpati. Mitra and Majumdar included only thirty-eight in their edition (Mitra & Majumdāra 19??). 120 pothīs (loose-leaf manuscripts), without attribution of scribe or patron, scattered around Bengal. These ephemeral songbooks were likely copied and disposed of as personal notebooks. In his dissertation, Tyler Williams seeks to reconcile the proliferation of the Nirañjanī manuscript record in the form of anthologized pothīs.190 In the context of the Nirañjanī community and larger Braj Bhasha literary production, Williams claims that genre and writing are linked. Intense manuscript production proportionately reflects the length and style of a text. For instance, historical epics, panegyric texts, hagiographies, and commentaries take archival precedent in the North Indian archive (both the modern institution and the practice of preserving manuscripts historically. Because song and orality escapes these generally ‘literarized’ genres, I make a few suggestions as to their import in this section in the context of disposable songbooks in the Vidyāpati-tradition. I try to search for small textual clues outside of those clearer meta- commentarial clues provided in the larger padāvalīs. In my study, I have found that the mixed and varied nature of the padas and the side-by-side comparison of Vidyāpati with other Brajabuli poets like Govinda Dās, recasts the poet and his courtly milieu in a devotional manner. The anthologization itself is effective in the process of devotionalizing Vidyāpati as a poet. This can inform our understanding of both Vidyāpati’s reimagining in Bengal and his cultural-political usage by the Malla kings and Newari musicians of Nepal. Both used anthologization, with Vidyāpati at the center, to recast the authority of their own vernacular projects. In the eighteenth through nineteenth centuries CE, the number of padas attributed to Vidyāpati in Bengali padāvalī collections multiplied dramatically. Though only rarely coinciding with the older Maithili sources, padas attributed to Vidyāpati occur in large numbers in both 190 Williams 2014: 126, et. al. 121 large pada-saṁgrahas (pada collections) and small padāvalī pothīs. In the premodern period, the attribution of poems to early and more authoritative poets was a frequent phenomenon.191 This created problems for any would-be stemmatologist trying to assess authenticity. Preferring older sources that exclusively feature the padas of Vidyāpati, most modern scholars have discounted and ignored the widely distributed and extant pothīs containing padas of Vidyāpati along with those of other lyric poets (padakartās). However, if we interrogate these sources with other objectives than trying to find the “real Vidyāpati” by relying on stemmatological studies of textual transmission, these “fake” Vidyāpatis in later centuries can tell us about the poetic aspirations and designs of their actual authors and readers. I will investigate instead what quality of Vidyāpati’s they emulate or state explicitly. The compilers and authors of both Maithili and Bengali padāvalīs and pothīs capitalized on the literary prestige and authority of Vidyāpati and the court of his patron Śivasiṁha (r. 1410– 1414 CE).192 Thus, the bhaṇitās of each pada are often dedicated to the kings and queens of the court of Mithilā.193 This goes hand in hand with thematic and narrative elements that were adapted from the courtly Maithili culture of Vidyāpati to the Vaiṣṇava Bengali milieu. While a few dozen padas occur across the major Vidyāpati sources, the small, but numerous pothīs of later centuries rarely feature any but the most famous padas. Evaluating the language, literary style, and historical references of the bhaṇitās across these sets of manuscripts uncovers a tradition of literary self-fashioning by the compilers and consumers within the Vidyāpati tradition that hints at a more dynamic history of vernacular transmission and identity-making. 191 A similar phenomenon was established for the tradition of famed Vaiṣṇava poet-saint Sūr Dās by John S. Hawley. This is especially true for the colossal Sur Sāgar collection of the poet’s verses which was sometimes expanded to seven to nine thousand poems (Hawley 1984: 35-63). 192 For a detailed introduction to the most famous king of the Oinvāra dynasty of Mithilā (Thakura 1988: 247-260). 193 A bhaṇitā is a poetic signature distich that features as the last line of a pada. 122 3.1.3 Musicological Sources 3.1.3.1 The Rāgataraṅgiṇī194 Two centuries after his death, Vidyāpati evolved from being a popular local court poet to be the very standard by which Maithili lyric poetry was discerned and emulated.195 In addition to the padāvalīs, there are a few additional textual sources for Vidyāpati’s padas. Locana Dāsa, under the order of Mahinātha Ṭhākura (c. 1690-1720 CE),196 wrote the Rāgataraṅgiṇī (‘Waves of Melody’), a trilingual Sanskrit, Braj Bhasa, and Maithili musicological and metric survey of lyric poetry and musical traditions popular in sixteenth century Mithila. The majority of the technical explanations are illustrated with Maithili padas. Vidyāpati features as the most prominent poet of this collection, with sixty-three padas. The poems of twenty-eight other poets are included, this includes those of Locana himself. It is clear from the prominence of Vidyāpati’s padas that Locana incorporates them as exemplars of the tradition as a whole, especially since Vidyāpati is also mentioned in the introductory verses of the third taraṅga (lit. ‘wave,’ here ‘section’) of the text. These verses are explained in chapter 8. This text represents a deliberate effort to categorize, amongst other things, traditions of Rāga (melodic systems) and Tāla (rhythmic systems) that were found distinctly in the local area. The unique feature of this text is that it describes an idiosyncratic chanda system (poetic meter) that does not correspond to traditional Sanskrit metrical schemes or even those that were inherited by the late Middle and New Indo-Aryan prosodic systems. Thibaut d’Hubert highlights 194 This section is meant to introduce the Rāgataraṅgiṇī in brief. The metrical and musical structures described by Locana Das will be discussed further in section 3.4. 195 Rāgataraṅgiṇī 3.12–20 (Jha 1981: 64-67). 196 Rāgataraṅgiṇī 1.7–8 (Jha 1981: 3-4). The verse is ambiguous as to whether Mahinātha commissioned the RT to honor his younger brother Narapati or Narapati himself commissioned the text. For a more detailed summary of this confusion (Mishra 1976: 127–29). 123 the repeated distinction that Locana makes between the local (deśī) and the classically sanctioned (mārga). This dichotomy equally applies to language as it does to the musical structures described in the text. Maithili padas from several fifteenth and sixteenth-century poets were included as illustrative examples of how text is to be paired with music, both thematically and structurally. Because of the prescriptive nature of the Rāgataraṅgiṇī and its date close to the lifetime of Vidyāpati, it provides a valuable snapshot of Vidyāpati's reception and formative role in the early history of Maithili lyric poetry within the borders of Mithila. 3.1.3.2 Grierson’s ‘Maithili Chrestomathy’ Without the benefit of modern recordings, our direct evidence for premodern musical traditions is limited to the descriptions of those traditions in textual sources. Because the Vidyāpati-tradition spans over six-hundred years into modernity, we have a variety of sources in premodernity and modernity that give us glimpses into ever-changing ways in which Vidyāpati and his poetry have been adapted. There is one source for the Vidyāpati-tradition that lies between the audio recordings of modernity and the purely textual sources with which scholars are accustomed to dealing. The chrestomathy included in George A. Grierson’s 1881 An Introduction to the Maithilí Language of North Bihár197 (Part II) contains 82 songs attributed to Vidyāpati. While employed as a civil servant in Bihar, Grierson collected these songs from, “blind singers, and others whose profession it is to sing these Vaishṇava [sic] songs”, and from the then Mahārājā of Darbhanga, Lakshmeswar Singh (r. 1860-1898).198 Grierson expressed his belief that these were nearly the entire collection of Vidyāpati’s songs that remain in current circulation in Mithila in the late 197 Grierson 1882 198 Grierson 1882: 36. 124 nineteenth-century. It is hard to verify this assertion, but it seems unlikely as of the 82 songs only two were Śaiva devotional padas or those sung by women in the domestic sphere. This was probably due to Grierson’s limited access to women’s spaces, especially in orthodox brahmin homes. Grierson is unique in that he based his understanding of Vidyāpati on a combination of ethnographic fieldwork in Mithila and textual-historical scholarship mostly coming from Bengal. Because of this, Grierson sometimes upholds then misunderstandings of Vidyāpati as a historical figure. For instance, Grierson characterizes Vidyāpati as “the first of the Old Vaishṇava [sic] master-singers who spoke and wrote in the language of the people”.199 This demotic and ‘quotidian’ characterization fits Christian Novetzke’s formulation of the Marathi vernacular cosmopolis and earlier interpretations of a “bhakti movement’ inspired by egalitarian social agitators. This would fit in modern interpretations of Caitanya and his sampradāya were primarily interested in anti-caste and anti-communal sentiments. This egalitarian cosmopolitanism would not be further removed from Vidyāpati’s orthodox brahmanical context. It’s clear that even though Grierson was speaking with informants in Bihar, he could not escape a nationalist literary historiography. Grierson was bold in some of his assertions. He did not believe that the Vidyāpati presented in the many large padāvalīs current in Bengali, had anything to do with the historical poet of Tirhut. Grierson asserts: “…a host of imitators sprung up, — notably one Basant Ráy of Jessore, who wrote, under the name of Bidyápati [sic], in this bastard language songs which in their form bore a considerable resemblance to the matter of our poet, but which almost entirely wanted the polish and felicity of expression of the old master- singer. These songs gradually took a form more and more Bangálí, and the latest can hardly, so far as the form of the language goes, be distinguished from, the antique Bangálí of Chaṇḍí Dás and the Bidyá Sundar: they thus naturally became more popular amongst the Bangálí people than the real songs of Bidyápati, and 199 Grierson 1882: 34. 125 speedily crowded out the latter from their memories.”200 Grierson than also criticized the Bengali pada anthologists and asserts that no more than five or six padas could be counted as the Maithili poems of Vidyāpati. Through my own comparison of the Mithila-Nepal manuscripts and the multitude of Bengali-Brajabuli padāvalīs, I have come to agree with Grierson’s conclusion. The language of the padas collected in Grierson’s chrestomathy is markedly modern in its form. Many of the older verbal forms have now been modernized and reflect the songs as Grierson heard them, not as textual fossils from Vidyāpati’s era. Because of this, there are not as many direct overlaps between the songs of the manuscript tradition and the oral tradition as one would expect. It seems as if the same divergence between the literary and the performed that had occurred in Bengal had also occurred in Mithila, for which Grierson had not taken account. Still, the forms and structures of the songs contained in the chrestomathy do more accurately resemble the “historical” Vidyāpati’s padas. Grierson spends some time in describing the metrical system of Vidyāpati’s padas in his own terms, for as he puts it, “as regards Bidyápati’s prosody, it is needless to say that no rules are in existence: Pingala’s Prákṛit Sútras which are said to apply to Braj Bháshá will not apply here, for I have tried them.”201 A more exhaustive explanation of Grierson’s accounting of Vidyāpati’s metrics will be provided in chapter 8 of this dissertation along with other historical methods for understanding the poet’s idiosyncratic prosody. 200 Grierson 1882: 34-35. 201 Grierson 1882: 36. 126 3.2 The BS Manuscript and its Orthographic & Scribal Features 3.2.1 Physical Description of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript The archival records do not furnish the details of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript’s date, origin, or material construction. All three of these must be speculated upon based solely upon its appearance and circumstantial evidence. Since I have only consulted the manuscript in facsimile microfilm form through the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, I have had to rely on the Nepalese- German Manuscript Cataloguing Project’s archival description. This manuscript measures 31cm long by 9cm tall and each folio contains between 6 and 9 lines. This makes the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript less wide, but taller than the palm leaf (tālapatra) ‘Nepal Manuscript’ which measures 36.5cm long by 5 cm tall. Crucially, each folio of the Nepal Manuscript contains 5 lines. This difference makes it more likely that the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript is not made of palm-leaf and instead from some later material (paper, etc.), as it does not match the general size of the palm-leaf manuscript(s) that are available. What is surprising is that this non-palm leaf manuscript appears to also have a central gap/ellipsis. In palm leaf texts this center gap was used to string the text on a single thread. This is not the case with non-palm manuscripts which were either collated or attached together in a concertina fashion (thyāsaphu), the latter is common among the Newari script manuscripts. What this seems to imply is that the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript was copied from an older palm leaf manuscript or is perhaps several copies removed from some original palm leaf source. This structural mimicry between the non-palm leaf and the palm leaf texts along with some of the scribal markings and corrections (discussed below), implies that the scribe was copying from a palm-leaf manuscript (or from a copy of a copy). This preservation of layout, textual breaks, and 127 structural features indicates that there was some tradition of text-to-text transmission and circulation, and that songs were not always recorded from oral sources. We can then treat the textual tradition as a current to be examined alongside a living performance tradition, rather than as a mere reflection of it. The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript consists of 33 folia with and additional first folio that is missing according to the catalogue’s record. The numbering visible in Maithili script on the edge of certain pages seems to be a later addition, perhaps even at the time of the manuscript’s reproduction as a microfilm copy. They are helpful as references for this study but should not be used to draw conclusions about the scribe or usages of this manuscript. 3.2.2 Dating The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta contains a sampling of padas found in older, more easily datable manuscripts and texts like the Nepal manuscript, the Tarauni manuscript, and the Rāgataraṅgiṇī. This implies that this manuscript operated in the same spaces in which these other manuscripts’ padas circulated (textually or through performance). Unlike the Newari-script manuscripts which include the padas of the Malla kings in a primary position of importance, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta only contains the padas of poets primarily from the generation immediately following Vidyāpati and primarily from Mithila. This could imply a slightly earlier date than the more widely available Newari-script thyāsaphu padāvalīs used by Newari musicians in Nepal and/or that this manuscript was used by Maithili-speakers in the Kathmandu Valley. The majority of Vidyāpati- style padāvalīs and other Maithili manuscripts comes from the late Malla period prior to the Gurkha conquest of the Kathmandu Valley by Pṛthvī Nārāyaṇa Śāh in 1743. Because of its style (imitative of palm-leaf renderings) and its exclusion of the Newari Malla poets, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript can be inferred to sit chronologically between the older palm-leaf Maithili script manuscripts and the more easily dated Malla thyāsaphu manuscripts. Since the former is dated to the 17th century and the latter to the late 18th-early 19th centuries CE, I have tentatively 128 dated the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript to the 18th century CE. 3.2.3 Comparison with Other Manuscripts from the Kathmandu Valley To illustrate my point regarding the manuscript’s imitation of the older palm-leaf style and to compare the Maithili script of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta, I have provided three manuscript examples below arranged in chronological order. The first example is a folio from the ‘Nepal Manuscript’. This is the oldest available manuscript and is on palm-leaf in an older (yet remarkably clear) Maithili script hand. The second is a folio from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta itself. Between these two manuscripts, notice the similarities of structure despite the larger overall size of the latter. Also, notice the more elaborate Maithili hand (less rounded, longer flourishes in vowel diacritics, etc.) of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta which has sharper lines and additional decorative flourishes. The introduction of paper allows for such markings which do not damage the structural integrity of a palm-leaf folio. Figure 4: "Nepal Manuscript" A21/16. Nepalese-German Manuscript Cataloging Project 129 Figure 5: "Bhāṣā Saṅgīta" B286/34. Nepalese-German Cataloging Project The third example is a Rāga-Mālā Newari script thyāsaphu manuscript that features the padas of various Malla kings in addition to a handful of illustrative padas by Vidyāpati. Notice the similar dimensions of this manuscript with Bhāṣā Saṅgīta. This lends one to think that both were on a similar style material. I have included a second image from another manuscript of the same type featuring the padas of Jagajjyotirmalla and Raṇajitamalla that is decorated with ritual illustrations. These are typical of the Newari thyāsaphu style which are meant to be revered songbooks carried by Newari Dāphā musicians, lower caste Newari ritual musicians. This contrasts with the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta and Nepal manuscripts with their plain text forms. These manuscripts were likely practical in nature and objects of record, rather than devotion. 130 Figure 6: "Bhajanāvalī" E3013/30 Nepalese-German Manuscript Cataloging Project Figure 7: “Rāga-Māla” E588/5. Nepalese-German Cataloguing Project. The last manuscript from which I have provided is the pothī manuscript, obtained from the Asiatic Society of Bengal in Kolkata. This small Bengali-Brajabuli disposable handbook was one of a large number held in that collection. This one is typical of these small notebooks with its clear alternation between the songs of Vidyāpati and Brajabuli poets like Govindadās and Jñānadās and the haphazard style of its hand. It is clearly a practical object for musicians and not an objet d’art. 131 Figure 8: “Vaiṣṇava Pada” G4876. Asiatic Society of Kolkata. 132 3.3 Vidyāpati's Language in the BS Manuscript 3.3.1 What to Call Vidyāpati's Vernacular? Vidyāpati’s poetic idiom as used in his padas is typically identified as ‘Maithili’, though it is unlikely that the poet or his contemporaries would have used the same name for their language. Scholar of Hindi literature, Imre Bangha has summarized the ill-definition of the early emerging vernaculars of South Asia in relation to one another and also emphasized the difficulty of relying on nineteenth and twentieth century linguistic and literary studies that rely too heavily on modern political (national and state) linguistic boundaries to define their histories and canons.202 In the same regard, Heidi Pauwels discusses the fluidity of both language and religion in the premodern period: “Rather than regarding these as watertight [linguistic] categories, we could here too speak of a North Indian continuum of literary expression. Linguistic boundaries between these various idioms were often fluid. One could speak of a polyglot situation where choice of idiom of expression is not connected to regional provenance in an essential way.”203 This leaves us with an ill-defined soup of bhāṣā (or ‘language’) across the early and middle centuries of the last millennium in South Asia. “Maithili” is a relatively modern appellation and developed currency along with the contemporary Maithili nationalist movement that used the oldest name for their region, “Mithila”, instead of the name more prevalent in Vidyāpati’s age, Tirhut. Maithili is a New-Indo Aryan Language in the “Eastern” sub-group along with other languages like Bengali, Oḍia, Assamese, etc. Maithili is most closely related to the other languages of Bihar, Eastern Uttar Pradesh, and the Terai of Nepal. These languages, Maithili, 202 Bangla… 203 Pauwels 2010: 208. 133 Bhojpuri, Magahi, and Angika, were at one point popularly called the “Bihari Languages”. This linguistic grouping was made well-known by George A. Grierson, who along with his most famous work in the Linguistic Survey of India (1884-1928), wrote extensively on language and village life in Bihar in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.204 Both linguists and social historians have described the inadequacies of such a grouping.205 Though Maithili is defined as an “Eastern” language linguistically, in the modern era, the speakers of these languages have formed their identities as part of North India, the “Hindi Heartland”, and Bihar and constitute a cohesive political and cultural block.206 Colin Masica provides a detailed sketch of the changing lines of language-dialect classification in the early years of Euro-American linguistics.207 His history of subclassifications of the New Indo-Aryan language family illustrates the liminal and ever-changing place of Maithili within and between the subgroups of North India. Defining Maithili and the other languages of the contemporary state of Bihar as part of the “Hindi Heartland” or part of the eastern block of languages differs according to the sources upon which one is drawing, historiographies through which a linguist makes their assessments, and the purpose for that classification (linguistic, social, political, etc.). ‘Desila Vayaṇa’: Maithili or Avahaṭṭha? Vidyāpati is unique in his self-reflection upon the nature of his language usage across his corpus and more especially in his vernacular texts. In the Kīrttilatā, Vidyāpati calls the local 204 Grierson also grouped Maithili with the other Eastern Indo-Aryan literature in a group he called the “Outer Languages” of the Indo-Aryan family (Grierson 1881 & 1918). 205 Yadav 2003: 478-479 206 Paul Brass describes what he portrays as a “weakness” or “failure” of the Maithili Nationalist Movement in its dual loyalty to the promotion of Hindi as a language of the nation and Maithili as the language of a Maithil homeland (Brass 1974: 51-116). 207 Masica 1991: 446-463. 134 vernacular speech “desila vayaṇa” (“country speech”) and explains the reason for choosing to compose this text in Avahaṭṭha (Skt. Apabhraṣṭha) over the more established classical languages of Sanskrit or Prakrit. What is not immediately clear is whether Vidyāpati equates ‘desila vayaṇa’ with Avahaṭṭha or if these refer to two separate linguistic idioms. Vidyāpati leaves us a short, but often quoted, reflection on his choice in the introduction of the Kīrttilatā when he considers the merit of his own writing: sakkaa vāṇi buhaaṇa bhāvai, pāia rasa ko mamma na pābai | desila vayaṇa saba jana miṭṭha, te taisana jampau avahaṭṭha208 || Learned men understand Sanskrit and no one thinks Prakrit is attractive, Everyone finds their own country’s language sweet; therefore, I compose [this text] in Avahaṭṭha. South Asian scholars of Maithili, Hindi, and Bengali have understood that ‘desila vayaṇa’ refers directly to Avahaṭṭha. Many nuance this further to say Avahaṭṭha is only a more archaic designation and style for the emerging Maithili vernacular. Hindi scholar Vasudevasharan Agarwal speaks of these two faces or styles (‘śailiyāṁ’) that either adhere to the Prākṛtapaiṅgala’s model for the Avahaṭṭha of the Kīrttilatā or Jyotiriśvara’s model presented in the Varṇa-Ratnākara, in the case of the Maithili of the padāvalī.209 In this model, the verse above refers to only three languages: Sanskrit, Prakrit, and the vernacular, which is to be identified as an offshoot of Avahaṭṭha. This trilingual analysis of Vidyāpati’s formulation emphasizes the 208 Kīrttilatā, 1.13 209 Agravāla 1962: 73-74. 135 emergent status of Maithili-Avahaṭṭha as separate idiom of literary expression that was still defining itself during Vidyāpati’s lifetime. In this case, Vidyāpati’s Avahaṭṭha is a spectrum from the narrative mixed prose and verse of the Kīrttilatā, to the mannerist poetic style of the padas. Andrew Ollett argues that Vidyāpati equates his own ‘desila vayaṇa’ with Apabhraṃśa and sees it as distinct from the synthetic nature of Sanskrit and the waning knowledge of Prakrit usage in South Asia.210 In the same vein, Herman Tieken emphasizes that Apabhraṃśa was an important vehicle for popular songs in the middle phase of vernacularization and this process is not well understood. He cites Halla’s Sattasai as an example of the gīta-kāvya genre that closely aligns with the style and goals of Vidyāpati’s Maithili padāvalī. This strengthens the general consensus argument that Avahaṭṭha and Maithili were two faces of an emerging literary vernacular engaged for different purposes.211 In his recent book, Thibaut d’Hubert differs from previous scholars who have identified the desila bayanā (Maithili) and Avahaṭṭha as two separate linguistic idioms and that Vidyāpati’s formulation refers to four total languages.212 D’Hubert’s understanding hinges upon the progression from Sanskrit to Avahaṭṭha in this formulation and upon the structure of this verse. In terms of logical progression, D’Hubert sets Avahaṭṭha apart from the three other mentioned languages because it does not fit into the linear narrative of degradation in which Sanskrit devolved into the Prakrits, and the Prakrit into Apabhraṃśa and then into the New Indo-Aryan vernaculars. Avahaṭṭha is left to stand apart from Vidyāpati’s song-poetic language as solely for the purpose of composing his historical prose-poetry. 210 Ollett 2017: 177 & 186. 211 Tieken 2008: 356-369. 212 d’Hubert 2018: 255-262. 136 D’Hubert’s analysis hinges upon the phrase “teṁ taisana jaṃpaño avahaṭṭha.” Other than the poetic symmetry between four poetic feet and the four linguistic-poetic registers, the “teṁ” (therefore) of the last line reads as a conclusion. Recognizing that both Sanskrit and Prakrit are ill-fitted to the current task of composing the Kīrttilatā each for their own reasons. Maithili is cast as too local and too quotidian for the purpose of composing the historical panegyric text. The appeal of Avahaṭṭha is understood in its so-called cosmopolitan appeal, in that it was not limited to the local as was the ‘desila bayanā’ (I.e. Maithili) but still partook of local aesthetic tastes Two models are presented across these very recent studies. In one, Maithili has not fully emerged from Apabhraṁśa. It is but a local manifestation of a tradition that extended several centuries before Vidyāpati. In the other (d’Hubert’s), Maithili and Avahaṭṭha/Apabhraṁśa had already developed clear usages and identity by the lifetime of the poet. Both are reasonable readings based upon the verse alone; however, these readings do not take into account other descriptions of the Vidyāpati-tradition other than the poet himself. Locana Dās describes the language of Vidyāpati and his imitators as Mithilāpabhraṁśa in his Rāgataraṅgiṇī.213 Locana’s text is from a century after the death of the poet (seventeenth cent. CE). It is likely that Vidyāpati’s contemporaries from the same region (lowland Mithila) would have referred to their own language in a like manner. 3.3.2 A Snapshot Grammar Several other representative grammars of Old Maithili have been produced in the past. Subhadra Jha’s 1954 edition of the Nepal Manuscript presents the linguistic peculiarities of that 213 Rāgataraṅgiṇī 3.11 (Jha 1981: 64). 137 text that set it apart from standardized grammars of both historical and contemporary Maithili (and perhaps closer to Avahaṭṭha). This “snapshot grammar” of the language presented in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript is intended to be used an additional point of data by which Vidyāpati- tradition manuscripts can be assessed in the future. It can also be an indicator of the degree of linguistic change or conservatism displayed in the middle or even later phases of Maithili literary production in the Kathmandu Valley. Despite Vidyāpati statement about his own choice of language, which seems to presume a permeable border between MIA and NIA, the Avahaṭṭha of his Kīrttilatā is more archaic in form than the Old Maithili of his padāvalī. The most effective way of defining his vernacular idiom is to describe how it exists “on the ground” in the manuscripts that remain to us. This descriptive task is made more urgent by the lack of extensive grammars on Vidyāpati’s language specifically other than those based on individual sources214 or those on contemporary or historical forms of Maithili writ more broadly.215 The remainder of this chapter is dedicated to systematically laying out Vidyāpati’s vernacular idiom as presented in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. The grammar and language of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta is consistent with the general grouping of Mithila-Nepal origin manuscripts, but just as Maithili diverged (or merged) into the Brajabuli tradition in Bengal and developed its own idiosyncratic standard, the grammar of the manuscripts of Mithila-Nepal does not remain identical between each manuscript source or across time. The focus of this snapshot grammar is to emphasize its similarities and differences with those language descriptions that do already exist. This will effectively draw the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta relationship closer in relationship to the Nepal, Tarauni, and Rambhadrapur manuscripts while also explicating the manner in which it differs as a later example of the padāvalī genre. 214 Grierson 1882 & Jha 1954 215 Grierson 1882, Jha 1954, Jha 1963, Jha 1967, Jha 1985, Yadav 1996, et al. 138 3.3.3 Phonology 3.3.3.1 Vowels The vowel system of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript does not diverge greatly from those examples from the Nepal Manuscript and the Kīrttilatā, which were described by Subhadra Jha’s216 and Shivaprasad Sinha’s217 editions, respectively. What follows is a description of a small number of features that stand out in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’s presentation of Vidyāpati’s language. 3.3.3.1.1 Diphthongs A feature preserved in some padas from Avahaṭṭha is a preference for diphthongs over semi- vowel replacements or nasalization (usually -ṅ-). e.g. premaï (BS 1), kahaïte (BS 2), cintāe (BS 6) et.al. However, this tendency does not remain constant across the manuscript: e.g. bhanayi (BS 1) vs. bhanaï (BS 12) In extreme instances, this diphthongization is accompanied by nasalization in order to compensate for lost consonant stops. e.g. Skt. kāka —> Pkt. kāuā —> kaüm̐āem̐ (BS 63) 3.3.3.1.2 Nasalization One of the phonetic features that predominates the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript is frequent 216 Jha 1954. 217 Siṁha 1955. 139 nasalization. This especially seems to be the case before palatal and retroflex consonants. Often, the same word is written with or without the candrabindu without affecting metre or meaning. In places, this also seems to replace instances where the palatal nasal consonant (-ñ-) has replaced a semi-vowel in the Nepal Manuscript. e.g. Skt. pañcabāṇa (‘cupid’) —> pam̐cabāna (BS 9)/pam̐cam̐bām̐ṇa (BS 6) 140 3.3.3.2 Consonants 3.3.3.2.1 Vocalizations Often, consonants may be vocalized, usually when followed by a nasalization: e.g. -k- —> -g- taṅka (‘loss from separation’) —> ṭaṅga (BS 40) 3.3.3.2.2 Rhotic Metatheses One of the more striking phonetic transformations is the proliferation of rhotic metatheses. It could be argued that this is the effect of Maithili’s direct contact with Newari, a Tibeto-Burman language that often displays the same tendency -l- —> -r- e.g. jāla (net, snare’) —> jāra (BS 3) hera- (‘see, look’) —> hela- (BS 1, 6, 13, 16) santali (‘appease, conciliate’) —> santari (3 P.Ind.) (BS 32) gāli (‘insult, abuse’) —> gāri (BS 34) ujala (‘shining’) —> ujara (BS 44) -l-/-r- —> -ḍ- e.g. kheli —> kheḍi (BS 72) 3.3.3.2.3 Loss of Aspiration Similar to conclusion drawn from the preponderance of rhotic metatheses in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta, the large number of instances in which a consonant loses its aspiration hints at the influence of Newari. e.g. jhula- (‘swing’) —> jula- (BS 4) upacha- (Skt. upakṣaya-) (‘bail out’) —> upaca- (BS 36) harakha- (Skt. harṣa) (‘to be glad’) —> haraka- (BS 56) 141 3.3.3.2.4 Gemination In the cases of -m- and -j-, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta maintains geminated clusters that were also present in Avahaṭṭha. These instances usually are preceded by -r-. e.g. nirmala (‘pure’) —> nirmmala (BS 50, 62) 3.3.3.2.5 Sibilant Shift The distinctions of sibilants already being flattened in the MIA languages is also present in this period of Maithili. e.g. Śiva —> Siba (BS 61) In other place, the sibilant is lost, but usually shifts the adjoining consonant to its aspirated version or maintains that syllables aspiration. e.g. sthambha (‘pillar’) —> thambha (BS 62) 142 3.3.4 Morphology 3.3.4.1 The Nominal System 3.3.4.1.1 Case Nominative - e e.g. nāha > nāhe (‘lord, husband’) [BS 1] -i e.g. kokila > kokilaï (‘the cuckoo bird’) [BS 3] -hi e.g. naba > nabahi [ḍom̐lā] (‘a new swing’) [BS 4] Objective (Accusative/Dative) -ke e.g. bālabhu > bālabhuke (‘to my husband/beloved’) [BS 4] -i e.g. sura > suraï (‘musical note; tune’) [BS 9] -hi e.g. bāla > bālahi (‘ḍasu bālahi mori’: ‘[it] bit my daughter’) -o e.g. śiyāra > [sim̐gha] śiyāro [na mārae] (‘the lion does not kill the jackal’) [BS 4] -hu e.g. mukha > mukhahu (‘in/on the face, mouth’) [BS 17] 143 Instrumental -i e.g. prema > premaï (‘in love, with love’) [BS 1] -hi e.g. saba > sabahi (‘by all’) [BS 19] -e/em̐ e.g. kham̐jana > kham̐jane (‘with wagtail birds’) [BS 4] jhām̐pa > jhāmpem̐ (‘with a cover/canopy’) [BS 5] -m̐ e.g. amia > amiam̐ (‘with nectar’) [BS 15] Genitive -ka e.g. kānha > kānhaka (‘of, belonging to Kānha [I.e. Kṛṣṇa]’) [BS 4] rāhu > rāhuka (‘of, belonging to Rāhu’) [BS 5] -hika e.g. āgi > āgihika (‘of fire’) [BS 5] -ke e.g. kasani > kasanike (‘of a bodice/girdle’) [BS 42] Locative -e e.g. kara > kare (‘in hand’) [BS 1] uchāha > uchāhe (‘in excitement, festivity’) [BS 1] badana > badane (‘on the face’) [BS 4] 144 -m̐ e.g. mahi > mahim̐ (‘on the earth, ground’) [BS 3] -hu e.g. geha > gehahu (‘in the home/room’) [BS 11] -ha e.g. nara > naraha (‘in/amongst mankind’) [BS 15] 3.3.4.1.2 Gender Like most other Eastern Indic languages, Maithili had already lost much of its gender inflection by the time of Vidyāpati. In contemporary Maithili there are no gender markers; however, in the language of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta, gender is evident in some substantives still. The default gender of noun and adjectives is usually masculine. In a limited number of instances, feminine inflections are evident in those nouns that naturally indicate a female human or animal (‘kāminī’). 3.3.4.1.3 Adjectives Adjectives, wherever present, agree in case and gender with the nouns they qualify. Case Agreement e.g. -e (instrumental) śobha > śobhe Gender Agreement e.g. -i (feminine) naba raṅga —> nabi kāmini 145 3.3.4.1.4 Postpositions Maithili of the Vidyāpati tradition employs a number of postpositions in the place of or in addition to case inflections. e.g. sao ‘with, from; by means of’: + saṅga (‘with’) lae ‘with; by, by means of; for, with the view of’ ām̐tara ‘space in between; between’ maha ‘in between, inside; amongst’ kera ‘of, belonging to’ dae ‘through, by means of’ Vidyāpati’s Maithili often redundantly employs both the case inflection and post position for a pronoun, noun, or adjective. This can be for emphasis or prosodic balance. e.g. tinuhu (loc.) + maha (loc. post.p.) (‘in three…’) In a few instances, the genitive post position -ka can be feminine. This is especially true with the reflexive pronoun and adverbs. e.g. apanuka (‘of one’s self’) —> apanuki (BS 63) takhanuka (‘of that time, then’) —> takhanuki (BS 47) 3.3.4.1.5 Pronouns As with the nominal system in general, Maithili has lost the distinction of grammatical number by the time of Vidyāpati. Table 2: Pronouns Case 1st Person 2nd Person 3rd Person Nominative hama moe se huni (hon.) tanhi i (prox.) 146 tam̐em̐ sa (fem.) Accusative/Objectiv e hamahi Instrumental Genitive mora mori (fem.) mae/mam̐em̐ hamara hamarahi (emph.) tori (fem.) tua tohara tohari (fem.) tehi tahi tasu Locative takarā/m̐ Reflexive Pronouns e.g. apana apanuka (gen.), apanuki (fem.) Indefinite Pronouns e.g. ke ‘who? what person?’ kabanu ‘who?’ kaha ‘how?’ Relative/Correlative e.g. jā ‘as long as; until’ tā ‘for that long; until then’ 147 3.3.4.2 The Verbal System 3.3.4.2.1 The Present Tense This form can also be used as a near-future imperative or simple future. 1st Person - No ending e.g. mera- vt. (mil-) ‘meet, mix, unite’: -a (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 8 2nd Person -si e.g. māra- > mārasi (‘you strike/kill’) [BS 22] de- > desi (‘you give’) [BS 23] jām̐na- > jām̐nasi (‘you know’) [BS 28] 3rd Person -a/ya e.g. bisara- > bisara/bisaraya (‘he/she forgets’) [BS 52] - i/yi/ï e.g. bhana- > bhanayi (‘he says, declares’) [BS1] tho-/thoe- >thoi/thoyi/thoeï [BS 19] buja- > bujaï (‘he/she understands’) [BS 36] - e/em̐ e.g. ḍara- > ḍarem̐ (‘he/it fears’) [BS 6] -ñe/ne e.g. namā- > namāne (‘he bows down’) [BS1] -ve e.g. 148 bajā- > bajāve (‘he plays [an instrument]’) [BS1] bhāva- > bhāve (‘he seems good, agreeable’) [BS1] -thi (hon.) e.g. bola- > bolathi (‘he/she says’) [BS 63] guṇa- > gunathi (‘he/she enumerates’) [BS 63] ḍuba- > ḍubathi (‘he/she sinks’) [BS 63] 3.3.4.2.1.1 Present Progressive absol. + raha- + aux. -ach e.g. sāji rahali achi (‘she is decorating’) ‘Tīkha kaṭākha bhaüha dhanu guṇa kae sāji rahali achi bāmā’ 3.3.4.2.2 Imperatives 2nd Person -no ending e.g. suna- > suna (‘listen!’) [BS S] -u e.g. teja- > tejaü (‘abandon!’) [BS 5] Suna- > sunu (‘listen!’) [BS 61] -iya/ia e.g. suna- > sunia (‘listen!) [BS 25] suna- > suniya (‘listen!’) [BS 8] -e e.g. kara > karae (‘do!) [BS 2, 6] -i e.g. kara- > karaï (‘do!’) [BS 8] -ha/-haha 149 e.g. kaha- > kahaha (‘speak!) [BS 10] kahi-> kahihaha (‘speak!’) [BS 14, 18] -hi e.g. basā- > basāhi (‘dwell, inhabit!’) [BS 9] -iahe e.g. kara- > kariahe (‘do!’) [BS 26] 3rd Person -o e.g. uga- > ugao (‘may it rise’!) [BS 16] hoa- > hoao (‘may it be!’) [BS 16] -thu (hon.) e.g. de-> dethu (‘let it be given!’) [BS 37] pāba- > pābathu (‘may it be attained!’) [BS 51] On occasion, the present imperative may be used as the present indicative: -ha e.g. basa- > basaha (‘he/she dwells’) [BS 141] suta- > sutathu (‘he/she sleeps’) [BS 53] 3.3.4.2.3 The Past Tense -L- forms 1st person -lahu/ahu e.g. a-/ae- > aelahu/alam̐hum̐ (‘I came’) [Bs 5, 34, 38] cuka- > cukalahu (‘I missed; made a mistake’) [BS 13] 150 -lāhu/lāhum̐ e.g. gela > gelāhum̐ (‘I went’) [BS 5] -lanhi (pl. and/or hon.) e.g. buḍa- > buḍalanhi (‘I was lost’) [BS 44] 3rd person -la e.g. haṭa- > haṭala (‘he moved back, receded’) [BS 1] suta- > sutala (‘he slept’) [BS 4] -lā e.g. gā-/gāu-/gāo- > gāola (‘he sang’) [BS 33] pasāra- > pasārala/lā (‘it was spread’) [BS 33] -laha e.g. ropa- > ropalaha (‘it was placed’) [BS 36] -lanhi (hon.) e.g. kae- > kaelanhi (‘he did’) [BS 25] mela- > melalanhi (‘they made me meet’) [BS 25] -ila e.g. māra- > mārila (‘it killed, slew’) [BS 5] -ela e.g. chiḍiā- > chiḍiāela (‘it was scattered’) [BS 5] The 3rd person simple past can also take a feminine ending, beginning with -li. Not all female subjects necessarily take these endings, but they are sometimes used to maintain rhyme or assonance. -li (fem.) e.g. sedha- > sedhali (‘she chastised’) [BS 3] 151 baha- > bahali (‘she/it flowed, blew’) [BS 8] -lihu (fem.) e.g. cala- > calalihu (‘she moved/went’) [BS 21] -ili (fem.) e.g gamā- > gamāili (she wasted/squandered’) [BS 20] -eli (fem.) e.g. loṭā- > loṭāeli (‘she threw herself down and wallowed’) [BS 5] Other 3rd Person Forms -u e.g. ḍasa- > ḍasu (‘it bit’) [BS 3] paḍhā- > paḍhāu (‘he recited/read out’) [BS 17] kara- > karu (‘it/they did’) [BS 37] ūdhasa- > ūdhasu (‘he was dishevelled’) [BS 61] dekha- > dekhu (‘he saw’) [BS 62] -halu (metathesis of -lahu) e.g. sīm̐ca- > sīm̐cahalu (‘it was sprinkled’) [BS 62] 3.3.4.2.4 The Future Tense The present and future tenses often share the function of describing the near future. -b- Forms 1st person -be e.g. jae- > jaebe (‘i will go’) [BS 5] -bahu e.g. hera- > herabahu (‘I will see/search for’) [BS 36] 152 3rd Person -ba e.g. hoa- > hoaba (‘he/she will be/become’) [BS 1] kara- > karaba (‘he will do, make’) [BS 2] -t- Forms 3rd Person -ta e.g. buja- > bujata (‘he/she will understand, comprehend’) [BS1] jāe- > jāeta (‘he will go’) [BS 6] The feminine form of the -ta future usually ends in ‘-i’. -ti/-iti/-yiti (fem.) e.g. le- > leiti ho- > hoyiti (‘she will be/become’) [BS 19] 3.3.4.2.4.1 The Future Imperative 2nd Person -bi (fem.) e.g. kaha- > kahabi (‘you [fem.] speak’) [BS 9, 28] -be e.g. pā- > pābe (‘you get/attain!’) [BS 27] 3.3.4.2.5 Imperfective Participles -ite e.g. kaha- > kahaïte (‘speaking, saying, telling’) [BS 1] saha- > sahaïte (‘bearing, tolerating, suffering’) [BS 1] gaba- > gabaïte (‘singing’) [BS 4] 153 kara- > karaïte (‘doing’) [BS 24] 3.3.4.2.6 Perfective Participles -ia e.g. ḍaḍha- > ḍaḍhia (‘burnt/consumed’) [BS 5] -iā e.g. bihum̐s- > bihum̐siā (‘smiled, was smiling’) [BS1] -io/iyo e.g. jāga- > jāgiyo (‘awakened’) [BS 14] -ie e.g. meṭa- > meṭaie (‘effaced, removed’) [BS 19] 3.3.4.2.7 Infinitives & Gerunds Infinitives -e/-bae e.g. khepa-> khepabae (‘to cross over’) [BS 40] bisara- > bisarae (‘to forget’) [BS 44] chaḍā- > chaḍābae (‘to abandon’) [BS 56] chapā-> chapābae (‘to hide’) [BS 58] ka- > kaïe (‘to do’) [BS 58] Gerunds -le e.g. pura- > purale (‘having accomplished’) [BS 19] dūkha- > dūkhale (‘having been distressed’) [BS 24] bhela > bhele (‘having become, been’) [BS 35] pa/pao- > paole (‘having attained’) [BS 53] gam̐tha- > gam̐thale (having been entwined’) [BS 53] 3.3.4.2.8 Absolutives -i e.g. 154 hera- > heri (‘having seen’) [BS 1] - e e.g. bhara- > bhare (‘having been filled’) [BS 37] 3.3.4.2.9 Compound Verbs Absol. + Finite verb e.g tīkha kaṭākha bhaüha dhanu guṇa kae sāji rahali achi bāmā [BS 18] kae saji rahali (absol. + absol. + 3 fem. P.Ind.) āe paḍalahu (‘he suddenly came’) [BS 34] 3.3.4.2.10 Passives Absol. + Jā- e.g. Sahi na jaya - cannot be tolerated, suffered (BS1) W/ aux. verb ‘jā-‘ e.g. śiram̐ surasari bhare geli baḍhi ỵāỵī [BS 37] bhare geli (‘completely filled’) Modal Sense e.g. sahi na jaya (‘cannot be tolerated’) [BS 1] 155 3.3.4.3 Misc. 3.3.4.3.1 Number One (1) - eka [BS 4] Two (2) - dui [BS 4] Four (4) - cāri [BS 12] Ten (10) — daśa [BS 44] -hu (loc.) Lakh (100,000) — laka [BS 3] Ordinals First (1st) — prathama [BS 21] Second (2nd) — dosara [BS 12] Third (3rd) — tesara [BS 4] 3.3.4.3.2 Conjunctives aokā — ‘and, more’ [BS 4] jao — ‘if, in case’ [BS 4] ta/tam̐ — ‘in that case, then; of course, indeed’ [BS 48] 156 3.4 Rāga & Prosody 3.4.1 General Overview Along with thematic elements and language, both the Mithila-Nepal and the Bengal/Brajabuli branches of the Vidyāpati-tradition of lyric poetry adopted Vidyāpati’s prosodic methods. The metrical system at work in the Maithili tradition is highly idiosyncratic and do not closely align with more the more widely established poetic structural features of the Sanskrit, Prakrit, or Apabhraṁśa traditions. It is not to say that Vidyāpati does not creatively employ or mirror lyrical-sung elements of other poets like Jayadeva, etc., but simply that the prescribed nomenclature and sets of metrical features do not draw upon a single authoritative source. Heidi Pauwels in her analysis of the creative mixed usages of classical and vernacular meters by Harirām Vyās, especially in his Rāsapañcādhyāyī and his Mān kī Śṛṅkhalā, describes such a situation in which many students of NIA prosody find themselves, with too much theoretical information regarding classification and a paucity of information regarding basic features as used in song and practice (stress, rhyme, breaks, etc.)218 In Vidyāpati’s case, it is important to establish how meter became one of the structural elements that define the tradition. The transference of a new vernacular prosodic system represents one of the indirect manners by which Vidyāpati’s idiom moved laterally beyond the borders of Mithila. This can be observed when examining later examples of the tradition, like the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. We can assess how faithful later examples of the tradition are to Vidyāpati’s precedent and to the tradition as a whole and map divergences and innovations as they occur in the performance tradition, especially. In this section, I will discuss the musical and prosodic structures of 218 Pauwels 1999: 313. 157 Vidyāpati’s padas in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript in comparison with some of the theories laid out by Locana in the Rāgataraṅgiṇī. After my comparison of the rāga-chanda system established by Locana with the ‘real-world’ examples found in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript it becomes apparent that Locana was working hard at establishing a new system for a vernacular tradition still in development. In this case, theory (śāstra) follows on from usage (prayog). As previously argued, the manuscripts found in Nepal are relatively conservative in their language and faithfulness to the lowland-Maithili tradition, this extends to the musical/metrical elements. The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta as a middle layer of the Vidyāpati textual tradition in Nepal provides evidence that the style of Vidyāpati (themes + language + prosody/musical elements) remains largely intact and consistent several centuries later. This contributes to the larger goal of this study, namely, to define what the “Vidyāpati-tradition” is and what are the implications of its shift across borders (linguistic & geographic) and time. 3.4.2 A Backwards Rationalization?: Reconciling Locana's Rāga-Chanda System The first explicit model of a new Maithili prosodic system is presented in Locana Dās’ Rāgataraṅgiṇī.219 Among the several topics covered in this text, the metrical system (chanda) that Locana presents is categorized by rāga. This manner of classification is a trend in Sanskrit prosody made prominent by Śubhaṅkara’s Saṅgīta-Damodara (c. 1500 CE).220 These combined musical-metric patterns are called dhyānas, a term also adopted from Śubhaṅkara’s precedent.221 Although adopting the illustrative language and manner of late-Sanskrit studies of song and meter, Locana’s treatise is unique in that it seeks to define local musical styles (deśī) rather than 219 The provenance of this text is discussed in 3.1.3.1. 220 Acharya 1998: 3. 221 d’Hubert establishes this precedent that Locana has likely drawn upon in his didatic musicological treatise, though of course Śubhaṅkara lived a century after Vidyāpati (d’Hubert 2018: 276-280). 158 only classical-cosmopolitan styles (mārga).222 Locana, and his patron Mahīnāth Ṭhākur (c. 1660- 1690) by extension, sought to aggrandize their own locality and Maithil identities. Locana suggests that it would be most appropriate for him to comment upon the local/deśī features of his own region.223 Locana presents Vidyāpati’s padas as the primary examples for most of the metrical patterns established in his text. Only afterwards does Locana try his own hand at imitating the master’s model. He also often provides an appropriate Maithili pada of another poet. The explanation of each dhyāna is provided in Sanskrit with an accompanying Braj Bhasha (‘madhyadeśa-bhāṣā’) translation so that others might understand.224 It is unclear whether Locana is referring to those not literate in Sanskrit or to Braj speakers outside of Mithila. Either way, this multilingual strategy has the effect of specifying what is uniquely Maithili almost solely defined through the model of a single poet, Vidyāpati. The most effective manner to illustrate Locana’s system would be through his own method — by providing examples. Of the six padas that overlap between the Rāgataraṅgiṇī and the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript, only two share the same rāga (and therefore metrical) designation. I provide by way of example one pada that shares Locana’s rāga, in name at least, in order to examine whether Locana’s analysis survives in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. Afterwards, I will provide another example of an overlapping pada that does not share the same rāga designation to examine if such a difference represents adherence or departure from the Maithili tradition closer to the lifetime of the poet. 222 iha tu mārgā ‘bhāvānnodāhṛtāḥ te agretu kvacidudāharttavyāḥ | deśyāmapi svadeśīyatvāt prathamaṁ mithilāpabhraṁśabhāṣayā śrīvidyāpatikavinibaddhāḥ tāsyā maithilagitagatayaḥ pradarśyante || Rāgataraṅgiṇī 3.11 (Jha 1981: 64). 223 śrīmadvidyāpatikavayituḥ kāvyavarṇā ‘nubaddhāṁ stattatprāyānatha tadanugakhātagītairvibaddhān | Rāgataraṅgiṇī 3.20 (Jha 1981: 66-67). 224 idantu sakalalokasādhāraṇajhaṭityudbodhahetu madhyadeśabhāṣāmāśrityāpi likhyate | Rāgataraṅgiṇī 1.15 (Jha 1981: 5). 159 In the Bihār-Rāṣṭrabhāṣā-Pariṣad edition of the Rāgataraṅgiṇī,225 the following pada is cited as belonging to the family of Bhīmapalāsī (specifically Ramyā Bhīmapalāsikā), which is classified under the larger rāga grouping of Ahirānī.226 Rāgataraṅgiṇī - 57 Ramyā Bhīmpalāsikā - (1) suraja sindura bindu cāndane lihae indu tithi kahi geli tilake | viparita abhisāra barisa amiña dhāra aṅkuśa kaela ti(la)ke || [Dhruva.] (2) he Mādhava bheṭali pasāhani beri| Ādhara haralaka puchi (on ne puchalaka catura sakhi ja)na meri|| (3) ketaki dala lae campaka phula daya kabarī phoelaka ānī | mṛgamada kuṁkumeṃ ñagarucita laölaka samae niveda sayāṃni || (4) bhanaï Vidyāpati sunu varajauvati kuhu nīkaṭa paramāne | Rājā Śiva-Siṁha rūpa narāëna lakhimā devi ram(ā)ne || In the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta, the same song is recorded as belonging to Rāga Bhīmaparāśī.227 Bhāṣā Saṅgīta — 46 Bhīmaparāśī Rāge — (1) sūraja sindhūra bindu cām̐dane lihae indu tithi kahi geli tilake | Biparita abhisāra amia barisa dhara aṅkuśe kaela alake || (2) mādhava bheṭali pasāhali berā | Ādare analanhi puchi ela puchalanhi catura sakhījana morā | (3) caṁpaka phula lae ketaki dala dae, kabari thoelanhi, ānī | Mṛga-maya kuṁkuma agaru ruci laelanhi samae niya dṛśa ānī || 225 Śaśināth Jhā’s edition lists this pada as Rāga Deśī, showing the inherent instability of the rāga designations (Jhā 1981: 146-147). 226 Locana describes this rāga family as one of the local specialties of Mithilā and a major focus of the fourth ‘taraṅga’ of the Rāgataraṅgiṇī. Many of these are those most popular in the Bhāṣā Sangīta: tatra prathamaṁ mithilāmātrasuprasidhāḥ| te ca — vibhāsī cāhirāniśca gopīvallabha eva ca || śāraṅgī cāpi koḍāro dhanachī-gauḍamālavau | rājavijaya-nāṭau ca navaite tīrabhuktijāḥ || Rāgataraṅgiṇī 4.1 (Jhā 1981: 143). Of those [saṁkīrṇa rāgas], these are the ones popular only in Mithilā. They are — Vibhāsī, Ahirānī, Gopīvallabha, Śāraṅgī, Koḍāra, Dhanachī, Gauḍamālava, Rāja-Vijaya, and Nāṭa. These nine [rāgas] originate in Tirhut (Skt. Tīrabhukti). 227 As discussed in 7.2.2.2, the trend towards rhotic metatheses is prevalent in later Nepali manuscrips and is evidence of the influence of Newari, a Tibeto-Burman language which has the same phonetic pattern. 160 (4) bhanayi bidyāpati dūti sucetana kuhu niramala parimāna | rājā śiti.228|| Locana Dās describes the metrical structure of Ramyā Bhīmapalāsikā as follows: kalikā-ṣoḍaśopeta-dhruvakādyardha-bhūṣitā | pūrvatulyapadā sā ‘pi ramyā bhīmapalāsikā || That [meter] Kalikā in which the first half of the refrain and others (druvakādi) pada has sixteen mātrās, [and] whose last pada has the same arrangement of the previous [rāga (i.e. Ahirānī)],229 that is ‘Ramyā Bhīmapalāsikā’ So, let us now evaluate Vidyāpati’s pada which is given as a model for this rāga-chanda. The Maithili metrical system is quantitative and is divided into poetic feet (morae) like Apabhraṁśa as one would expect from New Indo-Aryan languages (like Braj Bhasa). However, Locana defines the irregularity (‘amānaka’) as an important feature with ‘adorns’ deśī songs and language.230 There are many exceptions to the regular rules for counting long/heavy (guru) and short/light (laghu). The one most pertinent in this study is Locana’s willingness to count normally long vowel/syllables like -e- and -o- as alternatively short. Similarly, normally long syllables, such as those preceding conjunct clusters, can be counted short if it is the last mātrā of a foot. 228 This likely refers to “Rāja Śivasiṁha-ityādi..”, a quick shorthand reference to the fuller final hemistich of this bhaṇitā praising Vidyāpati’s patrons Śivasiṁha and Lakhimā Devī. 229 e. chandolakṣaṇam — ṣadviṁśatiṁ samārabhya yatronatriṁśadantikāḥ| padārdha-kalikāḥ kiṁ ca dhruvādyardhe trayodaśa || sā tu bhīmapalāsī syādahirāniriti śrutā || Rāgataraṅgiṇī 4.5 (Jhā 1981: 145). This is the description of this chanda — That [chanda] whose first half has between 26 and 29 mātrās, and whose refrain pada’s first half has thirteen mātrās, that [rāga/chanda] is known to be Ahirānī. 230 Thibaut d’Hubert emphasizes the foundational centrality of this concept for Locana and the subsequent Maithili and Brajabuli traditions (d’Hubert 2018: 274). 161 Table 3: A Dhruvapada Compared Dhruvapada Rāgataraṅgiṇī 57 (he) mādhava bheṭali pasāha ni beri [total mātrās] ऽ | | ऽ | | | ऽ | | ऽ | 16 Bhāṣā Saṅgīta 46 mādhava bheṭali pasāhali li berā ऽ | | ऽ | | | ऽ | | ऽ ऽ (alt. | ऽ | ) 17 (alt. 16) The dhruvapada presented in both the Rāgataraṅgiṇī example pada of Rāga Bhīmapalāsī and the one presented in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript do seem to adhere to the definition established by Locana in his explanation of the rāga-chanda’s lakṣaṇas. The important variation between the two is the long final foot which displays the amānaka principle highlighted by Locana and displays a normally long syllable that may be counted as metrically short. Let us turn to the last line of the pada: 162 Table 4: A Bhaṇitā Compared Last pada line (4) RT 57 bhanaï vi dyāpati sunu vara jauvati kuhu nī kaṭa para māne [total mātrās] | | ऽ ऽ || | | | | ऽ | | | | ऽ | | | | ऽ |orऽ 27/28 BS 46 bhanayi vi dyāpati dūti su cetana kuhu nira mala pari māna | | | |orऽ ऽ | | ऽ | | ऽ | | | | | | | | | | ऽ | 27/28 Unlike the dhruvapada of this song, this last half-line is almost a new line, but it still adheres to the same structure. Both last lines can be counted to have a total of 27 or 28 mātrās, which matches the structure of an Ahirānī-family rāga-metre. Both versions of this line use alternative counting of mātrā lengths (amānaka), though in different places. This variation is a theme and defines Vidyāpati’s songs and hence the Maithili tradition. Unlike the previous example in which the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’s rāga designation matches the Rāgataraṅgiṇī’s rāga designation for the same padas, many of the padas across the Mithila- Nepal manuscripts do not share the same rāga. What follows is a metrical description of a pada in its citation from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript and its variant found in the Rāgataraṅgiṇī with different rāga designations: 163 Bhāṣā Saṅgīta — 131231 Bhupālī Rāge — (1) jaubana ratana achala dina cārī | se dekhi ādara kaela murāri || (2) se ābe jāri kusume bhela chūcha | rāśi bināśini keo nahi pucha || (3) hamari o binati kahaba sakhi roya | supuruṣa bacana anta nahi hoya || (4) jābe se dhana raha apanā sātha | tābe se ādara kara sam̐ga sātha || (5) dhanikaka ādara sabatahu hoya | niradhana boli puchaya nahi koya || (6) bhaṇayi bidyāpati rākhaba śīla | jao jibe jībia nabao nidhi mīla232 || Rāgataraṅgiṇī — 50 atha Drāviṇī — (1) jauvana rūpa achala dina cāri | se dekhi ādara kaela murāri || (2) aba bhela jhāla kusuma sabe chūcha | bāri bihuna sara keo nahi pūcha || (3) hamari o vinati kahaba sakhi roe | supuruṣa vacana aphala nahi hoe || (4) jābe rahae dhana apanā hātha | tābe se ādara kara saṅga sātha || (5) dhanikaka ādara sabatahu hoe | niradhana bāpura pucha nahi koe || (6) bhanaï Vidyāpati rākhaba sīla | jaño jaga jibia navo nidhi mīla233 || Locana describes the metrical structure of padas sung in Rāga Āsāvarī-Drāviṇi as: Satvaradvitayaṁ madhadvayaṁ tālacatuṣṭayam | Etad-rāga-gataṁ bhāti guṇibhiḥ prakaṭīkṛtam || 3.126 atha drāviṇī e. [sic] vṛtta lakṣaṇam — ācaturdaśakāt saptadaśaparyantakāḥ kalāḥ | yatpadārdhe samākhyātā’ ‘sāvarī drāviṇī tu sā || 3.127234 In this rāga there are four tālas (rhythmic patterns) — two in druta (fast-speed) and two madhya (medium-speed). The progression of this rāga is known by [these] qualities. This is ‘drāviṇī’ This is the symptomatic metrical pattern — That [rāga] whose first hemistich has between 14 and 17 mātrās, 231 This song also appears in the Nepal Manuscript listed under Rāga Āsāvarī, this si the general family of rāgas and rāginīs under which ‘Drāviṇī’ is listed in the Rāgataraṅgiṇī (Jha 1981: 137). 232 Trans. In Rāga Bhūpālī — (1) The jewel of youth lasted only for a short time (lit. ‘four days’). Seeing her only then, Murāri gave her reverence. (2) Now she is like a dried up blossom and is left empty. No one asks after a lady whose rasa has been destroyed. (3) Tell him of my request, oh sakhī! I weep. There is no limit to the word of a good man. (4) As long as one’s wealth is maintained, one’s company [continues to] sing praises. (5) The praise of a wealthy man is universal. No one asks after a pauper. (6) Says Vidyāpati, “ One should maintain propriety, so that while one lives in the world one can attain the ‘nine- treasures’.” 233 Rāgataraṅgiṇī, Song 50 (Jha 1981: 137). 234 Rāgataraṅgiṇī 3.126-127 (Jha 1981: 137). 164 that is called āsāvarī-drāviṇī. This is to be contrasted with Locana’s description of the structure of Rāga Bhūpālī, the rāga with which this pada is sung according to the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta: atha bhūpālī chandolakṣaṇam — sarasā…[sic]’sāvarītulyapadārdhaghaṭanā ‘nvitā | mithilābhūmibhūpālī gīyate gītisattamaiḥ || 3.136235 This is Bhūpālī: This is the symptomatic metrical pattern — That which has a similar ordering of poetic feet, i.e. Sa-Ra-Sā236, [but is otherwise] like that of Āsāvarī — That is [Rāga] Bhūpālī and is sung in this way by those knowledgeable in music in the land of Mithila. Unlike Locana Dās’ prescription, his recipe for the meter associated with Rāga Bhūpālī prescribes specific orders of gaṇas for each foot. Because it resembles Āsāvarī, Bhūpālī is categorized as part of that rāga family. But can this latest pada fit within Locana’s system? Table 5: An Opening Line Compared RT 50 & BS 131 Jauvana rūpa a chala dina cāri/cārī [Total mātrās] Metrical Pattern ऽ | | ऽ | | | | | | ऽ |orऽ 15/16 The total mātrā count seems to fit within Locana’s guidelines for rāgas designated as belonging to Rāga Drāviṇī, as could be expected. Similarly, this hemistich seems to fit the mātrā count of 235 Rāgataraṅgiṇī 3.136 (Jha 1981: 141). 236 This likely refers to the mnemonic designation of syllabic ordering used in Sanskrit prosody. In this case ‘Sa-ra- sā’ corresponds with, anapest (||ऽ) + cretic (ऽ|ऽ) + anapest (||ऽ)+ ऽ . 165 Āsāvarī (15 to 18); however, the designated ordering of syllables (| | ऽ + ऽ|ऽ + ||ऽ) does not match. In this same manner, Locana’s metrical and rāga designations are not always consistent across the older manuscript sources. Those designations that do match, typically the mātrā counts, are typically broad enough that most padas could fit that pattern. Those more specific prescriptions of gaṇa ordering seem to only apply for certain exemplar padas chosen by Locana for his illustrations and for his copied model padas. George Grierson describes a simpler systemization for Vidyāpati’s padas that applies to all padas in the tradition in a somewhat exasperated tone, “as regards Bidyápati’s prosody, it is needless to say that no rules are in existence: Pingala’s Prákṛit Sútras which are said to apply to Braj Bháshá will not apply here, for I have tried them. I have therefore been compelled to analyze the meters for myself…”237 Grierson provides a large number of “acceptable” orderings of the four-mātrā feet that fit within each hemistich of a pada line. He provides the general rule that the end of the third foot should generally end in a short/light (laghu) mātrā. He also notes that the dhruvapada and the last line of a pada containing the bhaṇitā (called the ābhoga pada), can be more irregular. In Grierson’s general analysis, he only distinguishes between the 15/16 and 28 mātrā padas. This guideline is generally effective because of its emphasis on accent in scansion which Grierson describes as arising naturally. This hints at the inherent and inbuilt musicality of this genre of poetry. Unlike Grierson’s general scansion technique, Locana’s analytical system of rāga-chanda in the Rāgataraṅgiṇī does not allow for much more than micro-level description. Padas are described as they exist, rather than how they should be funneled through the pre-set prescriptions of a Sanskrit, Prakrit, or Apabhraṁśa system of prosody. Locana’s method of analysis is highly 237 Grierson 2009: 36-38. 166 specific to each pada and makes it very difficult to rationalize a larger system beyond the descriptive. Understanding Locana’s motive is still valuable because it provides a window into a still developing vernacular system that needed to rationalize innovation using Sanskrit/Prakrit tools, comparison with padas that were considered authoritative, and comparison with other vernaculars (Braj Bhasha). For the purpose of this study, it gives us the strong impression that by just one century after Vidyāpati there was a clear sense of what was unique to Maithili vernacular expression and that Vidyāpati was central to that identity. 167 3.5 The Script of the BS Manuscript 3.5.1 The Script of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript According to the archive’s catalogue, this manuscript is written is the ‘Maithili script’ which is also sometimes called Mithilākṣara or Tirhutā. This is an Eastern Indic script that is closely related to the Bengali and Assamese scripts. In fact, in the Nepali archives the Bengali and Maithili scripts are often confused for one another,238 both being prominent scripts used by lowland brahmin migrants to the Kathmandu Valley. The scribal hand of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta errs towards the lowland styles with many features of Bengali and Nāgarī evident, though entirely different in many letter forms. This chapter’s description of the scribal features of the manuscript and the individual letter and conjunct symbols should enable readers to engage with the manuscript along with my edition and translation. Also, there are few orthographic studies of the Eastern Indic scripts, especially Maithili. This study can provide an additional data point for future studies of these manuscripts from Nepal and elsewhere across South Asia. 238 Dragomir Dimitrov describes the “Old Bengali” script of Nepali-origin manuscript of Daṇḍin’s Kāvyadarśa (“Mirror of Poetry”) that was labeled as “Maithili” in the Nepal National Archives. Dimitrov 2002: 29. 168 3.5.2 Basic Letters 3.5.2.1 Initial Vowels a ā i ī u ū ṛ e ai o au 169 3.5.2.2 Consonants Kaṇṭhya (Velar) Tālavya (Palatal) Mūrdhan ya (Retroflex ) Dantya (Dental) Oṣṭhya (Labial) V-/A- ka ca ṭa ta pa V-/A+ kha cha ṭha tha pha V+/A- ga ja ḍa da ba V+/A+ gha jha ḍha dha bha Nasal ṅa ña ṇa na ma Sonorants ya/ỵa ra la va Sibilants śa ṣa sa ha 170 3.5.2.3 Numerals 1 171 3.5.3 Conjunct Consonants 3.5.3.1 Conjuncts with a following velar stop With -k- -kt- -ky- -kru -kṣ- With -g- -gdh- -gr- 3.5.3.2 Conjuncts with a following palatal stop -jñ- 172 3.5.3.3 Conjuncts with a following dental stop With -t- -ty- -tr- With -d- -dy- -dvi/-dvaṁ With -dh- -dhru 3.5.3.4 Conjuncts with a following labial stop With -p- -pr- With -bh- -br/-bhru 173 3.5.3.5 Conjuncts with a following nasal With -ñ- -ñc- -ñj- With -ṇ- -ṇḍ- With -n- -nt- -ntr- -nd-/-ndu -ndh- -nm- -ny- 174 -nh- With -m- -mb- -mbh-/- mbhu 3.5.3.6 Conjuncts with a following semi-vowel With -r- -rnti -rtu -rnnā -rmm- With -l- -ly- -vy- 175 3.5.3.7 Conjuncts with a following sibilant With -ś- -śy- -śl- With -ṣ- -ṣṇu With -s- -sti/-stu -sphu -sye 3.5.3.8 Conjuncts with geminates -jj- 176 -nn- -mm- 3.5.4 Diacritic Vowels This is not a complete listing of all diacritic vowel markers in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. Instead, a few characteristic examples are provided. Multiple examples are provided in the case of several different orthographic representations for the same diacritic mark. 3.5.4.1 with -ā -kā -dyā 3.5.4.2 with -i -pi -ni 177 -hi 3.5.4.3 with -ī -tī -bī/-vī 3.5.4.4 with -u -chu -tu -thu -nu -ndu 178 -ndhu -pu -bhu -ru -lu -su -hu 3.5.4.5 with -ū -rū 3.5.4.6 with -ṛ 179 -kṛ -dṛ -nṛ -mṛ -ḅhṛ -hṛ 3.5.4.7 with -e -ke -ge 3.5.4.8 with -ai -jai -pai 180 3.5.4.9 with -o -ho -co 3.5.4.10 with -au -jau -yau 181 3.5.5 Other Symbols & Scribal Corrections 3.5.5.1 Anusvāra/Candrabindu -aṁ 3.5.5.2 Visarga -aḥ 3.5.5.3 Avagraha This is the only occurrence of an avagraha in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. In this instance, it seems to indicate missing words or fragments of word that the scribe/copyist was unable to read/understand: 3.5.5.4 Other Symbols Several other scribal symbols are included in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript that seem to by unique to this scribe. I have had to make my best guess as to their meaning. This symbol 182 intervenes between the letters -i- and -thi- which form a single word (‘ithi’ [here or ‘this’]). The purpose of this scribal mark appears to indicate that a single word has been split over a line break or over the center break, as is the case in this example: Towards the end of the manuscript, several padas have two sets of double-daṇḍas with intervening marks that resemble the candrabindu. These have been used by the scribe to indicate a missing line of a pada or just a missing hemistich: In the case of a tribble set of double-daṇḍas, it likely indicates a whole missing pada. This also includes a circular mark indicating the inclusion of a missing verse. This is another piece of evidence that leads me to believe that this padāvalī was copied from an older copy that the scribe had difficulty reading in places: At the end of the manuscript, the same circular mark and a double set of double-daṇḍas. Since this full-stop mark appears before this set of daṇḍa it likely indicates the conclusion of the text: 3.5.5.5 Scribal Features & Corrections It is lucky for any would-be reader of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript that the scribe was clear and systematic in his emendations and corrections in the manuscript. It is also clear from the places of these corrections that the scribe was working from an older copy that was difficult 183 to understand in places. This could be because the text itself had degraded or the linguistic forms made little sense at the time. The following are examples of scribal corrections that I have used to prepare more accurate versions of each pada in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript, should anyone consult the manuscript at a later point. Erasures & Crossed-out Letters and Words In places, the manuscript’s scribe has attempted to erase and/or cross-out words or individual letters to correct reduplications or the inclusion of incorrect lines. Insertions & Replacements In some instances, the scribe has written a word incorrectly and commenced the next word prematurely. Because of the ‘unbroken’ script, this does not allow for in-line corrections. Often, the scribe will write the omitted letter as a superscript with or without a small arrow-like symbol indicating the place for proper insertion: In a similar manner, entire lines or parts of lines are inserted in the upper and side margins of the 184 manuscript: In one instance, the scribe has taken on the role of a commenter and includes a Sanskrit gloss in the superscript. Its features are remarkably similar to the original text’s, so it is difficult to remark as to whether this is a later reader or the scribe himself. Symbol for Lengthening/Strengthening a Vowel The scribe has used a symbol above certain syllables to indicate that the vowel of that syllable should be lengthened. In many instances, this can be assumed in order to preserve end- rhyme or just intelligibility. This applies to both full vowel symbols and vowel diacritics. It is unclear whether the scribe is emending their own mistake or indicated where the text of the original copy was mistaken. 185 186 3.6 Conclusion The structures and language features of literary Maithili are just one aspect of the idiom established by Vidyāpati and adopted as a useful tool expressing vernacular power by the Mallas and others. While Vidyāpati’s person and aesthetic were coalesced within the Maithili lyric idiom which moved from lowland Mithila into Nepal, Bengal, and beyond, certain linguistic and structural features also travelled laterally. ‘Part 3’ of this dissertation has elaborated upon several of those features as present in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript. This was done to provide a picture of the Vidyāpati-tradition as it existed at one time in a midpoint of the tradition, by which time Vidyāpati’s idiom was well-established but still adapting to the needs of those in the Kathmandu Valley still seeking to align themselves with the cultural prestige of Mithila. I established the way in which the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript fits within the textual and performance traditions related to Vidyāpati’s padas. This manuscript sits between the lowland sources of Mithila, especially the Tarauni manuscript, and sources found in the highlands, like the Nepal Manuscript. Connecting the two neighboring regions, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta shares much more than just individual padas found across sources. I have described the linguistic, metrical, and material features of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript that prove a close and enduring consistency of the Maithili sources found in Nepal and Mithila. This conservative preservation of linguistic features, in addition to the aesthetic themes discussed in ‘Part 2’, helps to characterize a lateral development by which Maithili took on its own life in Nepal. Though not in the purview of this study, a comparison with the linguistic transformation of Maithili to “Brajabuli” in Bengal would help to elucidate the manner in which a single vernacular can develop in divergent manners when it does not revolve around a single sphere of patronage. 187 Part 4: A Selection of Padas from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript 4.0 Editorial and Translation Principles The text presented first is that of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript, and all the translations are based on these texts. I have indicated those few instances in which I have chosen the variants found in another manuscript source. These edits only occurred in cases wherein the original found in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta did not make grammatical sense, could not be found in any lexicon, or could not translated with the help of a native speaker of Maithili. The purpose behind my decision to transcribe and translate a selection from a single manuscript is to present a snapshot into a particular layer of the Vidyāpati's vernacular corpus, rather than a conflated "best text" based on different traditions. To accomplish this goal of providing the material for a complete overview, I have chosen to present the complete transcription of each alternative pada as found in other sources alongside the text and translations of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta. These alternative sources include the Nepal Manuscript, the Tarauni Manuscript, and Rambhadrapur Manuscript, and the Rāgataraṅgiṇī. Because of the complex rearrangements that sometimes occur between sources (such as omission/addition of individual pada lines and emendations, traditional footnote citations of textual variants become awkward and unwieldy for the reader. Side-by-side presentation of different versions has the benefit of allowing the reader to see the development of a single pada over some time and geographical distance. These cross-occurrences are left untranslated, but in many cases, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’s translations provide a rough approximation. This method has been influenced by a similar presentation of the diverse citations of the saint Kabīr’s Winand Callewaert, Sapna Sharma, and Dieter Taillieu’s Millennium Kabir.239 Similar to that textual collection, this collection aims to represent a survey of multiple streams within the tradition. 239 Callewaert, Sharma, & Taillieu 2000. 188 Each variant pada represents a momentary snapshot in the development of Vidyāpati’s tradition. My translations aim to maintain the poetic structures and placements of actors, objects, and emotions, as presented in the main text. However, I have prioritized accessibility and a functional poetic text, instead of one only accessible to those who know the original linguistic features undergirding those translations. I have chosen to maintain the original Maithili word or its tatsama Sanskrit equivalent when it is untranslatable, or if the English term is not used in contemporary language. This is also true for proper names and epithets. If the name of a particular figure has some bearing upon the rasa or understanding of a pada, then I have chosen to break that epithet down into its constituent units for translations (e.g., paṅcabāṇa > 'the one who possesses five arrows, i.e., the sense'). There are many difficulties in the presentation and translation of Vidyāpati’s padas that are unique to the nature of tradition. Each pada can represent a coherent poetic scenario, but in many cases they do not. This can frustrate any would-be reader and certainly any translator. The reason why many padas appear to be random collections of small poetic vignettes, either unique or stereotypical to Indic poetics, can be attributed to the sung/performed medium for these songs. Anyone familiar with Indian classical music or dance would recognize that singers and/or dancers do not present the complete narrative visions of classical poets. Certain lines are omitted, emphasized, or mangled in subservience to the aesthetic presentation of music. Vidyāpati’s lyric poetry is primarily a genre of song, and as such does not align with the goals of a textual scholar, such as me. I seek to extract coherent and satisfying scenarios from each pada, when in reality it is probably the case that each song was only meant to evoke a rough aesthetic vignette or impression. This is a significant point of difference between Vidyāpati’s vernacular padas and Jayadeva’s Gītagovinda, that are normally so aligned in their concerns, the latter being a dramatized series of songs that coherently hang together. Despite the difficulty of approaching the meanings and scenarios of Vidyāpati’s padas, I have provided short “scenario notes” following each of the padas that are included in my translation. These notes are meant to clarify obscure references, background information, 189 characterizations, and points of confusion for the reader. It is exceedingly common for the speaker in a poetic scene to change in the middle of that song without clear designations. Maithili being a language that is only occasionally marked by gender means that unless a hero or heroine is explicitly named, it is left to more subtle details to determine the speakers and referents. I have endeavored to indicate these details in cases of obscurity or absence. I have also used English conventions of punctuation (such as quotation marks) to help with this issue. 190 4.1 The Supuruṣa and Upadeśa Padas Song 20240 (Folio 5b, lines 2-4 [PDF p. 6]) Āsābarī rāge — (1) tua bisabāse kusume bharu seja | basantaka rajanī cādaka teja || (2) mana utakaṇṭhā kata hoa mora | caüm̐diśa śuna nayana baha nora || (3) beri beri hari tua darasana lāgī | nāgarim̐ rayani gamāili jāgī || (4) supuruṣa bhae nahi kariya e rose | baḍa bhae kapaṭī ū baḍa dose241 || (5) bhaṇayi vidyāpati eho rasabhāsa | je nira bāhia tā diya āsa || Trans. In Rāga Āsāvarī — (1) “Trusting that you [would come], I have covered the bed with flowers. The spring night is illuminated by the moon. (2) How excited is my heart [in expectation]! [But], every direction remains empty and tears flow from my eyes.” (3) “[This happens] again and again, oh Hari! Because of that one glimpse of you. The cultured, urbane lady wastes the night awake. (4) If he were really a ‘good man’, one would not be so angry. [But it] would increase if he turns out a great deceiver, that would be a grave mistake.” (5) Vidyāpati says, “This is an improper manifestation of such a rasa (rasābhāsa). The one who causes those tears to flow, is the one who gave her hope.” Scenario Note: This is a pada of contradictions. The nāyaka, here the ‘supuruṣa’, arrives late for a romantic rendezvous and the heroine is distraught. Despite being a “good man”, he still is deceptive and causes the heroine suffering. Halfway through, the poetic voice switches from that of the heroine to her envoy (either the sakhī or the dūtī). She reproaches the hero for the anguish he causes for not keeping the promise of the tryst. Vidyāpati in turn rebukes the hero for not acting like a proper supuruṣa and causing tears to be shed by the nāyikā needlessly. 240 TM: 159 241 Originally written as ‘dosa’, I have corrected it to maintain the end-rhyme with the first hemistich. 191 Song 25242 (Folio 6b, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 7]) [Mālaba Rāge]243 — (1) durajana bacana lahae saba ṭhāma | yābe na bujala rahae pariṇāma || [Dhruva.] (2) tatahi dūra jā yatahi bicāra | dīpa dela ghara na raha am̐dhāra || (3) guṇa abaguṇa nahi kaelanhi bicāra | durajana bacane barisa laha khāra || (4) kata kanu jām̐khaba tanhi prabhu lāgī | para kara bale hamem̐ melalanhi āgī || (5) bhaṇaỵi bidyāpati suniya murāri | sujana rosa kara dosa bicāri || Nepal Manuscript - Song 75 (Folia 27a, lines 3-5; Folio 27b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 30]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) durajana bacana lahae saba ṭhāma | bujhala na rahae jābe parināma || Dhruva. (2) tatahi dura jā tatahi244 bicāra | dīpa dele nahi raha ghara andhāra || (3) madhura bacane sakhi kahaba murāri | supahu rosa kara dosa bicāri || (4) se nāgari tohe guṇa nidhāna | alapahi māne bahuta abhimāna || (5) kake bisarali he puraba paripāṭī | lāḍali245 latikā kī phala kāṭī || (6) bhanaï Vidyāpatītyādi | Trans. [In Rāga Mālava] — (1) The speech of ‘wicked men’ succeeds in all places. Until you understand this, there will be [negative] consequences. [Refrain.] (2) Consider how far it[’s influence] extends! [But,] when a lamp is put in a house, darkness does not remain. (3) [A ‘wicked man’] does not consider [the difference] between virtues and vices. The ‘wicked man’s’ speech that comes to fruition is like harsh (or brackish) rain. 242 NM manuscript: 75 NM (BRBP ed.): 70 NM (Jha ed.): 69 TM (BRBP ed.): 153 *missing from ed NG ed.: 495 MM ed.: 129 243 Written but crossed out. 244 BRBP & SoV: jatahi It appears to be written as titahi and the scribe has crossed out the -i- mātra. 245 SoV: lāgali BRBP: la(ta)ḍali 192 (4) For how long will she conceal herself for the sake of her husband? The force of other people has thrown me in the fire. (5) Vidyāpati says, “Listen Murāri! A ‘good person’ considers the faults of anger.’ Scenario Note: This is another pada that is ostensibly concerning the virtues and vices of ‘good men’ (sujana) versus ‘wicked men’ (durajana). It is placed in the context of a female companion advising the heroine on the dangers of believing what a wicked man says. Vidyāpati then also admonishes Krishna (Murāri), the hero, to reconsider his own behavior and to become a sujana. 193 Song 26 (Folio 6a, lines 6-8; Folio 6b, lines 1 [PDF p. 7]) Mālaba rāge — (1) garala gāri jani amia sānī punu bhāṣa dāṣa sama nītī | binu dūkhale dukha na dea sabatahu sahaja piśuna jana rītī || Dhruva. (2) āre durajana uraga samāne | mana paisi marama māra binu kāraṇe biṣa sama tasu parimāne || (3) hāsa adhika kae pāsam̐ baïsa gae apatham̐hum̐ dea e caḍhayī | anukhane saṅga, raṅga raha karaïte āpadam̐ jāya naḍāyī || (4) Vidyapati kaha piśuna tābe laha yābe na sujana samāje | tilahu tāhi lahu hoa gae sabatahu pāche kichu o na chāje || Trans. In Rāga Mālava — (1) Do not produce nectar by extracting it from poison. [Similarly], what is spoken is the same as one’s character. Without suffering, do not cause sadness everywhere. Such would be the natural behavior of ‘wicked people’. Refrain. (2) Alas! A wicked person is the same as a snake. Striking the subtle points of the mind without reason and without purpose. They’re the same as poison. (3) She laughs a lot and sat down nearby [to him]. She goes down the wrong path. She is always in his company and continues her amorous enjoyment. She [should] abandon this evil. (4) Vidyāpati says, “a villain is successful so long as they are not in the society of good people. For only a moment is he successful, but everywhere afterwards no one will think them to be good.” Scenario Note: Here the dūtī is warning the heroine of the wicked character of her would-be suitor. Vidyāpati’s discourse on good vs. bad men of his Puruṣaparīkṣā seems to have extended to his vernacular poetic corpus as well. Vidyāpati concludes that the wickedness of a piśuna will be revealed in the company of better men. 194 Song 27 (Folio 6b, lines 6-8 [PDF p. 7]) Āsābarī Rāge — (1) hame nabi nāri mādhāyī | hamara parasa śiri madana dohāyī || [Dhruva.]246 (2) karam̐ janu dharaha hamarā | hama mālati tohe247 bhūṣana bhamarā || (3) puruṣa bhamara sama bhule | mukulita kusuma bhamara nahi bule || (4) bujali tua caturāī | āratim̐ para dhana kabahu na pāī || (5) vidyāpati kabi gābe | bālā ramaṇi purube pune pābe || Trans. In Rāga Āsāvarī — (1) “I am [just] a young woman, oh Mādhava! Madana requests to grab hold of my head! [Refrain.] (2) Do not grab my hand! I am [just] a jasmine flower and you are the jewel of bees.” (3) A man, like a bee, forgets. A bee does not speak to just blossomed flowers. (4) She has understood your cunning. One will never attain prosperity by harming others. (5) The poet Vidyāpati sings, “Before [attaining] a lovely young girl, first attain merit (puṇya).” Scenario Note: The focus is again on social behavior, rather than śṛṅgāra. The heroine is a very young girl, and perhaps too young for Krishna to approach. She is compared to a ‘just blossomed flower’. The sakhī tries to warn Krishna off his action which could harm the young girl and himself. She advised him to spend his time performing good deeds before he can be worthy of this young maiden. Lines 3 and 4 focuses upon the proper and improper times to employ charm to obtain kāma. The scenario of this pada is not such a time. 246 This is not indicated in the manuscript, but the location and content indicate that this would be the best candidate for the dhruvapada. 247 ‘e’is written over the line break. 195 Song 34 (Folio 8a, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 9]) Korāba — (1) ekali aelahu re gurujana kaṭhorīm̐ | āe paḍalahu re hari āiti torī || [Dhruva.] (2) ām̐caram̐ na dhara re hame para piyārī || (3) mora phuṭata balaya248 re ura bhām̐gati colī | sakhinhi lajae bahum̐ re kata kautuka bolī || (4) phujata cikura re arujāeta hārā | rasikem̐ bela bare śaśi bo…se249 mārā || (5) trasana karaba re puram̐ jānala koï | pema sohāona re jam̐o rākhiya goyī || (6) adhika bilambam̐ re250 ghara hoeta biśaṅkā | lāgi jāeta re duhu kula kalaṅkā || (7) haṭha anucita re kulam̐ hoïti gārī | bhane vidyāpati re rādhā bhaja murārī || Trans. [In Rāga] Korāva — (1) “She came alone, alas! The elders of the community are cruel. She has come and fallen [before you]. Alas! She is in your control.” [Refrain.] (2) “Do not hold on to the end of my sari, alas! I am the wife of another man! (3) My bangles will break, alas! My bodice will break off of my breasts. I am so ashamed in the face of my companions. Alas! How many tales will they make up in their curiosity! (4) My locks of hair will be loose, alas! And will get tangled in my necklace. A rasika chooses the best……” (5) She will be afraid, alas! That someone from the village has come to know about this. Love is [only] wonderful, Alas! when it remains hidden. (6) After a long while, alas! The household will start to suspect [something]. There will be a blemish on both of their families. (7) If there is not the appropriate amount of obstinacy, alas! Then, there will be insult to the family. Says Vidyāpati, “Alas! Rādhā adores Murārī!” Scenario Note: The primary narrative is told by a sakhī or dūtī who bemoans the lack of discretion shown by Krishna or Radha, despite the fact that both seem aware of the bad name and shame that this illicit tryst will cause both of their families. The first half seems to highlight the illicit affair itself and the second half seems to focus on the friend/messenger’s worry about their decision’s social ramifications. Lines 2-4 is the direct speech of the heroine who worries about the marks that will garner her societal shame. “Kula kalaṅka”, or a blemish upon a family, is the primary fear of the heroine and her female attendants. 248 The initial -ba- is written as -be- but the -e- is marked out by the scribe. 249 This is obscured by ink 250 Written as ‘re re’. It appears that the first is marked partially. Perhaps a mistake? 196 Song 47 (Folio 10b, lines 3-7 [PDF p. 11]) Rāja Bijaya — (1) madhuripu sama nahi dekhia sohāona kī deba tanhika upamā he | Tasu mukha nem̐ochala śarada sudhākara paṁkaja leba kī nama he || Dhruva. (2) āju madhuripu dekhala baṭiā locana jugala juï ela he | (3) adhara e locane jakhane nihāralanhi manda kaïe bhaühām̐ bhaṅgā he | takhanuki kahinī kahahi na pāria, thāne thāne gela aṁgā he || (4) supuruṣa boli pasāra dela mahi sakhi mukhem̐ sunu baḍa rasi he | dekhi upaju rasa bhelahum̐ parabasa biśarala dūdhahu kalaśi he || (5) bhanaï bidyāpati, suna bara jaubati puruba suhṛta phala torā re | tem̐ tapem̐ milana hari rahaba caraṇa dhari sundara nanda kiśorā re || Trans. [In Rāga] Rāja-Vijaya — (1) I have not seen such loveliness like that of the ‘Enemy of Madhu’ (i.e. Krishna). What could I possibly give as a comparison, oh! His smile is like the winnowed [crescent] moon of autumn. But, does the nectar-giving moon ever bend itself down to the lotus in the mud, oh! Refrain. (2) Today I saw the ‘Enemy of Madhu’ (i.e. Krishna) upon the path. I have become yoked to his pair of eyes, oh! (3) My lips are slowed when I catch a glimpse of his eyes with their crooked brows, oh! I cannot even speak about what happened then. My body roamed about from place to place [in bewilderment]. (4) What a ‘good man’ says is spread far and wide by the mouths of the sakhīs. They listen and are greatly cheered, oh! When I saw what rasa had arisen, I fell under his control. I even forgot [to put] milk in the pitcher, oh! (5) Vidyāpati says, ‘Listen best of all young women. That which you previously wanted will come to fruition, oh! By performing penances, you will be about to continue meeting Hari. Hold on to the feet of that beautiful young son of Nanda (i.e. Krishna), oh!’ Scenario Note: The nāyikā is the one spying on her beloved Krishna, that she has only seen once. She is so overwhelmed that she expresses her inability to give a proper comparison for Krishna’s beauty, though of course she eventually does. The heroine’s companions also conspire and gossip about their love affair. The poet urges on the heroine and reassures her that she will be able to see her beloved again after performing penances. This pada represents the meeting of aesthetic kāma (‘erotic desire’) and the social concerns that Vidyāpati prescribes for a “good man”, or in this case, a “good woman”. 197 Song 57251 (Folio 13a, lines 6-7; Folio 13b, line 1 [PDF p.14]) Korāba Rāge — (1) tohe pura ṭhākura hame kula nāri | adhipati anucite kichu na gohārī || (2) suna suna mādhaba bacana hamārī | apadam̐ na am̐giria apajasa bhārī || (3) se suni mane guṇi na karia kāja | bāgha o mānae ām̐khika lāja || (4) piśunem̐ ham̐saba suni mātha ḍolāe | baḍāka kahini baḍe o dūra jāe || (5) bhaṇayi bidyāpati sunaha murāri | jā am̐giria tā na guṇiya gāri || Nepal Manuscript - 123 (1) tohe kula ṭhākura hame kula nāri | adhipaka anucite kichu na gohāri || Dhruva. (2) pisune hasaba punu mātha ḍolāe | baḍāka kahinī baḍi dura jāe || (3) suna suna sājani bacana hamāra | apada na agiria apajasa bhāra || (4) parataha paratiti ābia pāsa | baḍa boli hamahu kaela bisabāsa || (5) se ābe mane guni bhala nahi kāja | bājū rākhae ām̐khika lāja || (6) bhanaï Bidyāpatītyādi || Trans. In Rāga Korāva — (1) “You are the lord of the town and I am a woman of a reputable family. I beseech you not to do anything inappropriate against my husband. Refrain. (2) Listen! Listen to my words Mādhava! Do not pursue me without cause, for I bear the burden of infamy [as a woman].” (3) He heard [what she said] with his mind but did not consider his actions. That tiger [of a man] agreed because of the shame expressed by her eyes. (4) Hearing [that], wicked men will laugh and shake their heads. On the order of the elders [the hero] goes far away. (5) Vidyāpati says, “Listen Murāri! As long as you pursue her, do not consider the insults [of the elders].” Scenario Notes: Here the parakīyā-nāyikā (heroine who is married to another man) tries to ask the hero to stop pursuing her lest she be ostracized and censured by her community. In her estimation, it is the woman who bears the brunt of social stigma. This pada expresses the odd tension between social norms considered in the Puruṣaparīkṣā and the romantic-erotic concerns of kāvya. In the end, Vidyāpati’s bhaṇitā urges Krishna on in his quest to meet with the heroine. 251 NM manuscript: 123 NM (BRBP ed.): 118 NG ed.: 480 MM ed.: 269 SoV ed.: 117 198 Song 58252 (Folio 13b, lines 1-5 [PDF p.14]) Rāja Bijaya — (1) rāmā adhika caṅgima bhela | katane jatane kata adabuda bihi bihi tohi dela || (2) cañcala locana baṁke nihārae añjana śobhā pāba | jani indībara pabane pāola ali bhare ulaṭāba || (3) sundara badana sindūre bindura cikura śāmara bhāra | rabi śasi dui saṁgahi ugala pāchu bhela am̐dhakāra || (4) unata uraja cirem̐ chapābae punu punu daraśāe | kateka jatana kaïe goae hemagiri na chapāe || (5) aisani yubati guṇe guṇamati pune punamata pāba | rājā śibasiṁgha rupa nārāyaṇa kabi bidyāpati gāba || Taraunī Manuscript - 37 (1) rāmā adhika caṅgima bhela | katane jatane kata adabuda bihi bihi tohi dela || (2) sundara badana sindura bindu sāmara cikura bhāra | jani rabi sasi saṅgahi ugala pāchu kae andhakāra || (3) cañcala locana bām̐ke nihārae añjana sobhā pāe | jani indībara pabane pelala ali bhare ulaṭāe || (4) unata uraja cire jhapābae punu punu darasāe | jaïao jatane goae cāhae himagiri na nukāe || (5) ehana sundari gunaka āgari pune punamata pāba | i rasa bindaka rūpa narāäna kabi bidyāpati gāba || Trans. [In Rāga] Rāja-Vijaya — (1) The lovely woman became even more splendid. The ‘Lord of Fate’ has taken great pains to give her this wonderful destiny! (2) His roving eyes glance about crookedly. They fall up the lady who is beautiful with her lamp black [upon her eyes]. It is as if a big black bee, blown in the wind, has found a blue lotus [to alight upon], which overturns from its weight. (3) She has a beautiful face, a dot of vermillion, and a lock of hair upon her lustrous brow. It is as if the sun and moon have both risen from behind the darkness. (4) She [tries] to hide her full breasts, but again and again, she [accidentally] reveals them. How much effort she makes to hide them! [But after all, one] cannot conceal golden mountains. 252 TM (BRBP ed.): 37 NG ed.: 117 MM ed.: 23 199 (5) Such a young woman, due to her virtues is a ‘woman of quality’ and by her merits she will obtain a ‘man of merit’. The poet Vidyāpati sings of King Śivasiṁha, who is the very form of Nārāyaṇa. Scenario Note: In a reverse of the scenario presented in ‘song 57’, a beautiful woman is spied by the hero. She is described as exceedingly beautiful, so much so that she cannot hide this fact from the world or the hero. This woman is given merit for having shame and trying to cover herself and is forgiven since her beauty outmatches her ability to conceal herself. Vidyāpati not only defines a ‘supuruṣa’ in this pada but also the ideal woman, who is beautiful but aware of social mores. In the end, Vidyāpati declares that the hero and heroine deserve each other. She is a ‘woman of virtue’ and he is a ‘man of merit’. 200 Song 60 (Folio 14a, line 7; Folio 14b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 15]) Mālaba — (1) kaela binaya jata jata mana lāỵī | pahu paricaye para pataka jāỵī || (2) dhandha dhairaja parihari patha sāce | karamaka dose kanaka o hoa kāce || (3) niṭhura bālam̐bhu sam̐o lāola nehā | na purala abhimata na teju sam̐ dehā || (4) puruṣa bacane māna dhana delā | kughaṭane malina manoratha bhelā || (5) parijana carita nahi paratām̐re | dhara khane jība katae nahi dhābe || (6) yadi dūṣaṇa guṇa pahila bicāre | baḍa bhae bāḍha o piśuna pasāre || (7) hame abadhāri hanala parakāre | danda samuda hoeba jiba dae pāre || (8) bhanaï Bidyāpati dharama sarūpa | Lakhimā dei pati Śibasiṅgha bhūpa || Trans. [In Rāga] Mālava — (1) “I was as modest as he could bring my mind to be. Meeting with my lord will cause the sin of another (i.e. my husband).” (2) Abandoning [both] anxiety and patience [consider] the path of truth. Because of the sinful deeds, that which is gold becomes ‘raw’ (i.e. ruined). (3) She got her affection from her cruel beloved. Neither was her desire fulfilled or nor did it leave her body. (4) Because of the [broken] word of that man the young woman dispensed her anger. Because of this inauspicious incident Kāmadeva has been tarnished. (5) Her kin did not [sufficiently] verify his character. She held her tongue for a moment and did not run anywhere. (6) If only she had considered this ‘wicked man’s’ qualities previously. The obstacles [to reach] that villain are growing larger and wider. (7) I accept that I was transfixed in this manner [by Kāmadeva]. One must cross an ocean of difficulties in this life. (8) Vidyāpati says, “King Śivasiṁha is the very form of Dharma and is the lord of Lakhimā- Devī. Scenario Note: This pada focuses on the moral dilemma of a pārakīyā-nāyikā, or the woman who is married to another man. She will entail social stigma and rebuke should she pursue her lover. In the end, it is unclear, but she seems to accept her fate of being lovestruck as part of the suffering inherent in material existence. It is significant that Vidyāpati calls his patron, Śivasiṁha, the ‘very image of Dharma’. This confirms the notion that Vidyāpati drew the world of kāvya and dharma/nīti closer together in his vernacular corpus. At the same time, Vidyāpati compares the poor behavior of the would-be suitor to his own patron, suggesting that he would not behave so badly. 201 Song 61253 (Folio 14b, lines 4-7 [PDF p. 15]) [Śāraṅgī —] (1) alasem̐ aruṇa locana tora | amiỵa mātala cām̐da cakora || (2) nicala bhauha lela bisarāma | raṇa jiti dhanuṣa tejala kāme || (3) na kara sundari gamana lāthā | ukutịm bekata guputa kathā || (4) kuca śiriphalam̐ karaja śirī | śiśu kusumita kanaka girim̐ || (5) tilaka rahala ūdhasu keśa | ham̐si parichala kām̐me śam̐deśa || (6) bhane bidyāpati sunu sayānī | rasa biśeṣae lakimā rānī | (7) rūpa nārāỵaṇa ī rasa jāna | rāe Siba-Siṅgha lakhimā dṛḍha māne || Nepal Manuscript - Song 112 (1) alase aruṇa locana tora | amiñe mātala cānda cakora || Dhruva. (2) nicala bhaum̐ha na le bisarāma | rana jīni dhanu tejala kāma || (3) e re rādhe na kara lathā | ukuti guputa bekata kathā || (4) kuca sirīphala sahaja sirī | kesu bikaśita kanaka girī || (5) alaka rahala udhasu kesa | hasi palichala kāme sandeśa || (6) bhane bidyāpatītyādi || Taraunī Manuscript - Song 83 (1) alase purala locana tora | amiñe mātala cām̐da cakora || (2) nicala bhaum̐ha je le bisarāma | raṇa jini dhanu tejala kāma || (3) are re sundari na kara lathā | ukuti bekata guputa kathā || (4) kuca siriphala sahaja sirī | kesu bikasita kanaä girī || (5) rahala tilaka udhasu kesu | hasi parichala kāme sandesa || Trans. [In Rāga Sāraṅgī —] (1) Your eyes are reddened with exhaustion. They are like those of the cakora bird which are intoxicated on the moon’s nectar. (2) [Your] motionless eyebrows have taken rest. It is as if Kāmadeva, after being victorious in battle, has abandoned his bows. (3) Do not delay going, making excuses, beautiful lady! Your secret story will be revealed. (4) Her wood-apple breasts were beautiful with nail-marks upon them. Upon that young girl blossomed mountains of gold. (5) Her tilaka and hair were disheveled. I laughed examining the mark of Kāmadeva. 253 NM (Manuscript): 112 NM (BRBP ed.): 107 TM (BRBP ed.): 83 NG ed.: 267 MM ed.: 298 SoV ed: 108 202 (6) Says Vidyāpati, “Listen clever lady! Queen Lakhimā [can] discern this rasa.” (7) The one who is in form like Nārāyaṇa, knows this rasa. He is Śivasiṁha, who steadfastly considers his queen Lakhimā. Scenario Note: Initially, the heroine is described as exhausted because she stayed awake all night enjoying the union and sexual company of her lover. Lakhimā, the wife of Śivasiṁha, is praised for her ability to understand the rasa of this poetic scenario. There is also the implication that she is skilled in the arts of lovemaking as well. The royal couple is identified with the rasa filled scene on display in this song. This song could very-well have been used within the private residence of the king and queen. There are several other songs that imply the usage of these erotic songs in a private court setting. 203 Song 74254 (Folio 17b, lines 4-6 [PDF p. 18]) Mālaba Rāge — (1) adhara sudhā miṭi dūdhe dhavali ḍiṭhi madhu sama madhurima bāṇī re | ātitha bastu jata jatane na pāia se bihim̐ tohi dela ānī re || [Dhruva.] (2) janu rusaha bhābini bhāba jānāī | tua guṇe lubudhala supahu adhike dine pāhuna āela kanhāyī re || (3) yām̐ lāgi jam̐kham̐ïte jām̐ mari bheli he raeni gamaolaha jāgī re | se nidhi bihim̐ anurāge milala tohi kānha samayam̐ anurāgī re || Taraunī Manuscript - Song 227 (1) adhara sudhā miṭhi dūdhe dhabari ḍiṭhi madhu sama madhurima bānī re | ati arathita je jatane na pāia sabe bihi tohi dela āni re || (2) janu rusaha bhābini bhāba janāī | tuya gune lubudhala supahu adhika dine pāhuna āela madhāi || (3) jasu guna jhakhaïte jhāmari bheli he rayani gamaolaha jāgi re | se nidhi nidhi anurāge milala tohi kanhu sama piā anurāgi re | (4) bhanaï bidyāpati guṇamati rākhae bālabhu ke aparādha re | rājā śiba-siṁha rūpa narāena lakhimā debi arādha re || Trans. In Rāga Mālava — (1) His speech is sweet like honey. It seems like shining white sweet nectar from his lips, oh! Whatever is given out of hospitality [does not have to be] gained through effort. Fate simply brings [it] before them, oh! [Refrain.] (2) Do not be upset! Know this to be the natural state of a noble woman! Having desired your qualities, the ‘good husband’ has come as a guest after many days, oh that Kanhaiya! (3) For that person for whom you are lamenting, for whom you have [almost] died, and for whom you have squandered away the night awake, oh! Fate has put you together with he who is a treasure-trove. You have a passionate one like Kānha oh! Scenario Note: This pada describes the heroine’s good fortune in obtaining the best husband, i.e. Krishna. This is attributed to the work that fate enacts on behalf of a woman full of bhāva (sympathetic emotion). This is one qualification of a connoisseur of rasa. This pada is a logical thematic successor to those like pada 69 which feature a heroine asking for a good mate. Its conclusion is 254 TM (BRBP ed.): 227 NG ed.: 817 MM ed.: 137 204 that a woman of virtue is naturally matched with a mate of her own caliber. 205 Song 113 (Folio 26b, lines 6-7; Folio 27a, lines 1-3 [PDF pp. 27-28]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) mālati madhukara kara madhu pāna | kupuruṣa na bujaya guṇaka nidāna || (2) abuja na bujaya bhala o bola manda | bhem̐bha na pibaya kusuma makaranda || (3) ki kahaba age sakhi apanu raṅga | sapanahu janu hoa kupuruṣa saṅga || (4) katane jatane darasāỵiỵa guṇa | kichu bala buja hṛdaya kara śūna || (5) bhem̐bhahi bhamara bhela sata bhāba | o guṇi nidhi o dīpa mijāba || (6) saṅkare dūdhe paṭāyia nita | sahaja na teja karaïlā tīta || (7) bhelā ratana mada ki bolata āna | bām̐dara mukha nahi śobhae pāna || (8) bidyāpati kabi kahathi bicāri | khasala kheta raha koḍia āri || Trans. In Rāga Dhanāśrī — (1) The bee drinks the nectar of the jasmine flower. A ‘wicked man’ does not understand the man that is a treasure of virtue. (2) An ignorant person does not understand what is good and speaks only profanities. [After all,] a beetle does not drink the nectar of flower blossom. (3) What should I say, oh sakhī, of my own passion? I would definitely not entertain the company of a ‘rogue’ even in my dreams. (4) It is so troublesome to demonstrate one’s virtues [adequately]; but, no one will understand anything if their heart is empty. (5) A beetle becomes a bee only when true emotion has come about. [Otherwise,] the man who is a treasure-trove of virtue is extinguished, like a lamp. (6) Does butter come about from mixing dirt and milk? A bitter gourd does not abandon its own bitterness. (7) If there are jewels, who would call for some wine to be brought? A monkey’s face is not made beautiful with pāna. (8) The poet Vidyāpati says all this, having considered the matter carefully. Upon a field which has been plowed there are ridges (i.e., the supuruṣa) and furrows (i.e., the kupuruṣa). Scenario Note: This pada is a broad reflection on the nature of a virtuous man (supuruṣa). This particular pada seems to imply that one’s nature is inborn and that someone lacking suck quality could never properly understand aspire to virtue that they are not due by nature. Vidyāpati uses the bee, one who drinks nectar (compared with rasa), and the beetle (who consumes waste), to symbolize the natural characteristics of a supuruṣa and a kupuruṣa, respectively. The majority of this song is in the voice of an authoritative third-person narrator (Vidyāpati perhaps) and could be classified as upadeśa song. Though, the third line, likely the dhruvapada, seems to frame this whole diatribe as conversation between a young lady and her companion. 206 Song 117255 (Folio 27b, line 7; Folio 28a, lines 1-3 [PDF pp. 28-29]) Kedārā Rāge — (1) abalā aṁśuka bālabhu lelā | pāṇi pallabe dhani ām̐tara delā || (2) ābe jao jaubana samaya nihāri | apanahi bekata hoyata paracāri || (3) haṭha na karaha kānha na purata kāme | prathamaka rabhasa bicāraka ṭhāme || (4) mukulita locana nahi paragāse | kām̐pa kalebara hṛdaya tarāse || (5) madana bham̐ḍāra surati rasa ānī | mohore mudala acha asamaya jānī || (6) bhaṇayi bidyāpati nabi anurāgī | sahia parābhāba piya hita lāgī || Rāgataraṅgiṇī — Song 12 (1) abalā aṁśuka bālabhu lelā | pāni palaba dhani ñām̐ra delā || (2) haṭha na karaha kānhu na purata kāme | prathamaka rabhasa bicāraka ṭhāme || (3) ābe naba jaubana samaya nihārī | apanahi bekata hoeta paracārī || (4) madana bham̐ḍāraka surata sayānī | mohara sunala acha asamaya jānī || (5) mukulita locana nahi paragāse | kām̐pa kalebara hiradae tarāse || (6) bhanaï bidyāpati naba anurāgī | sahia parābhaba piā hiā lāgī || Taraunī Manuscript — Song 48 (1) abalā aṁsuka bālambhu lelā | pāni palaba dhani ām̐tara delā || (2) haṭha na karihu pahu na pūrata kāme | prathamaka rabhasa bicāraka ṭhāme || (3) madana bhaṇḍāra surata rasa ānī | mohare mundala acha asamaya jānī || (4) mukulita locana nahi paragāse | kām̐pa kalebara hṛdaya tarāse || (5) ābe naba jībana samaya nihārī | apanahi bekata hoyata paracārī || (6) bhanaï bidyāpati naba anurāgī | sahiya parābhaba piya hita lāgī || Trans. In Rāga Kedārā — (1) That woman’s beloved stole her clothing. She [hid] herself between the water and the branches. (2) Now it is clear that her youth [has not arrived]. It will make its own presence known [in time]. (3) Don’t be stubborn Krishna! Now your desires will not be fulfilled. Think [of the future] of that place of your first sexual intercourse. (4) There was no light [of passion] in her just blossomed eyes. Her body trembles and the heart is terrified. (5) Kāmadeva brought the rasa of sexual passion from his storehouse. But he sealed it up with his lock, considering the time to be incorrect. 255 RT (BRBP ed.): 12 TM (BRBP ed.): 48 NG ed.: 164 MM ed.: 281 207 (6) Says Vidyāpati, “[Such is] new sexual passion, such that one can tolerate suffering for the sake of one’s beloved.” Scenario Note: This pada describes a common Krishna-related trope, the vastra-haraṇa, or theft of clothing. Krishna steals away the clothing of the gopī when she is bathing in the river. It is made clear that she is too young and that she has not yet reached adolescence. Vidyāpati warns Krishna to be patient and wait for the right time for Kāmadeva to unlock his store of passion. This is an interesting juxtaposition between a common scene in Krishna-lore and Vidyāpati’s consideration of the nature of proper rasa and social propriety. 208 Song 135 (Folio 32a, lines 4-6 [PDF p. 33]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) jaṭakaka jāṭala chāḍala ṭhāma | dekhi mahā-taru lela bisarāma || (2) tejala na jiba rahata hamāra | śeṣa ḍāri ṭuṭi paḍala kapāra || (3) ayalahu mādhaba tua guṇa jānī | sāgara achala thāha bhela pānī || (4) hastika dāta ki supuruṣa bola | thira jao rahaya tao lahaya amola || (5) hama rehu bajaïte hoyata birāma | phekale o cepa pāra gaya ṭhāma || Trans. In Rāga Dhanāśrī — (1) A gale of a storm blew in and she abandoned the place [where she was waiting]. Seeing a great tree, she took shelter. (2) “If I have been abandoned, then I will surely not survive!” The end of a tree-branch broke and fell upon her head. (3) Along came Mādhava! Everyone knows of your virtue. It is a vast ocean, [who can] measure the depth of the water. (4) Don’t they call ‘good men’ the one who reaches a helping hand? As long as you remain steadfast, you will attain what is invaluable. (5) “Because I was called [out], I will remain here and rest.” When she abandons her modesty, she will be delivered from that place. Scenario Note: The nāyikā, waiting for Krishna in the middle of the night, is caught in a storm. She fears for her life as she remains out in the storm in the shelter of a tree. She refuses to speak up for herself and is stuck in a predicament of her own making. The fourth line remains a bit mysterious. It speaks of the virtue of patience held by a supuruṣa. Such a man, as if hunting for ivory, only reaps as much as he is willing to be patient. 209 Song 137256 (Folio 32b, lines 2-5 [PDF p. 33]) Mālaba Rāge — (1) jābe rahia tua locana āge | tābe bujābaha diḍha anurāge || (2) nayana ota gele tata kichu āna | kapaṭa hema kata ghana dhara bāna || (3) bujala madhurapati tua anurītī | hṛdaya kapaṭa mukhe karaha pirītī || (4) jata kichu bola laha sabe bhela dhaṁdha | madhu bikhe mākhala tua anubandha || (5) bhaṇayi bidyāpati na karia rosa | tohe supuruṣa hamare dila dosa || Trans. In Rāga Mālava — (1) “As long as I am in front of your eyes, you show me strong affection. (2) When your vision is obstructed, it’s different. How many different colors does ‘fool’s gold’ have? (3) I have understood your ways, Oh Lord of Mathura! your heart is false, though in front of [my] face you show affection. (4) Whatever you said, it has all turned out to be deceit. Attachment to you is like honey mixed with poison.” (5) Vidyāpati says, “Do not be so mad! You are a ‘good man’, it’s my heart that is to blame.” Scenario Note: The heroine directly rebukes Krishna for being deceitful in love. She accuses him of speaking nicely to her in person but then breaking her trust in private. In the bhaṇitā, Vidyāpati affirms the essential morality of the hero as a ‘supuruṣa’ despite his temporary moral failing. It is possible that Vidyāpati is expressing this sarcastically, in which case, the rest of the song could be reread as a moment of tension between two would-be lovers of the heroine, one a so-called “hero” and one genuine supuruṣa. 256 BS manuscript: 136 NM manuscript:144 NM (BRBP ed.): 134 NG ed.: 341 MM ed.: 380 SoV ed. 134 210 4.2 Padas on Rasa & the Rasika Song 8 (Folio 3a, lines 2-5 [PDF p. 4]) Mālaba rāga — (1) kusume racala sejā dīpa bahala tejā parimala agara candane | Jābe jābe tua merā niphale bahali berā tābe tābe piḍali madane || Dhruva. (2) mādhava [… … …] tori rāhi bākaśajā | caraṇa śabada ghana caudiśa āoe kāna, piya lobhe parimita lajā || (3) suniya sujana nāma bacana na chāḍa ṭhāma jani ghana pasana rehalā | Te tua gamana āse nida o na āba pāśe locana lāgala deharī || (4) kabi bhane vidyāpati mahaghi basanta rāti gamana na kari abilambe | Devasiṁha deba suta sabe guṇe samucita śiri Śibasiṁgha abalambem̐ || Trans. In Rāga Mālava — (1) The bed has been made with flowers. The lamp’s flame glows. There is the scent of agarwood and sandal. Until I meet you, all is useless. The time wasted away. Meanwhile, Kāmadeva has caused me pain. Refrain. (2) Oh Mādhava! She, who has decorated the bed, has remained for you. The sound of footsteps, many in all directions, comes to [her] ears. Her desire for her lover obfuscates her modesty. (3) She’s heard you have the reputation of being a virtuous person. Upon your word, she has not abandoned [this] place, as if she has become a dense stone. In hopes of your coming, she does not sleep. Her eyes are fixed on the doorway. (4) The poet Vidyāpati says, “Rare is [such a] spring night, so don’t delay your coming” Devasiṁha, the son of the gods, he has all the proper qualities. The head/crown of Śivasiṁha is dependent on him. Scenario Note: The vāsakasajjā, or heroine who has decorated the bed/home in expectation, is waiting for Krishna to arrive for their tryst. He still does not come, and she grows anxious more anxious. The third line suggests that the virtuous woman is tempted to break social conventions and go out to search for her lover, though in the end she remains steadfast in the place appointed for their rendezvous. In the end, the poet urges Krishna to come quickly since this is a rare and fortuitous occasion. Devasiṁha could refer to Śivasiṁha’s father (r. 1342-1401/1411). In this case, Śivasiṁha’s head is dependent to Deva Siṁha. A case could be made for this since the last half of the bhaṇitā would be in praise of his father. He is described in Vidyāpati’s Puruṣaparīkṣā 211 and in the Śaivasarvasvasāra. It is likely Vidyāpati served under both Devasiṁha and his more famous son Śivasiṁha. 212 Song 18257 Folio 5a, lines 2-6 [PDF p. 6]) (1) tribali taraṅgini pura dūgama jani manamathe mantra paḍhāu | sumari tohari riti yaubana dalapati ṛtupati dūra paṭhāū || [Dhruva.] (2) mādhava abe sāji e dahu rādhā | tasu śaiśabe tohe je jasa pāola se cali āuti bādhā || (3) kuṇḍala cakra tilaka aṅkuśa kae caṁdana kabaca abhirāmā | Tīkha kaṭākha bhaüha dhanu guṇa kae sāji rahali achi bāmā || (4) kara paṁkaja lae kuca kuṁkuma daya bara mām̐gae nahi āne | jam̐o hari keli beri eka pāoba bisaraba niya abhimāne || (5) bhanayi vidyāpati suna bara ṛtupati rasa bujae rasamantā | Hāsini dei pati Deba-Siṁha narapati sakala kalā guṇamantā || Nepal Manuscript — 249 Baralī rāge — (1) tribali taraṅgiṇi pura duggama jani manamathe patra paṭhāu | Jaubana dalapati samaỵa tohara ratipati duta paṭhāū || Dhruva. (2) mādhaba ābe sājiā dahu bālā | Tasu saisabe tohe je santāpali se sariāuti bālā || (3) kuṇḍala cakka tilaka aṅkusa kae candana kabaca abhirāmā | Nayana kaṭākha bāna guna dhanu dae sāji rahali acha bāmā || (4) sundari sāji kheta cali āïli vidyāpati kabi bhāne || Trans. (1) As if a difficult to assail a city [surrounded] by a three-veined river, Kāmadeva is invoked to recite mantras. Battling on account of your love,258 the ‘General of youth’, has dispatched the ‘Lord of seasons’ (i.e. spring) far away. [Refrain.] (2) Oh Mādhava!AT that time Radha, burning [in anger] is equipped [for battle]. She will come along and take revenge for that glory which you attained in her childhood. (3) Earrings for discus and forehead mark for the goad, this lady has her gorgeous armor of sandalwood-paste.259 With sharp glances, on her quality bow. That woman adorned herself. 257 NM manuscript: 249 NM (BRBP ed.): 229 NM (Jha ed.): 228 NG ed.: 233 MM ed: 478 258 I have taken the reading to be rati (erotic love) rather than the recorded riti (season). This maintains the rhyme and makes better thematic sense. 259 This is an inversion of the ‘candana-carcita’ imagery of the Gītagovinda 213 (4) With lotus-hands, she put vermillion on her breasts, she has not come to ask for some favor. [But] if Hari, having played about, would get her just once [in his embrace], then she would forget her haughtiness. (5) Says Vidyāpati, “Listen good ‘Lord of Seasons’! [Only] a connoisseur of rasa can understand it. The husband of Hāsinī Devi, Devasiṁha, is lord of all men and possess all of the arts and virtuous qualities.” Scenario Note: This pada describes lovemaking as a battle scene. This trope compares the bodily and ornamental features of the heroine to parts of the battlefield. For instance, the opening line compares the genitals of the heroine to a guarded city surrounded by a three-veined river, usually a reference to the folds in the waist of an ideally attractive woman. This pada describes the heroine as dressed up as if she has come to do battle. Radha’s, normally feminine and beautiful adornments, are described as equipment and armor for war. The poet warns Krishna that he only needs to embrace his beloved in order to subvert her angry attack. In the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’s citation this verse names Radha; whereas, the Nepal manuscript leaves the nāyikā as a vaguer “girl”. In general, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta’s reading is more robust and elaborate. 214 Song 32260 (Folio 7b, line 3-7 [PDF p. 8]) Ke[da]rā261 — (1) gurujana nayana pagāra pabana jini santari sumukhi calalī262 | jani anurāge263 taüli kahu pelali kare dhari kāme tiralī264 || [Dhruva.] (2) he mādhaba nabi abhisāraka rītī | ke jāna kaona bidhi bihi paṭhāuli kāmini tribhubana jītī || (3) sāmara sakala kalebara265 ambaram̐ ghanatara266 timira samarī | patha jāyite kehum̐ lakhahi na pārali jani masi ḍubali267 bhamarī || (4) bhanayi bidyāpati suna bara yaum̐bati rasa bujae rasamantā | Lakhimā deï-pati Śiba-Siṅgha nara-pati sakala kalām̐ guṇamantā || Taraunī Manuscript - 89 (1) gurujana nayana pagāra pabana jañao sundari satari calalī | jani anurāge pāchu dhari pelali kare dhari kāme tiḍalī || [Dhruva.] (2) ki āre nabi abhisāraka rītī | ke jāna kaone bidhi kāme paḍhāuli kāmini tihuyana jītī || (3) ambara sakala bibhūṣana sundara ghanatara timira sāmarī | kehu katahu patha lakhahi na pārali jani masi buḍali bhamarī || (4) cetana āgu caturapana kaïsana bidyāpati kabi bhāne | Rājā Sibasiṁha rūpa narāyana Lakhimā devi ramāne || Trans. [In Rāga] ‘Ke[da]rā’ — (1) Just as the walls of a fort [try to stop] the wind [but are ultimately unsuccessful]; similarly, despite the eyes of the community elders, that beautiful lady passed over them and departed. It was as if ‘Passion’, assessing her power, pushed her somewhere and Kāmadeva, grabbing her by the hand pulled her [somewhere else]. Refrain. (2) Oh Mādhava! This is the manner of a young woman who goes to meet her lover at night. Who knows for what purpose the Creator has sent this amorous woman who will win over the entire universe (lit. ‘The Three Worlds’)? 260 TM (BRBP ed.): 89 261 This word is marked out by the scribe. 262 Written as ‘calālī’, but the middle -ā- mātrā crossed out. 263 The ‘e’-mātrā is written across the center space. 264 Both ‘-i-’ and ‘-ī-’-mātrā-s are written around ‘-l-’. The scribe has written the long -ī- to accord with the end of the first hemistich. 265 In-line only ‘kabera’ is written. There are small marks above and below the ‘-e-’-mātrā, indicating and amendment. In the margins ‘le’ is written to indicate that is what is to be inserted. 266 Written as ‘gharatara’. This reading does not make sense, so I have selected the TM reading of ‘ghanatara’. 267 unclear. 215 (3) Black was all of her body, her gown was densely black was the [night]sky. Going along the path, she was not perceptible to anyone. It was as if she was a black bee dipped in ink. (4) Vidyāpati says, “Listen! Best of the young women! Only one who possesses rasa can understand [this] rasa.” Lakhimā Devī’s husband and the lord of men, Śivasiṅgha, is accomplished in all of the arts. Scenario Note: The abhisārikā, or woman going out on a late-night tryst, overcomes the obstacles of her village/family elders to go out of her home at night. She is a younger woman whose stunning beauty is described as something that could conquer the universe. The heroine is unlikely to be Rādhā, since she is described as dark complexioned. Her dark skin and the pitch-black night of her rendezvous make her nearly invisible on her trek. This is a relatively unique depiction, though several Rāgiṇīs, like Āsāvarī, also have dark skin and are depicted going out at night into a storm. 216 Song 33 (Folio 7b, line 7-8; Folio 8a, line 1 [PDF pp. 8-9]) Dhanāchī rāge — (1) namitem̐ alaka beḍhalā mukha kamala śobhe | rāhu ki bāhu pasāralā śaśi maṇḍala268 lobhe || [Dhruvapada] (2) madane sare muruchalī cira cetana bālā || (3) kuca kalasa loṭaïlī ghana samara belī | kanaya pābaya sutali jani kāri nāginī || (4) bhane bidyāpati gāolā rasa bujae rasamantā | hāsini dei pati nāgarā deba siṅgha debakantā || Trans. In Rāga Dhanāśrī — (1) Her locks of hair wrapped around her bowed flower-like face, [like] Rāhu’s arms, stretched out in greed for the orb of the moon. [Refrain.] (2) The young girl fell in a faint when the arrow of cupid pierced her heart. (3) [Her hair, like] thick dark creepers, spilled over the pitchers of her breasts, or like a black female serpent has fallen asleep, encountering [a pile of] gold. (4) So, sings out Vidyāpati, “The one who possess a rasa can understand it.” The husband of Hāsinī Devī, the urbane Devasiṁha, is the beloved of the gods. Scenario Note: The beauty of the nāyikā’s skin shines in bright and golden colors. This is contrasted with the thick blackness of her beautiful hair. It is compared to Rāhu’s darkness covering the moon and to a black snake upon a pile of gold. The bhaṇitā is an often-repeated trope in Vidyāpati’s canon. The poet describes that only a proper rasika can understand the rasa presented in this poetic vignette. He further says that Devasiṁha, his patron, is one such connoisseur. 268 Written as ‘maṇḍale’, but the ‘e’-mātrā seems to be marked over in correction. 217 Song 42 (Folio 9b, lines 2-4 [PDF p. 10]) Korāba rāge269 — (1) apuraba sapana dekhala sakhi āja | takhanuka kahinī kahaïte lāja || (2) harakha sahita heralahi mukha kām̐tī | pulakita tana mora dhara kati bhāti || (3) ānanda nore nayana bhari gela | pemaka ākure pallaba dela || (4) jakhane harala hari ācara mora | rasa bhare sam̐śaru kasanike ḍora || (5) bure kuca maṇḍala rahalihu goe | kamala kanaka giri jāpi na hoe || (6) bhaṇayi vidyāpati sapana sarūpa | rasamae rūpa nārāyaṇa bhūpa || Trans. In Rāga Korāva — (1) “I saw a remarkable dream today, Oh sakhī!” She told her tale while being abashed. (2) Her face appeared splendorous because it was joyful. “How many ways was my body enraptured?” (3) Her eyes became filled with tears of joy. “I was given a flower bud, which caused me to be confounded by [his] love. (4) Then Hari stole the end of my Sari.” The threads of her bodice, which was filled with rasa, were broken. (5) Her groin and the orbs of her breasts remained hidden. [But] a lotus and mountains of gold cannot be hidden [in such a manner]. (6) Says Vidyāpati, “I saw such a form in my dreams. Oh king! The King is one who is like Nārāyaṇa and is filled with rasa.” Scenario Note: A nāyikā recounts dream of sexual passion to her companion. Behind an expected veil of modesty, her lust is revealed. Vidyāpati puts himself in the place of the nāyikā and seems to imply that he himself saw the vignette of this song in a dream. He finishes by extolling his patron’s ability to understand the rasa of such a moment. 269 Appears to be marked over by the scribe. 218 Song 48 (Folio 10b, line 7; Folio 11a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 11-12]) Rāja bijae270 — (1) ālasem̐ ām̐gana sutali gorī | duhu anumata ānana herī || (2) rāhu ta bhamara bhae gela danda | o bola kamala o bola canda || (3) bhauhe chaḍāola sīmā danda | ādhā kamala ādhā canda || (4) bihim̐ purāola duhuka sādha | bām̐ṭa dayi ehanu ādhe ādha || (5) dhani ki kahati apana kathā | am̐gari bhūṣita kanaka latā || (6) bhane bidyāpati kautukem̐ gāola | ī rasa rupa narāyana pāola || Trans. [In Rāga] Rāja Vijaya — (1) A fair lady slept lazily in the courtyard. Both [lovers] gazed at her beautiful face. (2) Then, both the demon Rāhu and the black bees fell into conflict. One called her a lotus and the other called her the moon. (3) They ascended upon the line of her brows and fought. Half was a lotus, and the other half the moon. (4) Fate fulfilled both of their desires. He apportioned to each half and half. (5) Oh, fortunate woman! Will you not tell me about yourself, you whose bodice is adorned with curling golden creepers? (6) Vidyāpati declares, singing in wonder, “The one who is in form just like Nārāyaṇa has attained this kind of rasa.” Scenario Note: The face of a sleeping beauty becomes the battlefield between a black bee and the demon Rāhu. They both covet her face because they think it appears to be a lotus flower and the moon, respectively. The poet extolls the heroine’s beauty even further by saying that she is both a lotus and the moon, each apportioned by fate to the bee and Rāhu. Vidyāpati again describes his patron’s ability to understand and appreciate such a rasa properly. Specifically, that he is able to understand the whole beauty of this woman, something that both the bee and Rāhu fail to do. 270 Crossed out 219 Song 51 (Folio 11b, lines 6-7; Folio 12a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 12-13]) Korāba rāge — (1) hamarahi am̐gam̐nā bāhara śāhara tarem̐ gela | ehi bāṭe bhamara gatāgata kichu puchio na bhela || Dhruva. (2) bhane o bhela bhamiā bathu pābathu mane khedha | eka rasa puruśā na bujae guṇa dūṣaṇa bheda || (3) kaminike lobhe dhāola pāola nahi pāśa | madhu punu ḍiṭhihu na dekhala arajala upahāśa || (4) kamini aili ketaki gela saurabha rahu purī | kaṁṭake kabanu karebara mukhe mākhala dhurī || (5)bidyāpati kabim̐ gāola rasa bujae rasamanta | Deba-Siṁha naba nāgara Hāsini-Devi kanta || Trans. In Kolava Rāga — (1) Outside of my courtyard a mango fell to the earth. On that road, [some person] was wandering back and forth. [Though it did not seem like] he had anything to ask [of the household]. Refrain. (2) It looked like some object had vexed him while he was wandering about. Until a man can understand even a single rasa, he cannot distinguish between virtue and vice. (3) Desiring that ardent woman, he ran forward, but he did not fully approach [her]. Madhu (i.e., Krishna) did not manage to get another glimpse [of her], though he received [much] ridicule. (4) When the woman came out of her house, there was the fragrance of the screw-pine pervading [from within]. “What troublesome person has smeared dirt upon your face and body!?” (5) The poet Vidyāpati sang, “Only the person that possess a rasa, understands that rasa. Devasiṁha is a young urbane man and the beloved of Lady Hāsinī.” Scenario Note: This pada emphasizes what is not mention and the ability of a properly educated rasika to understand those hidden implications. A stranger comes to the courtyard of a house, where a woman dwells. From the outside, this man seems to be confused and unsure of himself. He becomes the object of ridicule to other observing who do not understand the reality of the situation. In line four, we find out that the heroine is perfumed and is disheveled. It is implied that the heroine and the stranger have engaged in a love affair. The enjoyment of this verse is derived from the fact that the reader and heroine know more than is implied in the verse. Vidyāpati’s patron, Devasiṁha, is then described as someone who also has the proper qualifications. 220 Song 69 (Folio 16b, lines 4-6 [PDF p. 17]) [Rāja-Bijae —] (1) gori caraṇa cite cinta om̐ binati kara om̐ kara jori | piya saṅgama sukha mām̐ga om̐ āsā purabathu mori || Dhruva. (2) piya mora baḍa rasiyā re || (3) je dina hoeta piyā saṅgama karaba moe soraha siṁhāra | Saṅgame saba sukha pāoba chāḍata madana bikāra || (4) kāma bhāba rasa upajata puna kem̐ pulata mera deha271 | Trans. [In Rāga Rāja-Vijaya] — (1) Thinking of the feet of Gaurī in her mind, [a girl] bows with her hands joined together [in supplication]. She asks for the happiness of being with her beloved. “May my wish be fulfilled.” Refrain. (2) “My beloved should be a great Rasika, Oh! (3) On that day when I will be with my beloved, I will fully adorn myself [with the 16 adornments]. In union, I will attain every joy, when he leaves me, the poison of Madana.” (4) Such a rasa will be produced from the bhāva of kāma (lust) Who has caused my body to horripilate in this way? Scenario Note: This pada describes a young girl who is praying to the goddess Gaurī in order to obtain a good husband. She asks for a rasika so that she will be able to properly enjoy the rasa due to a married woman. 271 There are three stacked candrabindu-like marks at the end of this hemistich. This indicates a missing pada or hemistich. 221 Song 116 (Folio 27b, lines 3-7 [PDF p. 28]) Āsābarī Rāge — (1) āja dekhali gaja-gāmini bhāmini bharamali bhāba | dāmini jake ḍiṭhi darasa kata mana kara pacatāba || (2) tahā tahā gela duo locana jahā jahā geli bara nāri | āsā lubudhala na tejae kṛpanaka pācha bhiṣāri || (3) catura sakhījana caü-diśa hāse dekhali rada dām̐tī272 | jani nakṣatra gati maṇḍala śaśi pahirali gaja motī || (4) candane caraci payodhara śobhaya gṛma hāra273 | jani kanakācala274 upara lāoli surasari dhāra || (5) rupe aheli dhani sundari baḍa pune puna mata pāba | rājā siba siṁgha nāgara sukabi bidyāpati gāba || Trans. In Rāga Āsāvarī — (1) “Today I saw your lady, with an elephantine gait, I was confused by the emotion (bhava). He glance was like lightning; how much did my heart repent for seeing her!” (2) Wherever that excellent woman went, both of [these] eyes followed behind. The greedy do not give up hope. Like beggars running after a miser?” (3) “The clever sakhī-s all around laughed and I kept seeing their teeth everywhere [while they ridiculed him].” They are like planets that swirl around the orb of the moon, like the pearls produced by elephants. (4) Her breasts are smeared with sandalwood-paste, her neck is beautified by a necklace. It appeared as if the [white] stream of the Ganges was flowing over golden mountains. (5) Seeing this form of that beautiful lady, one’s mind will become intoxicated again and again. Of King Śivasiṁha, an urbane man, the good poet Vidyāpati sings. Scenario Note: A companion or messenger is telling Krishna of the suffering of the nāyikā. The ridicule of her group of companions is quite evocative, with the heckling mouths of the sakhīs being focused on. They are compared to an orbiting group of planets around the moon (Krishna) with elephant- produced pearls upon them. 272 These are synonyms and redundant. 273 This seems to be taken from Jayadeva’s Gīta-Govinda (Candana-carcita nila kalebara…). 274 An example of internal sandhī in a nominal compound 222 4.3 Devotional Padas Song 22 (Folio 6a, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 7]) Korāba — (1) kām̐ em̐ madana mārasi mohī | mam̐em̐ abalā bali śaṅkara nāhi || (2) bibhuti bhūṣaṇa phaṇi na hārā | bicitra aṁbara na bagha chālā || (3) anala tilaka jaṭā na belī | gām̐ga nahi śiram̐ kusuma senī || (4) bhane vidyāpati indu na bindū | rupa nārāyaṇa bhūpati bandū || Trans. [In Rāga] Korāva — (1) “Why, oh Madana, did you strike me [with you arrows]? I am a feeble woman, not the strong Śaṅkara. (2) I do not have his ornaments of sacred ash, not a garland of serpents. I have neither his variegated clothing nor a tiger’s skin. (3) I do not have a tilaka of fire, not creepers upon my matted hair. It is not the Ganges upon my head, it is a row of flowers.” (4) Vidyāpati says, “I am not the dot of the moon [above his head]. [The king], who is in form just like Nārāyaṇa and is the associate of the lord of the earth.” Scenario Note: Here, Gaurī/Pārvatī asks why Madana (Kāmadeva) struck her with his arrows that cause amorous desire. Shiva is usually described as the enemy of Kāmadeva. Gaurī describes the features Shiva as a way of both praising him and asking contrasting her own feminine beauty. 223 Song 23 (Folio 6a, lines 3-6 [PDF p. 7]) Mālava Rāge – (1) katana vedana mohi desi madanā | hara nahi bānā hame yuvati janā || (2) bibhuti bhūṣana nahi candanaka reṇu | bāgha chāla nahi netaka vasanu || (3) nahi morām̐ kālakūṭa mṛga-mada | cāru phani-pati nahi morā mukutāka hāra|| (4) caṁdana tilaka morā nahi īndu goṭā | lalāṭa pāvaka nahi sindūraka phoṭā || (5) nahi morā jaṭā bhāva cikuraka veṇī | surasari nahi morā kusumaka melī || (6) bhanaï Vidyāpati suna deva kāma | eka dosa acha morāṁ nāme pae bāmā || Trans. In Mālava Rāga – (1) “How much pain do you give to me, oh Madana! I am not Hara in disguise, I am a young woman. (2) This adornment is not of sacred ash; it is the dust of sandalwood. This is not a tiger’s skin; it is clothing made of fine cloth. (3) I do not have the Kālakūṭa poison (a.k.a. Halāhala), this is deer-musk. I am not the beautiful lord of serpents; this is my necklace of pearls. (4) I have a tilaka of sandalwood [on my head] and not the moon. It is not fire upon my brow, but a spot of vermillion. (5) This is not my matted hair, it is my charming lock of plaited hair [and in it] it is not the Ganges, but it is braided with [white] flowers.” (6) Vidyāpati says, “listen Kāmadeva! If there is even one misstep, then I will get infamy as a woman” Scenario Note: This pada thematically follows from the last. Gaurī tries to prevent Kāmadeva from attacking her when he mistakes her for her husband Shiva, his usual enemy. Gaurī then describes each feature of Shiva that is mistaken for her own. Though not exactly describing Shiva and Gaurī as Ardhanarīnareśvara, the feminine and masculine features of these male and female deities are identified with each other and juxtaposed side-by-side. 224 Song 38 (Folio 8b, lines 7-8; Folio 9a, line 1 [PDF pp. 9-10]) Mālaba — (1) hara he sebae aelahu sukha lāgī | biṣama nayana anukhana bara āgī || (2) bam̐saha parāela āge | païsi patāla rahala gae lāge || (3) śaśi uṭhi calala akāśe | gori calali girirājaka pāse || (4) ucita kahae nahi jāyī | umata arādhaba kaone upāyī || (5) Vidyāpati kabi sebā | dethu abhaya bara śankara debā || Trans. [In Rāga] Mālava — (1) “Oh Hara! I have come in order to serve you for the purpose of [obtaining] happiness.” Fire burns continuously in his tempestuous eyes. (2) He came forth upon his bull. When you enter into the underworld you will remain stuck there? (3) The moon rises and climbs the sky. Just as Gaurī returns to the ‘Lord of the Mountains’ (the Himālayas). (4) [Such a scene] cannot be described adequately. Who is the one with a means to worship the intoxicated one (i.e. Shiva)? (5) [Such] is the service of the poet Vidyāpati. Oh Lord Śaṅkara! May the gift of fearlessness be given. Scenario Notes: This devotional pada is very similar to song 37 by Sadānanda. It seems like Sadānanda’s verse is based on this one, lending it some poetic credentials. Vidyāpati, and potentially the singer, ask Shiva for the proper means to serve him to obtain happiness and avoid hell. Shiva’s characteristics are described in a stereotypical fashion. 225 Song 141 (Folio 33a, lines 6-7; Folio 33b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 34]) (1) buḍhāri bayasa śibe beśana na chaḍali kī phala basaha daüḍāyī275 | bhāge more śiba hāḍala ṭhuṭale kīdahu hoiti upayī || (2) basaha biḍabi gela ke jāna kataya gela hāḍa māla kī bhelā | phuṭi gela ḍamaru bhasama chiḍiyāyala apathe saṁpati dura gelā || (3) hamara haṭala śiba tohahi na mānaha apanahi haṭha byabahāre | saba kā sabatahu jaga bhari suniya gharinika bole byabahāre || (4) bhaṇayi bidyāpati suniya maheśa raï jāni kariya tua sebā | etae ye baru se.|| Trans. (1) “Even in old age, Shiva does not leave his vices (smoking, etc.). What benefit is there from worrying? Such is my fate, Oh Shiva! That even if my skull (fig. fate) would break, there would be some kind of way of it still coming true. (2) Who knows where that odd man has gone to dwell? What happened to the one who wears a garland of skulls? His ḍamaru drum has broken open. His sacred ashes have been scattered about. On some impassable road his belongings have gone far away. (3) You chide me, Oh Shiva! Do not be angry. Your behavior is so obstinate. Why is it that all of existence is filled with nothing by emptiness?” Such is the manner of how your mistress speaks (i.e. Parvatī). (4) Vidyāpati says, “Listen Māheśa! The King knows and performs your service.” Her husband is just like this. Scenario Note: This concluding pada is dedicated to Shiva. It is similar in theme to the preceding number pada by Sadānanda (number 140 in the appendix). Here, the poet, imitating the voice of Shiva’s wife Parvati, describes her bewilderment. She laments that Shiva is missing and causing suffering to all of existence. She does not speak to anyone in particular, but out into the ether. This is very similar in its central theme to a popular pada sung in contemporary Mithilā (uganā re mora katae gelā), about the Ugnā avatāra of Shiva. In that poem, the poet Vidyāpati replaces Parvati in lamenting Shiva’s absence. 275 dauḍāyī? 226 4.4 Vidyāpati & Jayadeva Song 35276 (Folio 8a, lines 7-8; Folio 8b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 9]) Korāba — (1) sāmara purusā hama gharam̐ pāhuna raṅge bibhābari gelī | kācā siriphala naha muti laolanhi kesu pam̐khuriyā bhelī || (2) sehe piyā dae gela277 keśa278 pam̐khuriā279 dhaela mae ām̐care goyī280 |281 [kā]jare282 kāra sakhījana locane ḍiṭhi(hi)283 maïla janum̐ hoi(li)284 || (3) nūtana285 neha sam̐sāraka sīmā upacita kaisana corī || byādha kusuma-śareṁ sara bighaṭāuli rāja kuraṅgini morī | (4) cāri bhāve hame bharamali achalihu samadi na bhele mohi sebā | kām̐nha rupa śiri śiba-siṅgha āela kabi abhinaba jayadebā || Taraunī Manuscript - Song 173 (1) sāmara purusā majhu ghara pāhuna raṅge bibhābari gelī | kācā siriphala nakhamuti laolanhi kesu pakhuriyā bhelī || [Dhruva.] (2) se piā dae gela kesu pakhuriā dharaya na pārala moñe re | (3) sasi nava chande anurāgaka ām̐kura dhaela moñe ām̐care goi || kājare kāja sakhījana locana dīṭhihu malina janu hoi || (4) nūtana neha sasāraka sīmā upacita kaïsani corī | byādha kusuma-sara saño bighaṭāuli raṅga kuraṅgini morī || (5) cāri bhābe hame bharamali achalāha samadi na bhele mohi sebā | kānhu rūpa siri sibasiṁha āela kabi abhinaba jaädebā || 276 TM (BRBP ed.): 173 NG ed.: 600 MM ed.: 77 277 It is written as ‘geli’; however -i- is partially marked out. This reading would agree with TM. 278 The TM reads this as kesu. This would make sense with the previous line, but is it not too repetative? 279 Orthography: unusually -u- mātrā under -kh- 280 This is written as ām̐cara with -a- crossed out and -re- written immediately afterwards. 281 After ‘goyī’ several characters are blacked out. There seems to have been some confusion on the part of the scribe. This line consists of the first half of line 3 and the second half of line 4 from the song as presented in the TM. This could represent a scribal eye-slip since these lines end with similar hemistiches (dharaya and dhaela). It could also be the result of the performer who felt the lines were too repetitive. 282 -kā- seems to have been marked over by the scribe. This reading was clarified from the TM version. 283 The -hi- is marked out, but it is difficult to tell if this is intentional. This correction is most likely because of the meter since this ending is pleonastic. 284 Orthography/Scribe: -li- is written in the right margin to be added to ‘hoi’. This seems to be added to produce a matching end rhyme with -goyī- of the first half. This is not a satisfactory end rhyme. It seems to be forced. 285 There seems to be an -ā- mātrā or a daṇḍā at the beginning of this line. It is unclear whether this is is read with the previous line or a mistake and this word is supposed to read ‘anutana’. 227 Trans. [In Rāga] Korāva — (1) “A dark-complexioned man [came as] a guest in my house. The night was spent in passion. On her unripe wood-apples [breasts] he put his nailmarks. They [seemingly] became the red petals of Kesu/Palāśa tree. (2) That very beloved was given petals of the Kesu tree. I ran away and disappeared behind the end of my sāṛī. It is as if I have become dirty from the black soot eyeliner cast by my group of female companions. (3) New love is the upper most limit of this world[’s happiness]. How can it be stolen away once accumulated? The flower-arrowed one (i.e. Kāmadeva), as a hunter, breaks up [this new love] of mine with an arrow, like a king [hunting] a female deer. (4) I am lost in the ‘four-bhāvas’.286 That is why I was not given this service.287 The poet ‘Abhinava-Jayadeva’ (i.e. Vidyāpati) has come to serve Śrī Śivasiṅgha, who is in form like Krishna. Scenario Note: The nāyikā expresses her joy and trepidation after her sexual encounter with the hero who appeared at her door. She laments that her experience of love is broken up by her companions, whose glances are like black arrows, and by Kāmadeva who pursues her like a king hunts a deer with an arrow. The most important feature of this pada is the mention of Vidyāpati as ‘Abhinava- Jayadeva’ (the ‘new Jayadeva’) in the bhaṇitā. 286 The BRBP ed. indicates that these are the vibhāva (Krishna), the anubhāva (romāñca), the saṁcārī bhāva (harṣa, āvega, etc.), and the styāyī bhāva (rati). 287 This is based on the BRBP’s reading. 228 4.5 Rāga & Prosody Song 46288 (Folio 10a, line 7; Folio 10b, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 11]) Bhīmaparāśī Rāge — (1) sūraja289 sindhūra bindu cām̐dane lihae indu tithi kahi geli tilake | biparita abhisāra amia barisa dhara aṅkuśe kaela alake || (2) mādhava bheṭali pasāhali berā | ādare analanhi puchi ela puchalanhi catura sakhījana morā | (3) caṁpaka phula lae ketaki dala dae, kabari thoelanhi, ānī | mṛga-maya kuṁkuma agaru ruci laelanhi samae niya dṛśa ānī || (4) bhanayi bidyāpati dūti sucetana kuhu niramala parimāna | rājā śiti.||290 Nepal Manuscript - 261 Vibhāsa Rāge — (1) suraja sindura bindu cāndane lihae indu tithi kahi geli tilake | viparita abhisāra amiña galae dhāra aṅkusa kaela alake || Dhruva. (2) mādhava bheṭali pasāhana berī| ādara haralaka puchio na puchalaka catura sakhījana melī || (3) ketaki dala lae campaka dala dae kabarī thoelaka ānī | candane kuṅkume aṅga ruci kaela ka samaya niveda sayānī || (4) bhanaï Vidyāpatītyādi || Rāgataraṅgiṇī - 25 Ramyā Bhīmpalāsī - (1) suraja sindura bindu cāndane lihae indu tithi kahi geli tilake | viparita abhisāra barisa amiña dhāra aṅkuśa kaela ti(la)ke || [Dhruva.] 288 NM manuscript: 261 NM (BRBP ed.): 241 NM (Jha ed.): 240 RT (BRBP ed.): 25 TM (BRBP ed.): 78 NG ed.: 248 MM ed.: 88 289 Written as guruja in manuscript; which is not attested as a word in lexicons and does not make sense. 290 This line is written above the main text and indicated with two tick marks at the end of the concerned pada. The end text of ‘rājā śīti.’ is included but unclear as to its meaning. 229 (2) he Mādhava bheṭali pasāhani beri| Ādhara haralaka puchi (on ne puchalaka catura sakhi ja)na meri|| (3) ketaki dala lae campaka phula daya kabarī phoelaka ānī | mṛgamada kuṁkumeṃ ñagarucita laölaka samae niveda sayāṃni || (4) bhanaï Vidyāpati sunu varajauvati kuhu nīkaṭa paramāne | Rājā Śiva-Siṁha rūpa narāëna lakhimā devi ram(ā)ne || Taraunī Manuscript - 78 (1) suraja sindura bindu caṃdane likhae indu tithi kahi geli tilake | viparita abhisāra amiya barisa dhāra aṅkusa kaela alake || [Dhruva.] (2) mādhava bheṭala pasāhani beri | ādara haralaka puchiona puchalaka catura sakhī jana merī || (3) ketaki dala dae campaka phula laë kabarihi thoelaka ānī | mṛgamada kuṁkuma aṅgaruci kaelaka samaya nibeda sayānī || (4) bhanaï Vidyāpati sunaha abhayamati kuhū nikaṭa paramāne| Rājā Śivasiṁha rūpa narāyana Lakhimā dei biramāne || Trans. In Rāga Bhīmpalāsī — (1) The sun is a spot of vermillion and the moon is a spot of sandalwood written as the mark [upon her forehead]. The date has been told from her tilaka. The woman, returning from a rendezvous, holds a torrent of nectar in her hair which she has goaded into submission. (2) Oh Mādhava! You have encountered her at the time of her adornment! In adoration, he has brought his plight to plead before the group of clever female- companions! (3) They (the sakhīs) bring and place campaka blossoms and the leaves of the screw-pine upon her plait of hair. The scented paste of saffron and imbued with musk, which made her lovely, was brought. “Bring me a vision of yourself from that time!” (4) Says Vidyāpati, “Oh Messengeress! Such is the measure of the notable and pure night upon which the moon and sun are in conjunction (i.e. amāvasyā).” King Śivasiṁha is in form just like Nārāyaṇa and is the beloved of Lakhimā Devī. Scenario Note: The hero and the audience are given a glimpse of the nāyikā during the time of her adornment and decoration by her companions. Special emphasis is given to her forehead adornment (tilaka) which resembles both the sun and moon together in the sky. This is compared with amāvasyā, the period in which this happens during the lunar cycle. The hero is meek and shy in approaching the heroine during this time. 230 Song 131291 (Folio 31a, lines 5-7; Folio 31b, line 1 [PDF p. 32]) Bhupālī Rāge — (1) jaubana ratana achala dina cārī | se dekhi ādara kaela murāri || (2) se ābe jāri kusume bhela chūcha | rāśi bināśini keo nahi pucha || (3) hamari o binati kahaba sakhi roya | supuruṣa bacana anta nahi hoya || (4) jābe se dhana raha apanā sātha | tābe se ādara kara sam̐ga sātha || (5) dhanikaka ādara sabatahu hoya | niradhana boli puchaya nahi koya || (6) bhaṇayi bidyāpati rākhaba śīla | jao jibe jībia nabao nidhi mīla || Nepal Manuscript — 133 Āsāvarī Rāge — (1) jauvana ratana achala dina cāri | tābe se ādara kaela murāri | Dhruva. (2) ābe bhela jhāla kusuma rasa chūcha | bāri bihuna sara keo nahi pūcha || (3) hamario vinati kahaba sakhi goe | supuruṣa sineha anta nahi hoe | (4) jābe se dhana raha apanā hātha | tābe se ādara kara saṅga sātha || (5) dhanikaka ādara sabakā hoe | niradhana bāpula pucha nahi koe || (6) bhanaï Vidyāpatītyādi || Rāgataraṅgiṇī — 23 (1) jauvana rūpa achala dina cāri | se dekhi ādara kaela murāri || (2) aba bhela jhāla kusuma sabe chūcha | bāri bihuna sara keo nahi pūcha || (3) hamari o vinati kahaba sakhi roe | supuruṣa vacana aphala nahi hoe || (4) jābe rahae dhana apanā hātha | tābe se ādara kara saṅga sātha || (5) dhanikaka ādara sabatahu hoe | niradhana bāpura pucha nahi koe || (6) bhanaï Vidyāpati rākhaba sīla | jaño jaga jibia navo nidhi mīla || Trans. In Rāga Bhūpālī — (1) The jewel of youth lasted only for a short time (lit. ‘four days’). Noticing this, she worshiped Murāri. (2) Now the lover will come, when the flower is left empty. No one asks after a lady whose rasa has been destroyed. (3) “Tell him of my request, oh sakhī! I weep.” There should not be a limit to the word of a good man. 291 BS Manuscript: 133 NM Manuscript: 143 NM (BRBP ed.): 133 RT (BRBP ed.): 23 NG ed.: 667 MM ed.: 455 SoV ed.: 132 231 (4) As long as you keep wealth to hand, your company [continues to] sing (your) praises. (5) Everyone respects a wealthy man. No one asks after a pauper. (6) Says Vidyāpati, “One should maintain propriety, so that while one lives in the world one can attain the ‘nine-treasures’. Scenario Note: The nāyikā is left alone for many days and her body and love has withered. Her companion is asked to go bring her case before Krishna. This companion then assures her of the reliability of a ‘good man’. The category of supuruṣa is addressed which ties into Vidyāpati’s theories on manhood presented in the Puruṣaparīkṣā. Lines ‘4’ and ‘5’ seem to equate wealth and virtue in the nature of a supuruṣa. The poet advises loves to enjoy love when they have it to hand. 232 4.6 Other Courtly Padas Song 3292 (Folio 2a, Line 4-7 [PDF p. 3]) || pahatiyā || lām̐jati || (1) akāmika mandira bheli bahāra | caudiśa suna laka bhamara jam̐kāra || Dhruva. (2) e kānha e kānha sedhali tori | madana bhuam̐ge293 ḍasu bālahi mori || (3) muruchi paḍali mahim̐ viraha adhīra | na cetaya cikura na sam̐bhrama294 cīra || (4) keo mata bolae kānha kara jori295 | keo kheda kokilaï ki niboli || (5) keo sakhi beli dholi keo dholi jāra | keo cādana gaja karae samāra296 || (6) bhanaï Vidyāpati ethi nahi āna | eka pae gāruḍi acha sehe kānha || Taraunī Manuscript - Song 210 (1) akāmika mandira bheli bahāra | caüdisa sunalaka bhamara jhaṁkāra || (2) muruchi khasala mahi na rahali thīra | na cetae cikura na cetae cīra || (3) keo sakhi gābae keo kara cāra | keo cāndana gade karaya saṁbhāra || (4) keo bola mateṁ kāna tara joli | keo kokila kheda ḍākinī boli || (5) are are are kānhu ki rahasi bori | madana bhuaṅge ḍasu bālahi tori || (6) bhanaï vidyāpati eho rasa bhāna | ehi viṣa gāruḍa eka pae kānha || Trans. [In Rāga] Pahāḍi — In “lām̐” jāti297 — (1) She suddenly rushed out of the house. It was deserted in all directions, [but it seemed to her] as if there were thousands of bees. Refrain. (2) “O Kānha, O Kānha! She chastised you. Oh Madana! (i.e. Kāmadeva) A snake bit my daughter!298” 292 BS Manuscript: 2 TM (BRBP ed.): 210 NG ed.: 755 MM ed.: 647 293 There is some ambiguity here. Cupid could be a vocative or could be taken in conjunction with the snake. Cupid in the form of a snake. 294 This word for “confusion” hints at the saṁbhrama ālaṅkāra in which objects are confused for one another for effect. Bees are a common symbol in this regard because of their association with Śṛṅgāra rasa and Krishna, who is often compared to a be chasing after the nectar of flowers (the gopīs). 295 The BRBP ed. understands this as ‘zor se’. The use of a Persian loan would be highly unusual here. 296 The second hemistiches of lines 4 and 5 are metrically short. 297 This is unclear. 298 The two hemistiches contrast in their voice. It is perhaps the worried voice of the mother in the first half and the knowing sakhī in the second half. The mother thinks that her daughter has fainted due to a snakebite. The Sakhis 233 (3) [In reality,] she fell faint to the earth, restless in her separation. She does not realize [that the supposed bees] are her locks of hair. The confusion doesn’t last long. (4) Someone recites a mantra that she might be reunited with Krishna. Some of the cuckoos fall silent in their pain. (5) Some sakhī swings on a vine, another swings on a net[-swing]. Still others were like elephants tussling in the sandalwood trees.299 (6) Says Vidyāpati, “Don’t bring her here. We have a snakebite-doctor, but he is that very Kānha.”300 Scenario Note: A young woman, madly in love with Krishna, is so bewildered that she thinks her own untied hair to be a swarm of bees. This is a common trope and is reminiscent of the bhramara-gīta.301 She falls into a faint in her love-madness. The elders of her community, like her mother, think that she has been bitten by a snake and need some kind of remedy. The sakhīs know that she is just love-sick and joke that she only needs Krishna, a snakebite-doctor (‘gāruḍa’) in disguise. know that she is lovesick in reality. This has a dramatic element. The aside voice, or sotto voce, could be played up in a musical performance. This pattern seems to hold for lines 2-4 and is underscored by the dhruvapada (line 2). 299 The image here compares the sporting of the young women of Braj with young elephants that enjoy rutting in the roots of sandalwood trees. 300 This whole line is unclear. 301 This can be found in the Bhāgavat-Purāṇa (SB. 10.47.12-21) and, interestingly in the Caitanya-Caritāmṛta (Antya-Līla 19.107). 234 Song 5 (Folio 2b, lines 3-5 [PDF p. 3]) (1) sundara kuca yuga nakha kata bhāra302 | jani gaja kumbha bidārala hāra || (2) ṭuṭi chiḍiyāela moti-śari hāre | sim̐dūra loṭāeli suruga pamāre || (3) adhara daśana dekhi jiba mora kām̐pe | cām̐da mam̐ḍala jani rāhuka jhām̐pem̐303 || (4) jhām̐la gelāhum̐ huni purala madane | ḍam̐bari aelam̐hum̐ sakhi puruba ke pum̐ne || (5) moe nahi jaebe tanhi piyā ṭhāme(;) | tem̐baru mārila i bathu kāme || (6) bhanayi vidyāpati e teju lāje | āgi ḍaḍhia punu āgihika kāje || Trans. (1) What a burden are those beautiful breasts with nail marks [upon them]! It is as if a garland on the two cranial mounds of an elephant is broken open. (2) Her necklace of grass-thread and pearls is broken and scattered. The vermillion is melting [upon her head]. Heaven is overflowing. (3) Seeing the toothmarks on their lips, my very soul quivers. Just like the concealment of Rāhu over the moon. (4) “I have been burned up. That Madana (i.e. Kāmadeva) has accomplished [his task]. After a big commotion was made, I have come, oh Sakhī! What was before who can make happen again? (5) I will not go to that place where my lover is. The tempestuous glances that have been struck are just objects of desire.” (6) Says Vidyāpati, “Get rid of this shame. Let the fire burn furthermore. [After all], that is its job.” Scenario Note: The heroine has been abandoned after a night of sexual enjoyment. The rest of the pada focuses on her feeling of shame for having been abandoned in this way by Krishna and the remaining physical tokens of their lovemaking. In the end, the dūtī encourages her to be less sad and angry and to realize the nature of love. 302 ‘e’ addition by scribe. perhaps mistaking it to match “hāre” at the end of the first hemistich of the next line. I have switched this back to “bhāra” to fit the send hemistich, ending in ”hāra”. 303 unclear 235 Song 6304 (Folio 2b, lines 6-7 [PDF p. 3]) (1) kāmini karae sanāne | heri tahi hṛdae hanae pam̐cam̐bām̐ṇe || (2) cikura galae jaladhāra | mukha śaśi ḍarem̐ jani roae am̐dhārā || (3) te cintāe bhujaphāśe | bām̐dhi dharaba uḍi jāeta akāśe || (4) kuca yuga cāru cakebā | niya kula uḍata āni kone debā || (5) bhanayi vidyāpati gābe | baḍa tape punamata guṇamati pāre || Nepal Manuscript 217 Śāraṅgī Rāge — (1) kāmini karae sanāne | heraïte hṛdaya harae pacabāne || Dhruv. (2) cikura galae jaladhāra | mukha śaśi ḍare jani roae andhārā || (3) titala vasana tanu lāgū | munihuka mānasa manamatha jāgū || (4) te śaṅkāe bhujapāśe | bāndhi dhari dharia punu ūḍa tarāse || (5) kucayuga cāru cakebā | nia kula milata āni kañone debā || (6) bhanaï Vidyāpatītyādi || Rāgataraṅgiṇī 19 (1) kāmini karae sanāne | heritahĩṃ hṛdae hana pãñcabāne || (2) cikura garae jhaladhāra | mukhasasi tareṃ jani roae ñadhārā || (3) titala vasana tanu lāgū | munihũṃka mānasa manamatha jāgū || (4) kucayuga cāru cakevā | niña kula milata ñāni kone devā || (5) teṃ saṅkāñe bhujapāse | bāndhi dharia uḍi jāeta akāśe || iti vidyāpateḥ || Trans. (1) The woman, full of desire, bathes. To look at her, one’s heart is pierced by Kāmadeva (lit. ‘He who has five arrows’). (2) Her hair drips streams of water, like tears shed from the moon’s face, in fear of the darkness. (3) Made apprehensive for that reason, she binds down [her breasts] and holds in fear of them flying away. (4) Her pair of breasts are lovely and [are burgeoning] like ruddy geese, who have flown to see 304 BS Manuscript: 6 NM: 217 NM (BRBP ed.): 198 RT (BRBP ed.): 19 TM (BRBP ed.): 9 NG ed.: 37 MM ed.: 228 SoV ed.: 197 236 how they might bring back its kin. (5) Vidyāpati says singing, “[Only] the man who possesses merit from great austerities can subdue the woman of virtue.” Scenario Note: This is the most famous of all of Vidyāpati’s padas. It appears in the greatest number of sources compared with other padas. The subject of the pada is the nāyikā while she is bathing. While she exits the water, she suddenly realizes that her breasts are exposed and rushes to cover them. Such an impulse is described as a source of virtue for the heroine. Because of this, only a virtuous man could hope to be matched with such a woman. 237 Song 19 (Folio 5a, lines 6-8; Folio 5b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 6]) Mālaba — (1) gamana dibasa sam̐o dina lekhi lekhi | parataha dharia bhīti bhari lekhi || (2) puram̐ meṭie meṭi unata bujābe | madana sim̐ca eke jala lae dhābe || (3) ki hoyiti ābe kānhu kamala-mukhī | yatane jiyāuli sabahi sakhī || (4) kānha kām̐nali nidala kānha kām̐ candane | keo bola āela nanda-nandane || (5) sarasa pau nāri hṛdaya dhari thoi | cām̐da kiraṇa kone rākhali goi || (6) madhukara dhuni suni keo muda kāne | karatala tāle kokila kheda sāne || (7) bhanayi vidyāpati suna bara nārī | abadhi purale tua milata murārī305 || Trans. [In Rāga] Mālava — (1) From the day of his departure, she has marked the days [upon a wall]. Every day she holds [onto hope] and the wall fills up with her accounting. (2) When her room is being effaced, then she knows that all those marks that have built up are erased. Kāmadeva washes them away by pouring water on each. (3) What will happen to her now, oh Kānha, to this lotus-faced lady? With effort all of her companions tried to revive her. (4) Oh Kānha! She wept and fell asleep. Oh Kānha! what is the use of sandalwood [and her other adornments]? Someone says that the darling son of Nanda (i.e. Kṛṣṇa) has come. (5) That woman’s lord, who has all rasa, holds tight on her heart. The [normally joyous] rhythm of the karatalas and the cuckoo bird causes her only grief. 6) Hearing the melody of the bees, someone cries from joy. Along with the rhythm of cymbals, there is the hint of pain from the cuckoo. (7) Says Vidyāpati, “Listen best of women! With that time being ended, she will meet Murārī.” Scenario Note: The heroine is described as suffering due to separation from her beloved. She counts down the days by inscribing their count upon the earthen wall of her room. Her hope is eroded away as Kāmadeva erases these marks. Her companions try to keep her alive until the end, when her beloved, Krishna arrives. 305 This line is added in separately by the script in the upper margin of Folio 5b. It seems as if the first lines of this folio finish another pada by Sadānanda. Perhaps there is a page missing? 238 Song 26306 (Folio 6b, lines 4-5 [PDF p. 7]) Korāba Rāge307 — (1) gagaṇa magana um̐ga tārā | taiao na kānha tejaya abhisārā || (2) apanā sarabasam̐ lākhe | ānaka boli luria duhu hāthe || (3) ṭuṭala gṛma moti308 hārā | bekata bhela kuca lakha khata bhārā || (4) punu na kariahe na kāme | jiba dae yubati ubaru ehi ṭhāme || (5) vidyāpati kabi bāṇī | ehi tinuhu maha dūti śayānī || Taraunī Manuscript - Song 100 (1) gagana magana hoa tārā | taïao na kānha tejaya abhisārā || (2) apanā sarabasa lāthe | ānaka boli nuḍiya duhu hāthe || (3) ṭūṭala gṛma motī hārā | bekata bhela acha nakha khata dhārā || (4) nahi nahi nahi pae bhākhe | taïao koṭi jatana kara lākhe || (5) bhanahi vidyāpati bānī | ehi tīnuhu maha dūti saānī || Trans. In Rāga Korāva — (1) Sunk back into the sky are those risen stars (because it is morning). Even then, the woman gone for a tryst does not abandon Kānha. (2) You possess multitudes. You speak to someone and steal with both of your hands. (3) A necklace of pearls around the neck broke. He looked at the weight of the love-marks upon the breast when they appeared. (4) Do not do this anymore, Oh God of Love! The young lady saves her [own] life by abandoning this place. (5) These are the words of the poet Vidyāpati, “of these three, the messenger is the cleverest.” Scenario Note: As in the last pada, the dūtī warns the heroine of the wicked behavior of the hero. It is the end of the night and tryst has already drawn to a close. She tries to save her ward one more time by urging her to go home. Vidyāpati’s bhaṇitā mentions that of the three (hero, heroine, and dūtī), that the messengeress is the most prudent in her consideration of social morality. 306 TM (BRBP ed.): 100 NG: 320 307 Written by scribed but crossed out. Unclear if blemish of the manuscript/facsimile or the scribe crossed it out himself. 308 Inline, this is written as ‘mori’, but ‘ti’ is written above. I have taken this to be a replacement, but the former is not crossed out. 239 Song 28309 (Folio 6b, line 8; Folio 7a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 7-8]) Mālaba rāge310 — (1) abirala paḍae madana śara-dhārā | ekala deha kata sahata hamārā || (2) tilā eka sapanahum̐ tanhim̐ sam̐om̐ raṅge | nīda bideśala tanhi piyā saṅge || (3) kānha kām̐na lāgi kahīhaha bhamarā | tam̐em̐ jām̐nasi dukha ahaniśi hamarā || (4) eta dina achala abadhi kera āsā | ābe dine dine bhela jibana udāsā || (5) etabā boli kahabi mori sebā | tiratha jāni jala-añjali debā || (6) bhanayi Vidyāpati eho rasa jāne | rāya Śiba-Siṅgha Lakhimā biramāne || Taraunī Manuscript - Song 186 (1) abirala parae madana sara-dhārā | ekala deha kata sahata hamārā || (2) sapanehu tilā eka tanhi saño raṅge | nindā bidesala tāhi piyā saṅge || (3) kānha kāna lāgi kahihi bhamarā | tom̐ñe jānasi dukha ahanisi hamarā || (4) etabā boli kahabi mori sebā | tiratha jāni jala-añjali debā || (5) bhanaï vidyāpati ehu rasa jāne | rāe sibasiṁha lakhimā deï ramāne || Trans. In Rāga Mālava — (1) “The God of Love’s stream of arrows falls unrelentingly. How can a singular body [such as] mine endure so much? (2) Amorous passion arose from just a single moment’s dream. Sleep has left the country along with my beloved. (3) Stick to Kānha’s ear, oh black bee! and say to him, you [surely] know that I am distraught both day and night. (4) So many days have passed [and I am still holding] hope for the day appointed [for your return]. Now, day-by-day, life has become meaningless. (5) Telling him all this would be a great favor to me. Considering [this place] a tīrtha, I will offer a handful of water [in prayer].” (6) Says Vidyāpati, “King Śivasiṁha, who delights Lakhimā, understands this rasa.” Scenario Note: This scene concerns a proṣitabhartṛikā nāyikā, or that heroine whose husband/lover has left her at home while he travels abroad. Here, the nāyikā beseeches a bee to act as her messenger to bring her lover information of her suffering and to urge him to return home. 309 TM: Song 186 (BRBP ed.) NG: 649 MM: 162 310 The rāga name seems to be blacked out. It is unclear if this intentional on the part of the scribe or a degradation of the manuscript/facsimile. 240 Song 49 (Folio 11a, lines 3-6 [PDF p. 12]) Rāja Bijaya Rāga — (1) mukha manohara adhara raṅge | phulali madhuri kamala saṅge || (2) pīna payodhara311 dūbara gātā | meru upajala kanaka latām̐ || (3) e kānhu e kānhu tori dohāī | ati apuruba dekhali śāī || (4) bhau heri kathā puchaha janu | kājarem̐ sājala madana dhanu || (5) jāti pahu mili sahati katā | gaje dama sani damana-latā || (6) naena kaṁjana bhṛṅga apāre | madhuka mām̐tala uḍae na pāre || (7) bhane bidyāpati dūti bacane | se śuni mādhabe kaela gamane || Trans. In Rāga Rāja-Vijaya — (1) “Her face is lovely, and her lips are colored [red], like a lotus accompanied by jasmine blossoms. (2) Upon her slender body were her burgeoning breast. It was as if upon Mount Meru were sprouted golden vines. (3) Oh Kānha! Oh Kānha! I beseech you. She is remarkable to behold, oh lord! (4) Do not even ask about the beauty of beholding her brows. They have been adorned with lamp-black and are like the bow of Kāmadeva. (5) She will go to meet her husband. How much more will she be able to bear? [It would be as useless as trying] to subdue an elephant with mugwort. (6) Her eyes are like a multitude of kañjana birds or black bees, that are intoxicated from honey and cannot fly.” (7) Vidyāpati says, “These are the words of her messenger.” Hearing what she said, Mādhava departed. Scenario Note: Krishna is approached by a female messenger on behalf of the heroine. She describes the beauty of the heroine in full detail. Special attention is paid to the beauty of her eyes and eyebrows. 311 written as ‘payodhari’ the final -i- has been scratched out (not marked over) 241 Song 56 (Folio 13a, lines 2-6 [PDF p.14]) Barāḍī — (1) śapane āela sakhi piya mora pāse | takhanuka ki kahaba hṛdae hulāse || (2) suna sājani lo kaha om̐ sarūpe | nayana duo dhari gela anupama rūpe || (3) baṅka bilocana bikaśita thorā | cām̐da ugala jani samudrahi lorā (lo)|312| (4) caum̐diśam̐ manamatha dhanu guṇa gāje | haraki daraki caḍābae lāje (lo) || (5) katane jatana kae pāola barāte | mana karakhe basama dubari yāte (lo) || (6) na morām̐ dhanu guṇa na mora śam̐dhāne | bahu diśa dekhia kusuma śara bāṇe (lo) || (7) um̐ṭhali cehāe āliṅgaṇa berī | rahali lajāe śuna seja herī (lo) || (8) bhaṇayi bidyāpati dekhala sapane | jata dekhalaha tata hoe tahu uhe mane (lo) || Trans. [In Rāga] Varārī — (1) “Oh sakhī! My beloved came to me in a dream. What can be said of my heart’s delight at that moment? (2) Listen My good woman, Lo! I will tell you about his form. His two eyes hold an incomparable beauty. (3) His two crooked eyes are opened just a little. As if the moon had just risen above an ocean of tears, Lo! (4) In all directions, the praise of Kāmadeva’s bow is sung. In joy and with heart throbbing one abandons one’s shame. (5) How much effort is made to attain such a man? Because of [Shiva’s] anger, Kāmadeva was born again having been [burnt to] ashes. (6) My bow does not have that quality nor is it drawn together by me. Kāmadeva, the one who has arrows made of lowers, is seen in many directions.” (7) She woke up startled at the time of embracing. She was ashamed seeing her empty bed. (8) Vidyāpati says, “[all of this] was seen in a dream. All of what she saw happened in a flash of her mind.” Scenario Notes: The heroine recounts that her beloved came to her in a dream. The beloved’s incomparable beauty is described briefly before the heroine describes the difficulty of obtaining him. At the moment of climax, she awakens to find her bed empty and is ashamed. 312 This is added after a comma. This perhaps corrects ‘norā’ to ‘lorā’ or vice versa. 242 Song 62313 (Folio 15a, lines 1-7 [PDF p. 16]) Mālaba-Kedarā Rāge — (1) kusuma-bāṇa-bilāsa-kānana keśa sindūra reha | nīla nīrada śucira daraśae aruṇa ruci niỵa deha || (2) śarada śaśadhara, sariśa sundari badana locana lola | kāca kaṁcana kamala caḍhi kahu khela kam̐jana jora || (3) āja dekhu gajarāja gati vara juvati tribhuvana sāra | Kāma debaka bijayaballī bihali bihim̐ saṁsāram̐ || (4) amara bhūdhara sama payodhara mahagha motima hāra | heme nirmita śam̐bhu śeṣara gaṁga nirmmala dhāra || (5) adhara naba pallaba manohara daśana dāḍima joti | Āni bidruma naba sudhā-rasa sīm̐cihalu gaja-moti || (6) matta kokila bola bīṇā nāda tahu nahi bhāsa | Madhura hāsa pasāhi ānala karae bacane bilāsa || (7) garabha komala dala suśobhana jagala yuga ārambha | Madana malla beyāma kāraṇa ghaṭala hāṭaka (tham)bha314 || (8) ………………………………na bujala rasika gamāre | kī para ramani ratala mana bhala laha kī bihi biguṇa hamāre || (9) bidyāpati315 kaha se khini toham̐ taha ahaniśi biśarae na pāre | Lakhimā dei pati Śiba-Siṁgha narapati pāoba biraha sam̐tābe || Taraunī Manuscript - Song 167 (1) kusuma-bāna bilāsa kānana kesa sundara reha | Nibila nīrada rucira darasae aruṇa jani nija deha || (2) āja dekhu gajarāja gati bara-jubati tribhubana sāra | Jani kāmadebaka bijayaballī bihali bihi saṁsāra || (3) sarada sasadhara sarisa sundara badana locana lola | Bimala kañcana kamala caḍhi jani khelu khañjana jola || (4) adhara pallaba naba manohara dasana dālima joti | Jani bimala bidruma dala sudhārasem̐ sīṁci dharu gajamoti || (5) matta kokila benu binā nāda tribhubana bhāsa | Madhura hāsem̐ pasāhi ānali karae bacana bilāsa || (6) amara bhūdhara sama payodhara mahagha motima hāra | Hema nimmita sambhu sekhara gaṅga nimmala dhāra || (7) karabha komala kara suśobhita jaṅgha jua ārambha | 313 TM (BRBP ed.): 167 RT (BRBP ed.): 7 NG ed.: 541 314 The final word has been written over and the following line is indicated as missing with scribal marks and a long elipsis. I have taken ‘thamba’ from the TM and NM versions. 315 The TM and RT attribute this to a ‘Kaṭhahāra’. The BRBP ed. of the RT and TM refer to this as an epithet of Vidyāpati. The fact that this pada’s bhaṇitā is directly attributed to Vidyāpati makes one think that this is the case as well. 243 Madana malla beāma kārane gaḍhala hāṭaka thambha || (8) sukabi eho kaṇṭhahāre gāola rūpa sakala sarūpa | Debi lakhimā kanta jānae rāja siba-siṁha bhūpa || Rāgataraṅgiṇī - Song 7 (1) kusuma-bāna bilāsa kānana kesa sindura raha | Nibila nīrada rudira darasae aruna jani niña deha || (2) āja dekhu gajarāja tai bara-juati tribhubana sāra | Jani kāmadebaka bijayaballī bihali bihi saṁsāra || (3) sarada sasadhara sarisa sundara badana locana lola | Bimala kañcana kamala caḍhi jani khela khañjana jora || (4) adhara naba pallaba manohara dasana dālima joti | Jani nibila bidrumadale sudhārasem̐ sīm̐ci dharu gajamoti || (5) matta kokila benu bīnā nāda tihuana bhāsa | Jani madhura hāka pasāhi ānana karae bacana bikāsa || (6) amara bhūdhara sama payodhara mahagha motima hāra | Hema nirmita śambhu śekhara gaṅga nirmala dhāra || (7) karabha komala kara susobhana jaṅgha juga ārambha | Jani madana malla beāma kārane gaḍhala hāṭaka thambha || (8) sukabi ehū kaṇṭhahāre gāola rūpa sakala sarūpa | Debi lakhimā kanta jānae siri sibae siṁha bhūpa || Trans. In Rāga Mālava-Kedarā — (1) There was a line of vermillion in the hair of the woman destroyed by love from the arrows of Kāmadeva. It seemed like the blue clouds show off the reddishness of their bodies for a long time. (2) In the eyes of the woman, whose face is like the autumn-moon, are tears. They were like golden lotuses upon which a pair of khañjana birds would often ascend and play. (3) Today I have seen the [graceful] elephantine walk of that best of young women, who is the very essence of the three worlds. It seemed as if Kāmdeva’s garland of victory has been strewn across the universe by the creator. (4) Upon her breasts, like the immortal mountain (i.e. Meru), is a rare necklace of pearls. It is like the golden stream of the Ganges which is fixed upon the head of Śambhu. (5) Her lips are like new blossoms and her delightful teeth have a shine like [white] pomegranate seeds. It is as if fresh milk has been brought and poured out on elephant-produced pearls situated on coral-tree flowers. (6) Nor the intoxicated kokila nor the sound of the vīṇā are [equal] to her melodious sound. Her laugh, which adorns her, brings [all] to her. They enjoy the opulence of her [melodious] speech. (7) The soft and beautiful petals of her womb have awakened as well at the beginning of a new stage [of her life]. 244 It is as if Kāmadeva, in the form of a wrestler, has erected a golden pillar upon which to exercise. (8) …………………………………………… the country rube does not understand [what] the connoisseur does. Will that delightful woman of another man, having enjoyed in this way, succeed in the matters of her own heart? Is this some deficiency in my fate? (9) Vidyāpati says, “She suffers because of you. In that place, she cannot forget day or night.” Lakhimā-Devī, whose husband is Śiva-Siṁha, the lord of men, will attain this suffering caused by separation from a beloved. Scenario Note: This verse, like the previous one, describes the scene after both hero and heroine unite. It is described as a victory of the god of love, Kāmadeva. Line seven mentions that both the hero and heroine are in the beginning of their youths. Lakhimā Devī and Śiva-Siṁha are praised as those that participate in such an exalted aesthetic state as viraha. 245 Song 64 (Folio 15b lines 4-7 [PDF p. 16]) Barāḍī Rāge — (1) dūdha sidhu sama choṭi choṭi ḍiṭhi re | manamathe bitaru sudhā same chici re || (2) e rāhi bitaru bihusiā tori re | heri tahi rahiya hṛdaya jā cori re || (3) o bhana tom̐e bhani ethim̐ mom̐e sudhi re || pātharaka rekhi khiyāuli budhi re || (4) tāhu taha cañcala nayana cakorā re | bhamara śunae jani kusuma goha(nā)316 re || (5) śītala sām̐mala śapana bilāsā re | dūdha na chāḍae pāṇika piāsā re || (6) bhaṇayi bidyāpati sapana sarūpa re | lakhimā deï pati Śibasiṁgha bhūpa re || Trans. In Rāga Vāraḍī — (1) Each of his [even] his tiniest glances were like oceans of milk, oh! Kāmadeva sprinkles this nectar, distributing it [to all]. Oh! (2) Oh Rādhā! He dispersed some to you when he saw your smile. He saw that you were bereft of a heart because it was stolen away, Oh! (3) After he spoke to you, I realized, oh! My mind is like a line of stones that has been erased, oh! (4) Your eyes were upon him, like cakora birds or a group of flowers that hear a bee, Oh! (5) The merriment of that dream of the dusky-one (i.e. Krishna) was soothing. One does not abandon milk out of thirst for water, oh! (6) Says Vidyāpati, “Such was the form [that I saw] in that dream. King Śivasiṁha is the husband of Lady Lakhimā, oh!” Scenario Note: This pada follows the theme of a few others in this manuscript that discuss a vision of the hero seen in dream, since he is otherwise absent in real life. It appears that a young heroine is describing her vision of Krishna to Radha, since they both would be in love with the hero. She does indicate that Kāmadeva and cupid love her most of all. 316 ‘na’ written above the main line with a small mark indicating where it should be inserted. 246 Song 65 (Folio 15b line 7; Folio 16a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 16-17]) Barāḍī Rāge — (1) sapane madhurapati dekhala maem̐ āja re | takhana carita mohi kahaỵitem̐ lāja re || (2) jakhane herala harim̐ hasi mukha kām̐ti re | pulake purala tanu dhara kati bhāti re || (3) jakhane pherala hari ām̐cara morā re | rasa bhare śaśaru kasani ke ḍorā re || (4) kare kaṅkaṇa kuca rahalihu goi re | kare kaṅkaṇe girijām̐ pina hoi re || (5) bhaṇaï bidyāpati sapana sarūpa re | bhane o dekhala ṣakhi kānhuka rūpa re || Trans. In Rāga Varāḍī — (1) “I saw the Lord of Mathurā today in my dream, Oh! While he was telling me of his deeds, I was embarrassed. Oh! (2) Then, I saw the splendor of Hari’s smiling face, Oh! The hairs on my body are standing on end in so many ways. Oh! (3) Then, Hari gave back the end of the sari, Oh! The threads of my girdle were like rasa-filled rays of moonlight. (4) With her hands, upon which were bangles, she hides her breasts, Oh! Those hands with bangles, are on the swollen mounds of her breasts, Oh! (5) Says Vidyāpati, “That was the vision of the dream, Oh! She tells of the form of Kānhā that she saw to her companion, Oh!” Scenario Note: This song, like a few of the preceding ones, describes a vision of Krishna seen by the heroine in a dream. The heroine describes the ecstasy of these moments of union to her companion. 247 Song 66 (Folio 16a, lines 3-5 [PDF p. 17]) Rāja-Bijaya Rāge — (1) bālabhu niṭhura basae parabāsa | cetana paḍośiā taiśana na pāsa || (2) pahili sām̐ja sāsu nahi sūja | nanam̐dī bhala manda kaona buja || (3) pathika bāsa anatae bhami neha | morā taiśana dosara nahi geha || (4) hamarā saṁpati hamahi agora | ekasara boli āola cali coram̐ || (5) sapanahu nahi dekhi e koṭabāra | hame bhara yaubati rayani am̐dhāra317 || (6) bhanaï bidyāpati takhanuka bhāba318 | apanhuti kahini ukutim̐ bujāba || Trans. In Rāga Rāja-Vijaya — (1) “[My] cruel dear husband is dwelling in another country. Because of this, my soul is away from this vicinity. (2) I do not even consider my mother-in-law when adorning myself for the first time. Who knows what is proper or improper when dealing with my husband’s sister? (3) The traveler’s abode is elsewhere having wandered [far from] his beloved. Because of this, I do not have another home. (4) I alone stand guard over our property. When he was told that I was alone, along came a thief. (5) Even in a dream, I did not see him, that receptacle of sweetness. Hence, I, the most respectable of young woman, am out in the darkness of night.” (6) Vidyāpati speaks of the bhāva of such a moment. He will personally explain the meaning of this tale. Scenario Notes: This pada describes the sentiments of the proṣitabhartrikā nāyikā, or the heroine whose husband has gone abroad. She expresses both her suffering from separation from her beloved and the temptations of those around her. She also describes the difficulty of dealing with the family of her husband (with whom she is living). The heroine seems to be waiting out in the dark for her husband, an action inappropriate for a young cloistered bride. Sanskrit Commentary on Pada 66 and/or 67319 yadi gatāsi digantaṁ pathika-patisu trasaṁ bodhyaḥ | nayana-śravaṇa-vihīnā kathamupacāyām yaikayājaratī || 317 This line is repeated in the top margin of folio 6a. There are no changes, so scribe’s intent is unclear. 318 rubhāba/ bubhāba? 319 Top margin of Folio 16a [pdf. p. 17] 248 Song 70 (Folio 16b, lines 6-7; Folio 17a, line 1 [PDF pp. 17-18]) [Āsābarī Rāge320 —] (1) ki kahaba mādhaba tāheri kahinī | kahahi na pāriā dekha nija henī || (2) abirala nayana galae jaladhāra | naba jala bindu sahae ke pāra || (3) kuca yuga upara ānana heru | cām̐da rāhu ḍarem̐ caḍhala sumeru || (4) anila anala sama malayaja bīkha | jeho chala śātana seho bhela tīṣa || (5) cam̐da sam̐tābae sabitāhu jīni | abe na jiuti ekamata bhela tīni || Trans. In Rāga Āsāvarī — (1) “Will you tell Mādhava of her plight? She cannot tell him herself in such a state. (2) Harsh unblinking eyes melt [even] a cloud. Who could bear [even] the newly fallen drops of rain? (3) Look at her face above her pair of breasts: the moon in fear of Rāhu has climbed [to the top] of Sumeru. (4) The wind is fire; the cooling southern breeze is poison. All of her suffering is extremely sharp. (5) The Moon burns and subdues all. Now she will not live, will you not reconcile with her?” Scenario Note: This pada is related to a few of the previous padas. The first line which features a female character asking her friend to speak on her behalf to Krishna about her suffering. The rest of the pada is rather stereotypical in its description of suffering in separation from a beloved, especially in describing normally soothing and pleasing natural objects and phenomenon as harsh and causing pain. This alaṅkāra is known as “viparyaya”. 320 Appears to be marked over by scribe. 249 Song 97 (Folio 23a, lines 3-2 [PDF p. 24]) Kānaḍā — (1) sām̐jhahi niya makaranda lirāya | kamalinim̐ bhamarā dhayala lukāya || (2) bhami bhami bhamarī bālabhu ṣoja | madhu pibi(bha) madhukara sutala saroja || (3) keo na kaha maju bālabhu bāta | rayani samāpali bhaya gela parāta || (4) seja bhela parimala phula bhela bāsi | katae bhamara mora paḍala upāsi || (5) na uga kuśeśara na ugaya sūra | śineha na jāya jība sao dura || (6) bhanaï bidyāpati suna bhamarī | tora bālaśbhu basaehi na garīm̐ || Trans. [In Rāga] Kānaḍā — (1) In the evening, after giving a bee a drink of her own nectar, the lotus [closes] to keep and conceal him. (2) Flitting about, the bee’s wife searched for her husband, but after drinking the nectar he had fallen asleep on the lotus. (3) “Can no one tell me the whereabouts of my husband? The night is over, and morning has come.” (4) Fragrance became his bed, the flower his dwelling place. “Oh, how much will that bee of mine fall into ridicule?” (5) Neither did the lotus rise, nor did the sun. Her love had not gone so far away from her life. (6) Says Vidyāpati, “Listen Lady bee! That husband of yours is not dwelling in some alleyway [of disrepute].” Scenario Note: This pada is rather unique in that the hero and heroine are a couple of bees. The female bee is anxious since her husband did not return to her in the evening. He was intoxicated by his consumption of a lotus’ nectar and fell asleep, concealed in that lotus’ petals. Vidyāpati, similar to a dūtī, cautions the female bee from being too anxious. He is simply asleep, not lost in some disreputable place. 250 Song 114321 (Folio 27a, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 28]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) prathamahi alaka tilaka leba sāji | caṁcala locana kājare ām̐ji || (2) jāyaba basane ām̐ga sabe goya | dūrahi rahata te arathita hoya || (3) jāpaba kuca daraśāyaba ādha | punu karaba sudiḍha nibi bādha || (4) prathamahi sajalī rahaba lajāya | kuṭila nayane deba madana jagāya || (5) māna kaiya je baḍhāyaba bhāba | rasa rākhaba jem̐ punu punu āba || (6) hame kī śikhaubihe takhanuka raṅga | apanahi guru bhaya bolata anaṅga || (7) bhanayi bidyāpati nāri śobhāba | nāhi nāhi kae loka bujāba || Nepal Manuscript - Song 68 (1) prathamahi alaka tilaka leba sāji | kājare cañcala locana āji || (2) basane jāeba he āga sabe goe | durahi ra(ha)ba te arathita hoe || (3) sundari prathamahi rahaba lajāe | kuṭile nayane deba madana jagāe || (4) jhāpaba kuca darasāoba ādha | khane khane sudṛḍha karaba nibi bāndha || (5) māna kaïe darasāoba bhāba | rasa rākhaba te punu punu āba || (6) sundari mañe ki sikhaubisi āora raṅga | apanahi guru bhae kahata anaṅga || (8) bhanaï bidyāpatītyādi || Trans. In Rāga Dhanāśrī — (1) First, she took an ornament and decorated her hair. She anointed her fluttering eyes with kohl. (2) As she goes, all of her limbs will be hidden under clothing, so that all of her supplicants will remain at a [safe] distance. (3) Her breasts will be concealed but half will be shown. She makes sure time and again that the knot of her sari is tied tightly. (4) She feels shame when she is decorated [like this] for the first time. Her crooked glances will awaken Kāmadeva. (5) She displays her anger and will increase the bhāva. Those who maintain this rasa will come back again and again. (6) “What could I teach you about the passions of that moment?” Says the limbless-one (i.e. Kāmadeva) fearing his guru (7) Says Vidyāpati, “Such is the nature of woman, to say ‘no, no’. [In such a manner,] they instruct other people.” Scenario Note: There is a tension in this pada between the stated modesty and coquettishness of the heroine and 321 NM Manuscript: 68 NM (BRBP ed.): 63 TM (BRBP ed.): 42 NG ed.: 130 MM ed.: 270 251 her ability to arouse even Kāmadeva. Her ways remain mysterious, even to the poet Vidyāpati. This is revealed to be part of the stubborn nature of a woman. In the end, Vidyāpati claims that it is a woman’s job to set the proper boundaries between her beloved and herself. 252 Song 115 (Folio 27a, line 7; Folio 27b, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 28]) Mālaba Rāge — (1) āja madhura teji mādhaba gelā | gokulaka mālika kone hari lelā || (2) suna bhela mandira suni bheli nagarī | suna bhela daha-diśa bana bhela sagarī || (3) gokulahi uṭhala karuṇā nore | nayana sajala bhari barisaya nīre || (4) jaha jaha kānhu saṅge kaya phula-dhārī | kaise kaya dharabaha yase sabe nihārī || (5) bhaṇayi bidyāpati suna bara nāri | dhairaja kae raha milata murāri || Trans. In Rāga Mālava — (1) “Today Mādhava has abandoned [me] and has left for Mathura. Who has taken Hari, the ruler of Gokula, away? (2) The home(s) have become empty and empty has become the lady of the city. All ten directions have become empty and the forest has become like a vast ocean [of tears]. (3) Gokula has been upended with tears of compassion. Their eyes have been moist, full and showering water. (4) Flower-bearing trees [blossom] wherever Krishna goes. How ought I to maintain my reputation when all are looking on?” (5) Says Vidyāpati, “Listen excellent woman. Remain patient, you will meet Murāri.” Scenario Note: This pada describes the destitution of the heroine and Gokula, Krishna’s childhood home, when he leaves for the city of Mathura. The scene focuses on the heroine’s individual sorrow, as well as the general degradation and sadness that all the residents of Vraja experience at his departure. The poet, as he does often, reminder her that she will see her beloved again. 253 Song 122 (Folio 29a, lines 1-5 [PDF p. 30]) Mālaba Rāge — (1) biraha dāruṇa duje madana sahāya | hame abalā dukha kahaï na jāya || (2) alapa bayasa mora na purala sādhe | parihari gela piyā binu aparādhe || (3) ki kahaba sakhi he karama mora bhelā | nāha niṭhura teji para pura gelā || (4) cāda kirini garaya biṣa dhārā | dachina pabana baha agini sam̐cārā || (5) kokila dhuni suni mati bhama bhorī | sajani hoyiti kaoli gati morī || (6) keśari kanu milati tohi āya | kujara manamatha jāyata parāya || (7) bhaṇayi bidyāpati suna bara nārī | eta baḍa śobana manahi bicāri || Trans. In Rāga Mālava — (1) “The pain of separation is dreadful, Kāmadeva gets help from another. I am a weak woman; my pain cannot be described. (2) At such a young age, my desires remain unfulfilled. my lover abandoned me and left. Without any offense. (3) What can I say? Oh Sakhī! This is all the result of my karma. My cruel husband has left me and has gone to some other town. (4) The moonbeams are like oozing streams of poison. The [normally cool] southern wind flows like a roving fire. (5) Hearing the melody of the cuckoo, a simple girl [like me] roams around intoxicated.” [Luckily,] my companion will follow on [behind] me.” (6) “You will meet with that lion-like Krishna! [That is why] you have been brought here. That most excellent Kāmadeva will be victorious over defeat.” (7) Says Vidyāpati, “Listen best of all women! In my heart, I consider your immense beauty!” Scenario Note: The heroine laments the cruelty of her karma and the sins that have led her beloved to abandon her. The voice in the second half of the pada switched to the sakhī (or the poet) who assures her that she has been brought to meet Krishna and that he will surely come. This pada displays additional examples of the viparyaya alaṅkāra, in which those elements of nature that the heroine would normally find soothing or beautiful, turn harsh and unrelenting in her lover’s absence. 254 Song 124322 (Folio 29b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 30]) Korāba Rāge — (1) kula guṇa gauraba śīla śobhāba | sabe laya caḍhalahu toharihi nāba || (2) haṭha na karaha hari kara mohi pāra | sabataha baḍa thika para upakāra || (3) āiti paolā na kariya lobha | sabe keo rākha pahila mukha śobha || (4) je sakhi āili sāthe hamāra | se sabhe bheli bhalihi bidhi pāra || (5) hamarā bheli kānhu tohariya āsa | se nā karia je hoa upahāsa || (6) tohe para puruṣa hamahi para nāri | hṛdaya kām̐pa tua prakṛti nihāri || (7) bhanaï bidyāpati suna matimāna | hāthi mahāta naba Ke nahi jāna || Rāgataraṅgiṇī — Song 34 (1) kula guna gauraba śīla sobhāo | sabe lae caḍhalih toharahi nāo || (2) hame abalā kata kahaba aneka | āiti paḍalām̐ bujhia bibeka || (3) haṭha teja mādhaba kara mohi pāra | (sabataha baḍa thika para upakāra) || (4) hamarā bheli ābe tohari āsa | se na karia je ho upahāsa || (5) tohem̐ para puruṣa hamahu para nāri | hṛdae kām̐pa tua rīti bicāri || (6) bhala manda jāni karia parināma | jasa apajasa pae raha gae ṭhāma || (7) bhanaï bidyāpati toṁhem̐ gunamāna | hāthi mahateṁ naba ke nahi jāna || Trans. In Rāga Korāva — (1) “With the [honor of] my family, virtues, pride, morality, and natural goodness in tow, I board your boat. (2) Do not be stubborn Hari! Please, ferry me across. This would be the most generous thing you could do. (3) I will come [willing], so do not be so greedy. You protect everyone, so why not protect this beautiful faced-one first? (4) Those Sakhīs that came with me, all of them have easily crossed over. (5) So, I have come to you in hope, oh Krishna! Do not do anything that will cause me to be ridiculed. (6) You are the husband of another woman and I am the wife of another man. My heart trembles when I behold your [true] nature.” (7) Says Vidyāpati, “listen wise one! Who does not know [how] a mahout [tames] a young elephant?” Scenario Note: This song alludes to the naukā-vihāra, where the Gopīs are taken advantage of by the ferryman, Krishna. At the same time, it is also the devotee asking God to take him across the ocean of 322 BS Manuscript: 126 RT (BRBP ed.): 34 NG ed.: 126 MM ed.: 49 255 existence. The heroine in this pada is requesting Krishna to ferry her, the devotee, across the river to save her life. She addresses Krishna in his role as Vishnu the preserver, who has saved everyone except her. In the end the scenario veers towards the illicit scenario as it is revealed that this pada involves parakīya-sṛṇgāra, or a love affair between to lovers who are married to other people. Vidyāpati concludes the bhaṇitā in a rather proverbial manner. He compares Krishna to a young mahout who tames and elephant through both praise and punishment. The poet is lending a little perspective to the young heroine who is puzzled as to why she is being passed over in favor of her other companions. 256 Conclusion This study has sought to examine the lateral shift of Vidyāpati's Maithili lyric idiom in Nepal and further afield in eastern South Asia and the purposes of its adopters. In the contemporary study of Vidyāpati's oeuvre, specific generic designations are assumed. Most studies on the poet and his corpus consider only his role as a 'court poet' or as a devotee of Shiva. In this study, I have intended to question those mutually exclusive designations. Drawing together the 'courtly,' the 'devotional,' the vernacular, and the Sanskritic, Vidyāpati's Maithili padas engage with broad cosmopolises beyond the narrow parochial regionalism of Mithila. This confluence accounts for Vidyāpati's broad appeal for both courtly patrons and religious devotees (of several denominations), in what I have called "lateral vernacularism." At times, I have 'zoomed in' on several specific characterizations of Vidyāpati and his idiom found across North- East South Asia. In one of those characterizations, this study has sought to define better the 'courtly vernacular’ aesthetic of the poet Vidyāpati’s vernacular idiom that was adopted widely within Mithila and by the Malla courts of the Kathmandu Valley. The focus has been on the individual traditions that Vidyāpati’s precedent influenced. The pathways by which that model reached other regions and the mechanisms by which they were transformed is the next focus of this project. This dissertation has defined the vernacular lyrical idiom of Vidyāpati that made its way from its origin in the Oinvāra court of lowland Mithila to the courts and public spaces of Malla- period Kathmandu Valley for lending literary and cultural prestige to those associated with Vidyāpati as a historical figure and the lyric medium that he spawned. This was made possible by a close reading, translation, and presentation of one unstudied manuscript from eighteenth- century Nepal, the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta. Contextualizing the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta within the oeuvre of 257 Vidyāpati allows one to draw several conclusions regarding the nature of the poet’s courtly vernacular aesthetic. That close association between the vernacular and a tradition of Sanskrit learning and Apabhraṃśa lyricism extends into the Maithili vernacular age. Vidyāpati’s ‘courtly idiom’ is more diverse in its contents than is usually credited, holding together a variety of elements from many strands of elite literary cultures. Although remembered as a poet (kavi), Vidyāpati was primarily employed as a court-paṇḍita by the Oinvāras of Mithila. A large portion of the padas found in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript and elsewhere consists of didactic instructions on the nature of an ethical man (‘supuruṣa’), typical of the brahmin paṇḍita-politician. The ethical, religious, and other social concerns of Vidyāpati found an outlet within his Maithili padāvalī in the form of upadeśa padas or instructive poems. Vidyāpati’s Maithili corpus resonated so closely with Jayadeva’s Gīta-Govinda (c. 12th cent. CE) that in his lifetime, the poet was granted the title of 'Abhinava Jayadeva’ (the ‘New Jayadeva’). The Mallas capitalized on Vidyāpati's thematic similarities to Jayadeva and the pre- established Oinvāra designation of the poet as a "New Jayadeva," to establish a parallel of their own rule with the memorialized prestige of the Oinvāra brahmin court and with the Sanskrit cosmopolis of Jayadeva's work at the Sena court in Bengal (1070-1230 CE). By establishing a literary pedigree for themselves, The Mallas linked Bengal through Mithila to their region in order to access a more connected multi-polar vernacular world. This is paralleled by the projects of self-fashioning also engaged with by Bengali Vaiṣṇavas in a religious context and by contemporary Maithili speakers in India and Nepal for nationalist political purposes. Whereas scholarship of Vidyāpati’s courtly poetry tends to discount the ‘devotional’ padas found in the manuscript tradition by counting them as inferior, I have argued that there are 258 parallels with Vidyāpati's Sanskrit works that are overwhelmingly devotional, or at least ritualistic, in nature (e.g., the Durgābhaktitaraṅgiṇī, the Śaivasarvasvasāra, etc.). There are undoubtedly distinct thematic groupings within Vidyāpati’s padas, the ‘Śṛṅgāra-centric’ and the ‘bhakti-centric,' but the line between the two is often blurred for Vidyāpati’s padas dedicated to the Goddess or Shiva in a domestic setting. Many of these songs also blur the lines between ‘elite’ and ‘popular/folk’ traditions in their contemporary performative contexts in Mithila and Nepal. Giving equal attention to the Shiva/Goddess devotional padas that usually are disregarded in studies of Vidyāpati’s corpus allows us to go beyond the divide between mannerist vs. devotional songs, which is the norm. The Bhāṣā Saṅgīta confirms the relatively stable transmission of Vidyāpati’s padas between lowland Mithila and the Malla kingdoms, which is in sharp contrast with the transformed branch of the Vidyāpati tradition in Bengal-Assam-Odisha. That branch of the tradition borrowed many linguistic and historical/cultural elements of Vidyāpati’s original context and transformed them to function in a new cultural milieu (Vaiṣṇava Bengal) and to use new linguistic forms (Brajabuli). The analysis of the scribal and linguistic features of the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript, respectively, has demonstrated the cohesive nature of Vidyāpati’s Maithili idiom’s lateral transferal to Nepal. The study of the music, prosody, and poetic-signatures featured in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta has drawn together both branches of the Vidyāpati tradition, the Mithila-Nepal branch and the Bengali/Brajabuli tradition. Both of these divergent daughter traditions use melodic and prosodic structures to maintain a unity of genre across the regions. Both branches also creatively use and adapt the bhaṇitās, or poetic signatures found in Vidyāpati’s padas to associate later followers of the Vidyāpati tradition with a pervasive cultural memory of the ‘golden age’ of Mithila under the late Oinvāra dynasty. 259 This definition of the ‘Vidyāpati-idiom’ also has ramifications for contemporary discourse regarding the nature of the ‘vernacular cosmopolitan’ in premodern South Asia. My study implies that a vernacular can define itself even as it is adopted and transformed by non-speakers of that vernacular. 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Koirala India-Nepal Foundation. 267 Appendix 1: Transcription of Untranslated Padas of the BS Manuscript Song 2 (Folio 2a, Line 3-4 [PDF p. 3]) Bhopālī — (1) kahaïte lāghaba bujata āna | sahaïte śarira hoaba sāna || (2) kahahi323 na pāria sahi na jāya | racaha sājani jība upāya || (3) karaba vinaya jatana lāya | piyā parikhaba pachatābaka jāya || (4) bhanayi vidyāpati kahaïte bādha | raïka anaỵa mauna pae sādha || Song 4 (Folio 2a, lines 7-9 & 2b, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 3]) Āsābarī — (1) bāma aśoka bikaśi gela dahiṇe majara bana cām̐pa | bālabhuke guṇa gabaïte nāma leiti śira kām̐pa || (2) naba e lākha nabahi ḍom̐lā naba e lākha naba raṅga | nabi e kāmini naba e ṛtupati naba bām̐labhu sao saṅga || (3) keo sakhi jula ehi ḍola vā keo sakhi maṅgala gāba | Kānhaka raba lae jamaki gela sutala madana jagāba || ||Dhru.|| (4) eka-diśa peliahi ḍola vā aokā diśa nayana prakāśa | nāgara mana anuram̐jana kham̐jane bharala akāśa || (5) dui payodhara ām̐tara tesara bhūṣaṇa sim̐gha śiyāro na mārae | choṭa badane piḍā bhūṣaṇa pāhāna hāḍa nicoḍae (tehi se kukura moṭa)324 || (6) jao re tarai gali, bālu paya bhījae jao ati bārali bāpi | ekahi hāla paya salila ḍubathi kuiyām̐ sahasa cāri || (7) ochā ke saṅga lāgu mahāśaya bharama apana khoa | bhane vidyāpati laukāke sandhelohā o hanuka hoa || Song 7325 (Folio 2b, line 8; Folio 3a, line 1 [PDF pp. 3-4]) 323 Scribal Correction: additional “hi” crossed out before central break. 324 This portion is hypermetrical and is perhaps added as an explanatory note. 325 TM (BRBP ed.): 3 [condordance with NM 103] NG ed.: 16 268 (1) laghu laghu sam̐cara kuṭila kaṭākha | duao nayana laha ekahoka lākha || (2) nayana bayana duhu upamā dela | ekahi kamalam̐ duyi kham̐jana khela || (3) maṇḍala upara rāhu niramāne | nikaṭahi ripu basa kara samadhāne || (4) ekahi nāla meru arabinda | sumukhi ugala jani pūnimaka canda || (5) bhanaï vidyāpati takhanuka bhāna | ī rasa rūpa nārāyana jāna || (6) gasāe dekhala moe kānha326 | tilā eka dekhaba ajahu chala bhāna || Taraunī Manuscript — 3 (1) laghu laghu sañcara kuṭila kaṭākha | duao nayana laha ekahoka lākha || (2) nayana bayana dui upamā dela | eka kamala dui khañjana khela || [Dhruva.] (3) kanhāi nayanā halia nibāri | je anupama upabhoga na ābae kī phala tāhi nihāri || (4) cām̐da gagana basa ao tārāgana sūra ugala paracāri | nicaya sumera athika kanakācala ānaba kone upāri || (5) je curu kae sāyara sokhala jinala surāsura māri | jala thala nāva samahi sama cālae se pābae ehi nāri || (6) bhanaï vidyāpati janu haraḍābaha nāha na hiyarā lāga | dūtī bacana thīra kae mānaba rāe siba siṁha baḍa bhāga || Song 11 (Folio 3b, lines 4-8 [PDF p. 4]) Bibhāsa — (1) gehahu bāhara ḍare na nihāra | yatane ānali eti dūra abhisāra || (2) pāsam̐ pio na basa ki karati nātha | kone bisam̐ tarati gurujana hātha || Dhruva. (3) kone pari jāïti nija mandira rāmā || (4) paraka bināsini tua anubandha | ānali vacane racane kate dhandha || (5) tilā eka jāsa om̐ mahagha samāja | bahali bibhābari toha nahi lāja || (6) rosem̐ rasika tohe na bujaha tanu | ke jāna kaona sana hoeta para janu || (7) nakhata malina na ārāela bihāna | patha sam̐caraïte sadhata punu āna || (8) bhanaï vidyāpati dūti so bhāba | je bighaṭala raha tāhi milāba || 326 Rhyme: the nasal + sibilant -h- conjunct seems to be an acceptable end rhyme (with ‘bhāna’ in this instance). 269 Song 12 (Folio 3b, lines 8; Folio 4a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 4-5]) Mālaba — (1) nahi mana nahi khana nahi abakāśe | paraka ratana kāke dela bisa sarāse || (2) bisabāsa na dae dhani sutali nicite | cāri pahara rāti bhama mora cite || (3) pahili pahara rāti rabhasam̐him̐ gelā | dosara pahara parijana nidem̐ gelā || (4) pahu mana nirūpaite bheli baḍi rāti | takhana ugala candā parama kujāti || (5) bhanaï Vidyāpati eho rasa jāne | rāe Siba-Sim̐gha Lakhimā biramāne || Song 15 (Folio 4b, lines 2-4 [PDF p. 5]) Bibhāsa — (1) madhupura aela madhāyī | age sakhi nayanā gela juiyī || (2) takhane bhāna mohi bhelā | age sakhi amiyam̐ jagata bhari gelā || (3) ye bolata se bola o327 … ne | age sakhi hari binu naraha parāne || (4) niṭhura bālabhu basa jāhā | age sakhi jāeba hame baru tāhā || (5) bhanayi vidyāpati rāmā | age sakhi purata sakala tua kāmā || Song 16 (Folio 4b, lines 5-7 [PDF p. 5]) Bibhāsa — (1) phujale o cikura badana raha rodhī | jani śaśi jāpala rāhu virodhī || (2) mātala manamatha śara para hāre328 | lāgala marama saha eke pāre || (3) mānini māna kaona ehi berī | tilā eka āḍahu ḍiṭhi mohi herī || (4) bājaha sumukhi bihusi dae hāse | ugao kalānidhi hoo paragāse || (5) aruṇa udaya udayācala ….ge329 | taïao na tua mana hoa anurāge || Song 21 (Folio 5b, lines 5-8; Folio 6a, line 1 [PDF pp. 6-7]) 327 obscured by black smudge 328 written as ‘hārem̐’, but to keep the end-rhyme, the candrabindu has been removed. 329 Scribal Correction: The manuscript is blocked here. Either scribbled out or correct but remaining illegible. 270 (1) jām̐pala krupa dekhae nahi pārala ārati calalihu dhāyī | takhanuka laghu guru e kaona jānala phiri pachatābaka jāyī | Dhruva. (2) sājani maṁda pema parināmā | baḍa kae jībana kaela parādhina nahi um̐pacara eka ṭhāmā || (3) madhu sama bacana kuliśa sana mānasa prathamahi jāni na bhelā | hamara caturapana piśuna hātha paḍu garua māna dūra gelā || (4) kañcana kāca330 biśekhi na bhelā tem̐ lāgala mohi bhorā | candana bharame bikha āne pala sakala ākauśala morā || (5) eta dina āna bhāne hame achalihu bujali tua abagāhī | apana śūra apanahi hame cām̐chala dosa deba gae kāhī || (6) bhanaï vidyāpati suna bara yauvati citem̐ janu jām̐khaha āne | Rājā Siba-Siṁgha rupa nārāyaṇa lakhimā dei biramāne || Song 29331 (Folio 7a, lines 3-6 [PDF p. 8]) Mālaba — (1) mādhabi māsa tithi bheli mādhabi abadhi kaie piya gelā332 | Kuca-juga-Śambhu parasi karem̐ bola tanhi tem̐ paratiti mohi bhelā | [Dhruva.] (2) māgahe kaona333 dina āuta madhāyī | kām̐pa sarīra thīra nahi mānasa334 abadhi niyara bhela āyī || (3) mṛga-mada candana kuṁkuma lepala keo bola śītala candā | Piya biśaleṣe anala sama barisae bipatim̐ cinhia bhala mandā || (4) madhu lobhe bhamara kamalam̐ caḍhi baiśala sām̐haram̐ kokila rābe | Baha malayānila birahini bedana ke ābehī taha māre335 || (5) bhanayi vidyāpati suna bara yaubati biraha karia samadhāne | Rājā Śiba-Siṁha rupa nārāyaṇa lakhimā dei biramāne336 || 330 ‘tha’ has a ligature that resembles ‘tha+ñ’. 331 NM manuscript: 257 NM (BRBP ed.): 237 NM (Jha ed.): 236 NG ed.: 728 MM ed.: 164 332 It is written as ‘gela’ with a short ‘a’-mātrā, but also includes extension marks for the A-matra when faced with a line-break? 333 Evidence of scribal corrections. The k- is written with an ‘o’-mātrā which is effaced and uses the full ‘o’ vowel afterwards. 334 Written as ‘mānae’ in BS manuscript. The only reading which makes sense logically and fitting in with this literary trope would be to read it as ‘mānasa’ (mind). This is confirmed by the NM manuscript reading. 335 Should be ‘more’ for a more accurate end-rhyme. 336 Written as ‘biramā-māne’. I believe this to be a scribal error to fit with other occurances of this bhaṇitā. 271 Nepal Manuscript - Song 257 (Folio 83a, lines 2-4; Folio 83b, line 1 [PDF p. 97]) Lalita rāge — (1) mādhaba māsa tīthi bhaü mādhaba abadhi kaïe piā gelā | Kuca ỵuga saṁbhu parasi kare bolalanhi te paratiti mohi bhelā || Dhruva. (2) sakhe he katahu na deṣia madhāi | Kām̐pa sarīra thīra nahi mānasa abadhi nira337 bhela āi || (3) cāndana agara mṛgamada kuṁkuma ke bola sītala candā | Piā bisalekhe anala jaño barisae bipati cinhia bhala mandā || (4) bhanaï vidyāpati are re kalāmati abadhi samāpala ājā338| Lakhi debi pati puriha manoratha ābiha siba siṁha rājā || Song 31339 (Folio 7b, line 1-3 [PDF p. 8]) (1) sineha baḍhāora i chala bhāna | tohara soādhina karaba parāna || (2) alape bujaolaha niya byabahāra | prathama madhura parināmaka khāra340 || (3) āja bujala sakhi dṛḍha kae kāja | ỵe bola buḍa takarām̐ kī lāja || (4) etabā hama anutāpa ke bhela | giri sama gauraba apadahi gela || (5) bhaṇaï bidyāpati eho rasa jāna | rāe śiba siṅgha lakhimā biramāna || Nepal Manuscript - 89 (Folio 32a, lines 4-5; Folio 32b lines 1-2 [PDF p. 35]) Dhanachī rāge — (1) sineha baḍāora hama chala341 bhāna | tohara soādhīna karaba parāna || Dhruva. (2) bahula bujhaolaha niña bebahāra | mohi pati sabe parajantaka khāra || 337 It looks as if it is written as ‘nidha’, but the scribe has crossed out the upper ligature of the ‘dha’ syllable to make the character resembler ‘ra’. 338 Written in the manuscript as ‘ājī’ 339 NM Manuscript: 89 NM (BRBP ed.): 84 NM (Jha ed.): 83 TM (BRBP ed.): 129 NG: 418 MM: 426 340 Two sets of daṇdas with a space in between. This might indicate a missing pada line or the dhruvapada. 341 Written twice across line break. 272 (3) bhala bhela mālati tohahi udāsa | punu madhukare na āoba tua342 pāsa || (4) jata anurāga bhela sabe rāga | toharā kī bola ba hamara abhāga || (5) bhanaï Vidyāpatītyadi | Taraunī Manuscript - 129 1) sineha baḍhāoba I chala bhāna | tohara soyādhina karaba parāna || (2) bhala bhela mālati bheli he udāsa | punu na āoba madhukare tua pāsa || (3) etabā hama anutāpaka bhela | giri sama gauraba apadahi gela || (4) alape bujhaolaha nia bebahāra | dekhitahi nia parināma asāra || (5) bhanahi Vidyāpati mana dae seba | hāsini debi pati gaja siṁha deba || Song 36 (Folio 8b, lines 2-4 [PDF p. 9]) Deśākha Rāge343 — (1) prabhu tohe ropalaha latikā ānī | parataha yatane paṭaolaha pānī || (2) te upacae upacita bhela se | tohe bisaraba suma jāota ke || (3) he mādhaba bujala tua anurodhe | herabahu kaelaha nayana nirodhe || (4) ekahi bhavana basi sabe bhela bādhe | kichu na bujaï chia kī aparādhe || (5) durajana bacana bujia sabe phure | amarakhem̐ bimara khala karia dūre || Song 44 (Folio 10a, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 11]) Gujjarī Rāge — (1) dekhali mae kāmini kahahi na jāe | punu daraśana lāgi raciya upāe || Dhruva.344 (2) morā mana manoratha rahi gela goe | bisarae cāhia bisari na hoe || (3) saṁbhrama sakala sakhījana bārī | prema bujaolanhi palaṭi nihārī || (4) talita latā śani tanu dekhali | jani bihi daśahu daśā likhali|| (5) pīna payodhara ritu ujarī | śrīphale phulali kanaka mañjarī || (6) bhanaï vidyāpati acha parakāra | taraṇi taraṇa kānha hohaka ḍahāra || (7) rādhā em̐ jāeba bike kānhu leba dāna | darase parase he purata pañcabāṇa || 342 superscript note: “ba-4”. Meaning unclear. 343 Appears to be marked out by scribe. 344 written after the 2nd line. 273 Song 50 (Folio 11a, lines 6-7; Folio 11b, lines 1-6 [PDF p. 12]) 50a Rāja Bijaya Rāge — Dhruva. (1) māi he mādhaba ajahu na āba | tāhi deśam̐ sakhini manobhava bhāva || (2) taruṇa śāla raśāla kānana kuñja kalmaka puhu pīte | paduma pāṭali parama parimala bigala saṅkula bikaśīte || (3) aruṇa kiśalaya rāga saṅghata maṁjarī bhare lam̐bite | madhu lubudha madhukara lāje suhṛta lobhe cuṁbana cuṁbite | 50b (4) cuṁbita madhukara kusuma parāga | koraka parase bāḍhala anurāga || (5) cau-diśam̐ bana ghana bhṛṅga jam̐kāra | sehe suni manamatha upaju bikāra || (6) cīra candana canda tābaka pābake jadi mānase | hāra kāla bhuaṅga sebā saptaśata śaraja dībiśe || (7) māninī jadi māna hāraka kokilā raba kanakane | bahae māruta malaya saṁjuta basae saurabha śitale || (8) śītala pabana dachina baha maṁda| tā (tanu)345 tābae cām̐dana canda || (9) hṛdaye hāra bhela bhuaṅgama māna | kokila kalaraba pīḍa parāna || (10) śarada nirmmala pūrnimā canda suhṛśī surakta sulocanī | katham̐ sīdati sundarī bhaju kuraṅga-śāvaka locanī || (11) māninī yadi māna hāraka saptaśata bira bhāturī | bidyāpati kabi seba sundari sumati śaṅkara nara harī || 50c (1) tā taba taruṇī paya dhadhali ojā śaṅkara kṛṣṇa | (2) janī abasara pāoba eka thāne | bidyāpati kabi sudṛḍha bhane || 345 obscured in manuscript. 274 Song 53346 (Folio 12a, lines 5-7; Folio 12b, line 1 [PDF p. 13]) Narita347 — (1) katae aruṇa um̐dayācalam̐ ugala katae pachima gela candā | Katae bhamara kolāhale jāgala sukhe sutathu arabindā || [Dhruva.] (2) he kāmini yāmini kethae gelī | cira samaya āgata348 hari bhela pāhuna ādha o keli na bhelī || (3) aruṇima joti adhara nahi paole palaṭi na gam̐thale hārā | kī toña acetani bhelisi age sakhi kī torām̐ nāha gamārā || (4) pauam̐ pāta atāpe na paole hamari na bheli I dehā | kṛpana sam̐cita dhana rahala akaṇḍita kājare sim̐dure rehā || Song 59 (Folio 13b, lines 5-7; Folio 14a, lines 1-7 [PDF pp. 14-15]) Mālaba — prabundhu ślokaḥ349 — Gupya? kiṁ nakhamaṇḍale kṣaṇamate350 lipya tanuṁ kumkumai saṅkrāntāmalakajjale kapaṭinā kiṁ kṣālitonādharaḥ | Tasmādugdatajāgarabhrukuṭilājātāruṇatvaṁ dṛśorgha?kṣoti sphuṭameva sundaraparāra?ai vatā caurikā || Gīta — (1) kuṁkuma laolaha nakha khata goī | adhare; ri kājara aelaha351 dhoī || (2) taiao na rahale kapaṭa budhi torī | locana aruṇa bekata karu corī || [dhruva.] (3) cala cala kanhāī bolaha janu āne | paratakha cāhi adhika anumāne || 346 TM: 119 (BRBP ed.) NG ed.: 373 MM ed.: 386 347 It is unclear if this is a Rāga designation. 348 These two words are written with sandhi as samayāgata. The Taraunī manuscript addition helped to clarify this word division. 349 This pada alternates between the Maithili original and a Sanskrit commentary. The Sanskrit is a little corrupt. I have attempted to reconstruct correct grammatical forms when possible, otherwise I have indicated unclear characters from the manuscript with a ‘?’. 350 Scribal Correction: ‘cham̐la’ is corrected to ‘kṣaṇa’ 351 Scribal Correction: Written as ‘aeha’. -la- is written in superscript. 275 Jānāmi prakṛtiṁ guṇam cabhavataḥ śīlaṁ manoyādṛśam̐ kāmakrīḍa-na kauśalam kṣaṇamate352 ityārthaḥ353 purodabhrahīḥ | yasyāśrīnavayauvanapraṇayiṇī vaidagdhamugdhaṁ manotasye yaṁ madhuyāminī manasijakrīḍāṁ binā gachati || (4) jānaom̐ prakṛti bujam̐om̐ guṇa śīlā | jasa tora manoratha manasija līlā || (5) dhaṁnye se yaubana chaele rī jātī | kāmini binu kaise geli madhurātī || Vākyai aṁnalu goyasyanucitaṁ bhrukṣem̐ vam̐śaṁne vaya? tasya śladagata mama manaṁ lajjām̐ budhomajjati | Unmāgem̐śapatho sijasya sapathaiḥ rādhāḥ paraṁ bodhate syakomaladhiyātasyāparādhaḥ kathaṁ || (6) Vacane lukābaha bekata o kāje | tohe hasi heraha hama baḍa lāje || (7) apathahi sahita bujābaha rādhe | kone parikhe pabaśaṭha aparādhe || Kaṁ Vidyāpati bhāratī śṛṇu śubhekāntāparādhaḥ kathaṁ lobhdāvyaḥ kimihādhikaṁ tava guṇatvaṁ? lajjayitvāpatiṁ | bīraḥ śrīśivasiṁhadevalakhimādevyāḥ patirnnāgarojñātātesakalāḥ kālārasapatiḥ śrīdevasiṁhahāmejaḥ || (8) bhanayi bidyāpati piya aparādhe | udaghaṭa nakha rama manoratha bādhe || (9) Deba-Siṁha nṛpa eho rasa jāne | rāỵa Śiba-Siṁgha Lakhimā dṛḍha māne || Song 63 (Folio 15a, line 7; Folio 15b lines 1-3 [PDF p. 16]) Bibhāsa Rāge — (1) ḍhoḍha bolathi hama sana ke thika bāsuki hamara354 … ghātī | kaüm̐āem̐ kaela hām̐sa sam̐o sarivari na guṇathi apanuki jātī || (2) cheri bolathi hame janamaka sundari cām̐da badana kaha lobhe | chāgara goṭa lae sabhām̐ baiśalāham̐ tehi bhela mukha śobhe || (3) ūṭa bolathi hame janamaka suhaba bheḍi bolathi hame ūne | peca bolathi hame paṁcama gāela pike o morā mukha sune || (4) lahuki bajāi yaṭhu nuki uṭha nārī ūda kahi śikhe ḍubathi birāḍī | bhaṇaï bidyāpati bānī mori cerī puta kām̐ cum̐bāsa dhorī | 352 Scribal Correction: ‘cham̐la’ is corrected to ‘kṣaṇa’ 353 Orthography: Because this a stock commentarial phrase in Sanskrit, this might be a Nāgarī ‘i’ rather than the Mithilākṣara. This can help date the manuscript as well. 354 1-2 letters obscured. 276 Song 68 (Folio 16a, line 7; Folio 16b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 17]) Barāḍī Rāge — (1)bahule dibasem̐ ghara aelaha piya parihari paradeśa | jībana mora saphala bhela dura gela sakala kaleśa || Dhruva. (2) piya moram̐ (baḍa)355 rasiyā re || (3) prathamahi binaya kaela hame jakhane gelahu piyā pāsa | manam̐ manasija rasa bāḍhala chāḍala biraha tarāsa || (4) biraha bikhāda samuji hame kae rahalihu abhirokha | te bidhi hari hama bodhalanhi pāola parama santoṣa|| (5) madhu sama madhura bacana suni hṛdaya harakha bhae gela | pūrala sakala manoratha janama kṛtārakha bhela || (6) kī sakhi kahaba rabhasa rasa kahaïtem̐ rahaba lajāya | jata jata keli kuhu hala tata sabe kahahi na jāya || Song 71356 (Folio 17a, lines 2-4 [PDF p. 18]) Bhaṭhiyārī Rāge — (1) akāmika mandira bheli bahāra | cahudiśam̐ suna laka bhamara jam̐kāra || (2) muruchi khasali357 mahi na hoae thīra| na cetae cikura na saṁbhrama cīra || (3) e kānhu e kānhu ki e tohe bhori358 || madane bhuaṁge ḍasu bālahi tori || (4) keo sakhi belī dhuni bādhae bāra | cām̐dane gada gada lāba mṛnāla || (5) keo mata bola kānhu mata jorī | keo kheda kokila ḍākinī bolī || (6) bhaṇayi bidyāpati ethi nahi āna | eka pae gābuḍa acha se kānhā || Song 73 (Folio 17b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 18]) Rāja-Bijaya Rāge — (1) ambam̐ra milita sindūra rabi maṇḍala rāhu dhāmila mukha candā re | 355 Written above line interstitially. 356 This verse is almost identical to song 3 of this same manuscript, though it appears to use more of the same features as the Taraunī manuscript version. 357 Originally written as ‘khasae’, but the scribe has corrected himself above -e-. 358 Scribal Correction: This is written as bheri with a mark above to indicate the vowel diacritic should have an additional line, correcting - e- to bho- 277 apuruba gehana ekahi berim̐ lāgala kāe sutasi nira dandā re || (2) hasi dehi sara basao re rasiā abasaram̐na śula śayāna re | surasari dhāra hāra mili bhājala roām̐balī jaunā parabāha re || (3) mājam̐ sitāsita bhajaha mahāśaya jāhi ichae nira bāha re | kañcana kāca sām̐cam̐ bhari sājala kuca yuga hari hara thalā re || (4) kaï e manoratha sādhe arādhaha lae purohita pañcabāṇā re || Song 75 (Folio 17b, line 6; Folio 18b, lines 1-3 [PDF pp. 18-19]) Rāja Bijaya — (1) mādhaba kaise jāïti bāsā | dekhi sakhījana359 ho upahāsā || (2) aruṇa locana ghāme ghamāela | jani rāte phala pabane pāola || (3) dukule cikure ānana jām̐pala | jani tamo cayem̐ cām̐da cāpala || (4) phujali nīrī āni merāuli | ini surasari utare dhāuli || (5) nandana bana janamali jānī | madane āni thaḍā dela pālī || (6) phula phale bharela um̐ni latā | puruṣa bhamara tā anurātā || (7) kājare reha romābali bhelā | ānali jini suraśari dhārā || (8) cākha nema paramānaka rājā | yubati badhe toha nahi lājā || (9) adhika lābhaka lobha na māra | je mula rākhae se banijāra || Song 78 (Folio 18b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 19]) Dhanachī Rāge — Gūḍha — (1) Mādhaba kaha ki karati sāya/sāba | Giri-sutā pati hāra birodhi gāmī tanaya dhāya || (2) biraha anala ari juḍāi aśitala śikara āni | śarira (rā) pati suta darasane muruchi paḍu śayāni || (3) paraśi candana nindi naḍā baya kare na kusuma leya | hari bhaginī nandana bālahi sodara kichu na deya || (4) aha aha kae cira na cetae dūram̐ parihara hāra | bihaṅga bālam̐bhu aśana aśana se sakhi sahae na pāra || (5) ādika ati beyādhim̐ byayā-kulī dinahum̐ dura bisāe āja | Yamunā sodara nagara um̐jaḍa deti basāya || (6) bidyāpatītyādi — 359 There appears to be a daṇḍā between -sa- and -khī- 278 Song 79 (Folio 18b, lines 5-7 [PDF p. 19]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) mukharaka mukhaja360 ke bhari lela | bhama marāla kula ekaśara bhela || (2) abhisāriṇi he calali kae sāja | katae jāiti dahum̐ muhahu na bāja || (3) gurujana parijana phani na ḍarāe | abanata mukha kae chāṭe jāe || (4) aora ḍaṁbara mṛgamada śāra361 | niśāśa māela tinu am̐dhakāra || (5) jani gaja-rāja corāola cora | tilā-eka dekhali talita ï jora || (6) bhanaï bidyāpati duika sineha | duhu tejalahe apana tija geha || Song 80 (Folio 19a, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 20]) Mālaba Rāge — [Dhruva.] (1) mādhaba tua guṇe lubudhali ramanī | anudine tanu khini damana latā sani bhara nanda bāha na gamanī || (2) naba hari tilaka baela sakhi jāmini kāmini komala kām̐tī | jamunā janaka tanaya ripu ghariṇī sodara bhū okara śātī || (3) dāhina hari tahi pābaka parimala pika dhuni śuni pachatābe | udadhi tanaya bhojana ruci darasae dasami daśā laga ābe || (4) śām̐rahu śāda bikhāda baḍhā bae eta saba sabhe saha tua lāgī | bāraka śara sāgara guṇi khāiti badhaka hoaeba toho bhāgī || (5) bidyāpatītyādi. Song 81 (Folio 19a, lines 4-7 [PDF p. 20]) Dhanachī Rāge — [Dhruva.] (1) sājani morahe na anumāna | jani surapura puhupa362 harala hṛdaya gaḍhala kānha || (2) tinihum̐ bhubana ripu ripu-sua sara sariśe dhāra | 360 Scribal Correction: -ba- is crossed out to indicate a deletion. 361 There seems to be a mistake here with the end rhymes of these two hemistiches. The -ī- is flattened and could potentially be mistaken for -ā-. 362 Scribal Correction: The scribe seems to have blotted out a mistake. 279 hari hari hara hāraka ballī dāhina deha sam̐tāba || (3) tripatha gāmini pahu tanaiā sodara kara prahāra | kaṭhina kusuma śara śarokhī marama lakhie māra || (4) beda bidhātā nandana nandana bala bināśi363 nātha | tāba dhubi huni hame ekasari sakala yubati sātha || (5) bidyāpati.|| Song 82 (Folio 19a, line 7; Folio 19b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 20]) Bibhāsa Rāge — [Dhruva.] (1) mādhaba dhani tua birahe malānī | ali bāhala ripu ḍare muha goae, nindae malayaja pānī || (2) jalā sindhu ripu tāta dahina kaela hari bhae tanu lāge | ahaniśi cira cikura nahi saṁbhrama tua darasana pae māge || (3) hari ripu adhāra raśae ādhā diśa ahali daśae naḍāī| pāusa peyasi chādi bideśala nāgara kaona baḍāī || Song 83 (Folio 19b, lines 2-5 [PDF p. 20]) Bhaṭhiyārī Rāge — (1) aruṇa anuja dhuja suta ari śiromaṇi tāro bandhu na hoba mudīte | Biśa goa riśā tanu rabi karā ātape tanu śaradi te || [Dhruva.] (2) sajanī rajani bhela adhaśeśaṁ | Mane chaka adhā tanu lubudha hamāra manu tāritu mana karu biśeśaṁ || (3) bāe sajana kām̐pa harem̐ paharem̐ raba śunī bacana paramāne | Pahu dei pati rāma bhadra gati para buḍhaha na bhāna || 363 Scribal Correction: Above the line, ‘bilāśī’ is corrected to ‘bināśī’. Orthographic Note: This correction is a good way to look at the difference between -na- and -la-, which are almost identical otherwise. 280 Song 84 (Folio 19b, lines 5-7; Folio 20a, line 1 [PDF pp. 20-21]) [Dhanachī Rāge —] (1) basubiśem̐ pābe harala pati mora | andha tanaya priya sakhi bhela thora || (2) śūra sutā suta tanhi kara tāta | rakha ï tem̐ dinem̐ dinem̐ khina bhela gāta || (3) pahila dosara pala āitim̐ gela | ādika tesara anāeta bhela || (4) abe jam̐o jāe pātakha pahu tohī | pati dina madanaha lae jiba mohī || (5) jībaka pām̐cama se tanu jāra | madhu ripu malaya pabana pika māra || (6) bhagata bachala thika tanhi kara nāma | sakala kalā aru guṇaka nidhāna || (7) bhanayi bidyāpati suna bara nāri | cāri catura bhuja milata murāri || Song 85364 (Folio 20a, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 21]) Narita Rāge — [Dhruva.] (1) mādhaba tore bule ām̐nala rāhī | sāram̐ga bhāsa pāsa sam̐o ānali torita paṭhābaha tāhī || (2) jaladhara aṁbara rati pahirāuli śeta sāram̐ga kara bāmā | śāraṅga daśana dahina kara maṁḍita365 sāraṁga gati gama rāmā || (3) śambhu gharini berā āni merāuli hari suta suta dhani bhelā | ādita udita timira piri ugala cām̐da malina bhae gelā || (4) bhanaï bidyapati suna bara yaubati tohahi acetani dūtī | jāhi milae nidhi se kaise parihara harihu kaehe jugutī || Nepal Manuscript — Song 142 (1) jaladhara ambara ruci parihāuli seta sāraṅga kara bāmā | Sāraṅga badana dāhina kara maṇḍita sāraṅga gati calu rāmā || [Dhruva.] (2) Mādhava tore bole ānali rāhī | sāraṅga bhāsa pāsa saño ānali turita paṭhabaha tāhī || (3) śambhu ghariṇī beri āni merāuli hari suta suta dhuni bhelā | aruṇaka joti timira piḍi ugala cānda malina bhae gelā || (4) bhanaï bidyāpatītyādi || 364 NM Manuscript: 142 NM (BRBP ed.): 132 NG ed.: 318 MM ed. 325 Jha ed.: 131 365 This word is marked over in the manuscript but still visible. This reading is confirmed by the NM reading. 281 Song 86366 (Folio 20a, lines 4-7 [PDF p. 21]) Rāmakalī Rāge — (1) hari-ripu-balada tā-priya-pae-gṛha tā ripu bipuraha kāla je | tāsu bhīma ruci birahe beyākuli tātaha hṛdayām̐ śāla je || Dhruva. (2) sundare teja māna kara gamane | anudine tanu khina toina kirini jina tua darasane tasu jībane || (3) hari-bhuja-aśana aśana varago jima muṁcati gojima godhā | Kara kapola dae sīdati kāmini harihi milala jani hari kalā || (4) hari-nandana-suta-priyā-sahodara dei na hari-ripu-gāminī367 | palabhoela ripu tāsu tem̐ pīḍali japae garuḍa-dhvaja kāminī || (5) bidyāpatītyādi.|| Nepal Manuscript — 27 (1) Hari-ripu-varada-putra gṛha-ripu tā hara kāla he | tāsu bhīma-ruta virahe beākula se suni hṛdayā sāla he || (2) suna sundari teja māna karu gamane | anudine tanu khini tuhina nahī jīni tua darasane tā jībane || (3) Hari-ripu-asana esana varago jima muñcasi gobi jima gobinā | kare kapola gahi sīdati sundari goja milala sasihi kalā || (4) Hari-ripu-nanda-priyā-sahodara dei na tā sua kāminī || (5) Bidyāpatītyādi || Song 87 (Folio 20b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 21]) Bibhāsa Rāge — (1) hari-ari ari pahu tāta nāma se śīlaya sundari bāse | baruṇa-bhagini-pati janaka-tāta-pitu-ripu ripu dura kara pāse || [Dhruva.] (2) abhisārini he cala cala śvarita nikuṁje | śayana racita sabe sam̐cita manohara bimala banita sukha pum̐je || (3) surasari bairi tāsu ari bhuṣaṇa jābe na daraśa ye bhāse | 366 NM Manuscript: 27 NM (BRBP ed.): 27 Jha ed.: 27 367 The reading of the Nepal manuscript makes more sense and represents a logical phonetic shift from unvoiced - ka- to the voiced -ga- of the same consonantal class. 282 Hari duhitā mandira niya priyatama bhoja na ripu tua āse || (4) bāsudeba kaha anupama atiśaya budha-jana bujae biśeṣī | haraloe napitu kaṭe je jānae prathama rasi kata surekhī || Song 88 (Folio 20b, lines 4-7; Folio 21a, line 1 [PDF pp. 21-22]) [Rāja Bijaya Rāge —] (1) daṁti368 saturi suta ripu bhaï ānana kaphphala ari bhaṣa loyanā | bāca praṇata suta tasu je sinehi bhauhām̐ pam̐kaja śobhanā || (2) sundari ki kahabi tori nanu Āī | jani daśānana-ari kāja parihari siriju sakala mana lāī | (3) byāsa-jāta mita tasu bhaṣa pākala tasu sarisa parimāne | ana anūpa phula nāśā śobhita parinaya tasu pūra ṭhāne || (4) káśyapa-tanaya sādha sabe rāu rahabi ari mani dui kāne | siṁgha śarāśi soni saṁbhāṣita adhara prakṛti tasu bāne || (5) deba sabahi purohita mātā tāsu dharana sīra jaubanā | bidyāpati kaha garua tohara tapa hari hṛdayā bhaju śobhanā || Song 89 (Folio 21a, lines 1-5 [PDF p. 22]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) paṁkaja bandhu baïri kara banduba tasu sama ānana śobhe | nayana cakora jora jam̐o saṁcara tathuhu sudhā sama lobhe || (2) e ākaha kaise bhalī ramanī | Hara kaṁkaṇa ānana sama locana tasu bāhana sama gaṁmanī369 || (3) sindhu-giri-rāja-sahodara pīna payodhara gorā | dui patha chāḍi teśara nahi saṁcara hārā suraśari dhārā || (4) śaiśabam̐ droṇa aśana prati pālala bolaïte tasu sama bāṇī | girijāỵā pati rupa manohara tāhi niramāuli śayānī | (5) teja hari bhaba pariśilati tohi pari bidyāpati kabi bhāne | rājā śiba-siṁgha rupa nārāyaṇa lakhimā deï dṛḍha māne || 368 It appears that it was originally written as ‘daṁtu’. Now the -i- has been written over -tu-. 369 At the top of this folio is a note from the scribe “gaja-gāminītyārthaḥ” which clarifies this line. 283 Song 90 (Folio 21a, lines 5-7; Folio 21b, line 1 [PDF p. 22]) Deśākha — (1) madhāī bisaraha pura-ari mātaṁ | Sura-guru-sumukhi karati abhighātaṁ || (2) ulaï śem̐ unati śebara na bicāra | tanhi ati kaela manda byabahāra || (3) tanhi binu bhale o bhela sabhe manda | parabhuta madhukara malayaja canda || (4) kubalaya tanaya370 lae nada raśāba | kaiśana hoeta dahum̐ ehim̐ parathāba || (5) daśami daśā pāubi bara nāri | apajasa poraha bajābaha jāni || (6) rābaṇa-maraṇa baraṇa tasu bheo | tāhi chāḍi nahi cintae deo || Song 91 (Folio 21b, lines 1-5 [PDF p. 22]) Māla-kauśika Rāge — (1) uḍḍī dụbi pare bābaḍi gopi meri | kānha paiśala bana kara jana keli || (2) rādhā ham̐sali apana mukha heri | cam̐da parāỵana hariṇa kaśeri || (3) āela basanta samaya ṛtu-rāja | bhamari birahe calu bhamara samāja || (4) kubalaya kumudini cahudiśem̐ phula | kokila kuhuki daśa o diśa bula || (5) madhu rasa pībi kam̐hu sutala seja | dhaela sudhākarem̐371 ādita teja || (6) khane kara śvāsā khane kara kheda | baiśala biṣadhara paḍha jani beda || (7) bhogī achala maheśara bhela | pāna tam̐bora hātha dae gela | (8) bhanayi bidyāpati kabi kaṇṭha-hāra | kī buja rājā kī karatāra | (9) lakhimā deï pati bujaha kanta | o nahi bara khāna thika basanta || Song 92372 (Folio 21b, lines 5-7; Folio 22a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 22-23]) Lalita Rāge — (1) mādhaba kaṭhina hṛdae parabāsī | tua peyasi mohi bheṭali balākini abahum̐ palaṭi ghara jāsī || (2) himakara heri abanata kara ānana kara karuṇā patha herī | naỵana kājara lae lihae biṁdhuntuda kae rahu tohari śerī || 370 Before -ỵa- there is an erased section. In the margins a -na- is written to correct this. 371 special mark indicating a missing long -ā-. 372 NM manuscript: 180 NM (BRBP ed.): 165 NG ed.: 765 MM ed.: 177 SoV ed.: 163 284 (3) śiba śiba kae mīna-ketana bhaem̐ dharaṇi loṭābae dehā | nayana nīralae kūca śiriphala dae śambhu pujae nija gehā || (4) dakhina pabana baha se kaise jubati saha kara kabalita tasu | gela parāna āśa dae rākhae daśa nakhe lihae bhuṁge || (5) parabhuta ke bhaem̐ karem̐ pāe salae bāyasa nikaṭa pukāre | Rājā śiba-siṅgha rupa nārāyaṇa sukabi bhaṇathi kam̐ṭhahāre || Song 93 (Folio 22a, lines 2-5 [PDF p. 23]) Guḍa Rāge — (1) mukulita kānana kuñja baśī | nayanaka kājarem̐ ghora masī || (2) nakha likhalī kinha na tilika pāta | likhi e paṭhaolanhi ākhara sāta || (3) e hari e hari na teji aneha | sagari likhāṇa paḍhi utarola deha || (4) prathamaka abasaram̐ pahila basanta | dosarā bihi tesarā kera anta || (5) tīni bhāga himakarem̐ gahi lela | cauṭhi bhāga bihi likhi kae dela || (6) bhanayi bidyāpati ākhara lekhi | budhajana hoeta se kahata biśekhi || Song 94373 (Folio 22a, lines 5-7; Folio 22b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 23]) Āsābarī Rāge — (1) hari-ripu-ripu-prabhu-tanae se ghariṇī tulanā rupa ramanī | bibudhāsana sani bacanem̐ sohāuli kamalāsana sama gamanī || [Dhruva.] (2) sāe sāe jāitem̐ dekhali Magem̐ | jinae āiti jaga bibudhā-dhipa-pura-gorī | (3) ghaṭhaja-aśana-suta dekhie tāheri mukha cañcala nayana cakorā | heraïte hari jani lae geli hara-ripu-bāhana morā || (4) udadhi-tanaya-suta sindure loṭāyala haṁsa dekhali raja kām̐tīm̐ | ṣaṭapada-bāhana kākha baiśāola bihi lihu śikharaka pātī || (5) rabi-suta-tanaya dei e geli sundari bidyāpati kabi bhāne | Rājā śiba-siṁha rupa nārāyana lakhimā deï diḍha māne || 373 NM manuscript: 166 NM (BRBP ed.): 166 NG ed.: 13 MM ed.: 199 SoV ed.: 153 285 Song 95374 (Folio 22b, lines 2-5 [PDF p. 23]) Mālaba rāge — (1) hari-ripu-ripu-suta-ari-ura-bhuṣaṇa tasu bhoana acha ṭhāmā | pañcabadana-ari-bāhana tāri-puta-suprabhu leae nāmā || [Dhruva.] (2) mādhaba kone pari rākhabi rāmā | surabhi-tanaya-pati-śiromaṇi-dūkhana rahata janama bhari ṭhāmā || (3) khacara cala lagae bhāmini paiśati kara dina rākhabi āśe | kī hara-bedabāṇa-guṇi khāiti yadi na jāyaba tohe pāśe || (4) tapana-tanaya-suta dae kahu sundari bāḍhata kona baḍāyī | ambam̐ra śeṣa lekhi kahu āḍhati bidhi halu jagara chaḍāyī || Song 98 (Folio 22b, lines 6-7; Folio 23a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 23-24]) (1) biṣadhara-priya-suta-gamana-aśana-aśana-bhoana-tanayaka svāmī | priyaka cora-suta-ripu ke bāhana tāśu sarīśe gāmī || [Dhruva.] (2) mādhaba tore bole ānali rādhā | sura-ari-ripu-suta-dhanu je tarāśae tātaha ati tanu bādhā || (3) gośiriṣe punu para sanīndu kare hema bānu kana śohāi | bhānuphalā dṛpiyidṛ bichāo latā baidhana jai nāi || (4) kaśyapa ke suta-prabhu-ripu ke duta-amia biṣa paḍata rajāne | kaṁnhara kāśaka aṁśu kahia gela tātaha madana na māne || (5) ṣaṭa-rasa bindaka birahini jībaka bidyāpati kabi bhāne | Rājā śiba-siṁha rupa nārāyaṇa lakṣimā deï diḍha māne || Song 98 (Folio 23a, lines 6-7; Folio 23b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 24]) (1) ekahari mora heme garāsala dvija hari laya geli rāmā | ekahari moya jāite gamāola abe bidhinā bhela bāmā || 374 NM manuscript: 246 NM ed.: 226 NG ed.: 14 MM ed.: 198 SoV: 225 286 (2) mādhaba na purula madanaka raṅge | (3) udadhi badana kaya gagana mukha joae hari heraïte hama lolā || ekahari hama sam̐gahi satābaya herāela hari hame paolā | (4) harihi pakhāri hari hari caḍhi baiśala kare gahi ākama? Delā | āela se hari bharame bhulāyala dāruṇa katae para elā || (5) bhaṇayi bidyāpati pāpa harathu hari, hari sumari yasaba ṭhāmā | pāṭha hari he tohahi pāola sundari ābe kaise bheli he bāmā || Song 99 (Folio 23b, lines 3-5 [PDF p. 24]) (1) mana janmā ari tilaka bairi tasu bairī ānana dāśā | Tāheri rāhu jatā khāe maratī tata kebala tohara usdāsā || Dhruva. (2) Mādhaba dūsaha tasu pacabāne | Toha sama puruṣa dosara na tribhubana tiri badhaba karu abadhāne || (3) śara janmā bāhana āhara āhare tejāliya jiba śāyī | gamana śineha jība dae jāiti juge juge badha toha lāyī || (4) sukabi bidyāpati śiba-siṁha nara-pati abasaram̐ halia bujāyī || Song 100 (Folio 23b, lines 6-7; Folio 24a, line 1 [PDF pp. 24-25]) (1) duja āhara āhara suta nandana suta āhara suta rāmā | Banaja bandhu suta sutalaya sundari calali saṁketa ṭhāmā || (2) Mādhaba bujhala kalā biśeṣī | toharī lāgi āgi dhasa kaela kaśādhara rahali upekhī || (3) gopati pati pati ari tāta ki bāhana yubati gamana se hoī | ali ari ari pati tāte bikala matika bahinī delahi śoyī || (4) śoyaka yoga nāma dhanu nāyaka ari ari tā pati jāne | Naba o kalā eka pura bāsī śukabi bidyāpati bhāne || Song 101 (Folio 24a, lines 2-5 [PDF p. 25]) (1) bhaba-hita-ari-bhaginī-pati-jananī-tanaya-tāta-bandhu rupe | nāga-śirija-sama-dekhia-amukha-ajae Sana badana sarupe || 287 (2) Mādhaba dekhali sā anurāgī | malayaja raja lagha śaṁbhu ḍa?pati kae um̐raja pujaya tua lāgī || (3) duja-pati-pati-priya-tāta-tanaya sama bacane nirupali ramanī | khaga-sakha-sakha-duhitā-bāra-bāhana tāsu aśana sama gamanī || (4) tua darasana lāgi praṇa bae biṣa bandhu bidyāpati kabi bhāne | Rājā śiba-siṁgha rupanārāyaṇa lakhimā deyī diḍha māne || Song 102 (Folio 24a, lines 5-7 [PDF p. 25]) (1) ānana hari jani sarisa mano-cala Hari taha hari uṭha āgī | Harihi paiśi hari hari jenu ghaṇi hari hari kagha uṭha jāgī || (2) Mādhaba hari rahu jaladhara chāyī | Hari nayanī dhani hari gamanī sani hari herayite dina jāyī || (3) hari bhela bhāra hāra bhela hari sama harika bacana nahi bhābe | karihi binu huni Hari na śohābaya hari caḍhi mora bujābe || Song 103 (Folio 24b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 25]) (1) dhanajaya bāhana bhāsa tasu ānaha sārahu ripu kara śādā | e duhu mīlita nāma tasu dujana te moya biṣama biśādā || (2) Mādhaba tua birahānale rāhī | śāraṅga ari ripu badu khana pāota tori tasi laha gae tāhī || (3) harihi dekhi hari hari sama mālaya śāraṅga pāne na leyī | sura suta tanaya gharini bandhu bāhaya magane seo na deyī || (4) jadi na jāyaba tohe aśa na karati kohe hara nayanālaya Śāyi | Rukumini deyī pati hṛṣtu caraṇa gati bidyāpati kabi gāyī || Song 104 (Folio 24b, lines 4-7 [PDF p. 25]) Bhupālī Rāge — (1) keśa kusuma jaḍu śiraka sindura | alaka tilaka chala seho gela dura || [Dhruva.] (2) ki kahu kaiśe | śāmari he jāmara tora deha ki kahu kaiśe || (3) nide ghurumana achi locana tora | lonua badana kamala daha cora || 288 (4) adhara pallaba tohara śuraṅga pamāra | kone lurala tua madana bham̐ḍāra || (5) kaone kubudhi tohi kuca lakha dela | hā hā śaṁbhu bhagaṇa bhaya gela || (6) bhaṇayi bidyāpati apuruba rupa | hṛṣtu caraṇa pae rākha sarupa || Song 105 (Folio 24b, line 7; Folio 25a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 25-26]) (1) prathama pema ati bhīrāhi | kate jatane manāuli tāhī | (2) bāri bilāśini ānabi kāhā | tohahi kānha jāha baru tāhā || (3) patha je kam̐ṭaka375 dehari dura | caraṇa komala geha bidūra || (4) eta mane suni tāhi tarāsa | madhu na dhāba madhukara pāsa || (5) ṭhāma baiśale na pāyiya nidhī | jekara sāhasa tā hoa sidhi376 | Song 108 (Folio 25b, lines 3-5 [PDF p. 26]) Korāba Rāge — (1) jahi khane hari lela kacuā achori | katipari juguti rahali aṁga mori || (2) kare na batāe dura bara dīpa | lāje na marae nāri kaṭha jība377 || (3) takhanu kaḍhi ṭhapana kahahi na jāe | cām̐da samukhi dhani rahali na jāya || (4) bhaṇayi bidyāpati takhanuka bhāna | kaone dekhali sakhi hoeta bihāna || Song 109378 (Folio 25b, lines 6-7; Folio 26a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 26-27]) [Dhruva.] (1) mādhaba jānali na jiuti rāhī | jatabā jakara lele chali sundari se sabe śom̐palaka tāhī || (2) cām̐dake śaśi-mukhi mukha ruci śopalaka harinakem̐ locana-līlā | 375 This is written as -ḍha- in the manuscript. The flag above the character is missing, but should be included to make this -ṭa-. 376 Missing verses are indicated by long gap between two sets of double daṇḍas. 377 Rhyme: It seems as if both voiced and unvoiced consonants of the same class can be used as rhymes for each other. 378 TM (BRBP ed.): 217 Grierson: 10 NG ed.: 785 MM ed.: 181 289 keśapāśa laya camarike śopalaka pāe manobhaba-pīḍā || (3) daśana daśā dālimake śopalaka pikake śopalaka bānī | adhara sobhāba bimum̐khe śopalaka deha sudāmini jānī || (4) śakati geli hari uṭhae dharaṇi dhari śiba śiba kae uṭha jāgī | tohara sineha jība dae bujati acha dhani etabā lāgī379 || Song 110 (Folio 26a, lines 2-6 [PDF p. 27]) Bhaṭhiyārī — (1) kamala milala dala madhupa calala ghara bihage gahala nija ṭhāme | aruṇa timira milu timire teja dharu baḍa pām̐tara duram̐ gāme || (2) are re pathika jana thīra karaha mana jībana pae jaga sāre | dekhi karaha bāsa paradeśam̐ para āsa ithi na hoeta upahāse || (3) nanadi rusie rahu paradeśa mora pahu sāsu sunathi nahi kāne | niṭhura paḍosiyā puchāri udāsi na ekali raha o nija ṭhāme || (4) cādana cāru cāpa ghara tarubara agara kuṁkuma ghara bāse | parimala pāe pathika nike saṁcara te nahi bālahi udāse || Song 111 (Folio 26a, lines 6-7; Folio 26b, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 27]) Nāṭa Rāge — (1) bujala sakhi he toha rasa māja | utarola delaha ām̐khika lāja || (2) analaha age sakhi kahinī lāỵa | bāghaka badanam̐ meraolaha gāỵa || (3) tohe sakhi kapaṭī lobhī kānha | ānaka sarasa sakae laha dāna380 || (4) tohe nahi manda manda naṭha yuga | khāela majāre381 paṅḍita suga || (5) jāni jana o laha hita upadeśa | abe kisa māraha um̐dhasala keśa || (6) bhelā boliya kī bhela baḍa maṅda | katae lukāe bala banakha caṅda || (7) bhaṇayi bidyāpati dūti sayāni | lābhaka lobhe mulahu bhela hānī || 379 Missing lines indicated by a gap and special markings. 380 Written as ‘dāne’ with the -e- marked over. This resolves the end rhyme. 381 A reference to ahalya (cat or beloved) 290 Song 112 (Folio 26b, lines 3-6 [PDF p. 27]) Barāḍī Rāge — (1) kata kate āse jāyia abhisāra | kāhuka janu hoa nāha gamāra || (2) ki kahaba age sakhi tohahi sayāni | turahu tahalahu kaelaha ānī || (3) haṭhe cali aelahu ādara gela | na purala kāma duao mohi bhela || (4) na purala kāma ṭāma raha lāja | kī kamalini kā cādaka kāja || (5) ki karaba ādara alapa geyāna | ratanaka molabaha tanahi jāna || (6) bhanayi bidyāpati suna bara śātī | se nahi bicala jakari je jāyī || Song 118 (Folio 28a, lines 3-7; Folio 28b, line 1 [PDF p. 29]) (1) jagata kalapataru tribhubana sundara āni dela hame rādhe | hṛdayaka roṣa tohe dharahi na pārala parali koṭi aparādhe || [Dhruva.] (2) suṁdari abe ki karaha anutāpe | bhuṣana atithi upeṣi paṭhaolaha ehi upara kī pāpe || (3) mādhabi kusuma kamala madhu madhukara katana bhamiya bhami pībe | mālati haraṣi tāhi na sabhā ṣaela baṅga latā madhu jībe || (4) tohahu nidara sana pune parinate bhela kaise lāgala tohe bāme | rupa jaubana upagata nahi kayalaha bukalihe tohe tahi ṭāme || (5) bhaṇayi bidyāpati eho rasa bindaka sakala kalāka nidhāne | Rukumini debi pati hṛsṭu caraṇa gati medini naba pacabāṇe Song 119382 (Folio 28b, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 29]) Sāraṅgī rāge — (1) nadi baha nayanaka nīra | sutali dekhali tāhi tīra || (2) khane khane bharama geyāne | āna puchia kaha āna || (3) Mādhaba torita haniya abadhārī | jabe jibaïte bara nārī || (4) keo sakhi calali upekhī | keo śira dhuna dhani dekhī || 382 BS manscript: 121 NM manuscript: 61 NM (BRBP ed.): 56 NG ed.: 743 MM ed.: 542 SoV ed.: 55 291 (5) keo kara sām̐saka āsa | maya dharalihu tua pāsa || (6) kabi gobinda parathāba | kaṁsa nārāyaṇa buja bhāba || Nepal Manuscript - Song 56 (1) nadī baha nayanaka nīra | palali rahae tahi tīra || (2) saba khana bharama geñāna | āna puchi kaha āna || (3) mādhaba anudine khini bheli rāha | caudasi cāndahu cāhī || (4) keo sakhī rahali upeṣi | keo sira dhuna dhani dekhi || (5) keo kara sāsaka āsa | mañe dhaulihu tua pāsa || (6) bidyāpati kabi bhāna | eta suni sāraṅgapānī || (7) haraṣi calala hari geha | sumarie puruba sineha || Song 120 (Folio 28b, lines 3-5 [PDF p. 29]) Āsābarī Rāge — (1) sājali se hari rasa banijāra | gopa bharame janu bolaha gamāra || (2) jaubana nagara besa hiya rūpa | daya mula ucita jate sarūpa || (3) bidhi base āba karaha janu māna | sehe o sāra jahā raha kānha || (4) toha kuli ucita rahata jadi bheda | manamatha madhatha karaba paricheda || Song 121 (Folio 28b, lines 6-7; Folio 29a, line 1 [PDF pp. 29-30]) Bibhāsa Rāge — (1) sajanī karaha kām̐ ābhirose | aṅga anāiti mānabi ghaṭala mora nahi kichu dose || (2) ānata ānata kae rahalihu bārala locana cora | piya mukha ruci pibaya dhāuli jani se cām̐da cakora || (3) tanūpamede383 pasāhali bhāsali aisana pūlaka jāgu | buli buli kae kaṁcuki phāḍhali bane balayā bhām̐gu || (4) mādhabe bolali madhuri bāṇī kare mūda-maya kāna | tāhi abasara ṭhāma bāma bhela dhanu dhari pacabāna || 383 Nominal Compound: tanūpameda = tanu+upameta 292 Song 123 (Folio 29a, lines 5-7 [PDF p. 30]) (1) geli niśā śaśi giri alaṁba | kī kāraṇahe bināsa bilaṁba || (2) śikhala kalā abasaram̐ ke goa | bhābaka bhūṣana nāgara hoa || (3) mānini māna bhāba ke jāna | abasara bitale kī dia dāna || (4) jao bana rahu tarasāla (kaā…binu)384 Song 125 (Folio 29b, lines 4-7 [PDF p. 30]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) katae mādhabi katae gelī | bihi mohi udhamati delī || (2) ohe upabana bhela kāla | sumari sumari jiba sāla || (3) sone phule phulala akāśa | jiba mora paḍala hatāsa || (4) bichu tana sineha amola | dui mana ām̐tara ḍola || (5) daiba dosa dūra gela | giri nadi ātara bhela || (6) kanaka latā śani nārī | bām̐kem̐ nayane geli mārī || (7) kaṁsa narāyaṇa ehe | punu kaiśe dekhabi sehe || Song 126 (Folio 29b, line 7; Folio 30a, lines 1-3 [PDF pp. 30-31]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) prathama pahara niśi sājala dhāra | gae chekala gokula thala dāra || (2) sundari āili senā sāji | pām̐caobāṇa bekata bhela ājī || (3) dekhaïte kanha bara na bhaya gela | samari sela mādhabe gaya lela || (4) loha jara lāgala nayanaka dhāra | dūti bayari bheli doba dāra || (5) tikha tarala ghana barisae lela | rati maha mādhaba āphara bhela || (6) jaladhare āni jiāola kānha | agirala loha bidyāpati bhāna || 384 These fragments appear at the end of this pada with a space b 293 Song 129 (Folio 30b, lines 3-7 [PDF p. 31]) Bibhāsa Rāge — (1) sāe sāe samaya piḍa samāsa piya paradeśa basa jāhi deśa basanta na bhelā || phulala kadama-gācha hāṭe bāṭe kata acha mora piya seo na dekhalā || (2) bhare re bhādaba māsa pam̐khi o na teja bāsa tahi ritu piya parabāsī | hoitahu pākhi uḍi jaïtahu tatahi baru dukha sukha piya saha bāsī || (3) hamara parāna nātha kone biramāola kata jiba deba bisabāse | piya patha heri heri uṭhaya dharaṇidhari kakhane puruta mora āśe || (4) jakhane āyaba hari rahaba caraṇa dhari cām̐de pujaba arabindā | kusume seja bhari karaba surati keli duhu mane hoeta sānandā385 || Song 130386 (Folio 31a, lines 1-5 [PDF p. 32]) Rāja Bijaya — (1) pahili pirītihi prāṇa ām̐tara takhane aisani rīti | se ābe katahu heri na herathi bhelahu nima sani tīti || [Dhruva.] (2) sājani jibathu śae pacāśa | sahase ramani rayani khepathu taiao hunaki āśa || (3) kate jatane gori arādhia māgia svāmi sohāga | tathuhu apana karama bhuṁjia jaisana jakara bhāga || (4) śamaya gele megha barisae kīdahu te jaladhāra | śita samāpale basana pāia kīdahu tem̐ upakāra || (4) rayani gele dīpa nibodhiya bhojana dibasa anta387 | yaubana gele yubati piriti kī phala pāoba kanta || (5) bhane bidyāpati sunaha jubati āpada dhairaja sāra | rājā śibasiṁha rupa nārāyaṇa ekādaśa abatāra || Taraunī Manuscript — 184 (1) pahili pirīti parāna ām̐tara takhane aïsana rīti | se ābe kabahum̐ heri na herathi bheli nima sani tīti || [Refrain.] (2) sājani jibathu sae pacāsa | 385 Missing lines indicated in manuscript. 386 TM (BRBP ed.): 184 MM ed.: 161 NG ed.: 645 387 This line was switched with the second hemistich of line 4. The scribe seems to have marked his error with two “1” marks indicating these two half-lines to be switched. 294 sahase rayani ramani khepathu morāhu tanhiki āsa || (3) katane jatane gaüri arādhia māgia svāmi sohāga | tathuhu apana karama bhujjia jaïsana jakara bhāga || (4) samaya gele meghe barīsaba kīdahu tem̐ jaladhāra | sita samāpale basana pāia te dahu kī upakāra || (5) rayai gele dīpe nibodhia bhojana dibasa anta | jaübana gele jubati piriti kī phala pāota kanta || (6) dhana achaïte je nahi bhogae tā mane ho pacatāba | jaübana jībana baḍa nirāpana gele palaṭi na āba || (7) bhana bidyāpati sunaha jaübati samaya bujha sayāna | rājā sibasiṁha rūpa narāyana lakhimā debi ramāna || Song 132 (Folio 31b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 32]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) nita nita niyara āba binu kāja | guputa o neha lukābaya lāja || (2) anatahu jāite o tahi nihāra | lubudhala nayana haṭhae ke pāra || (3) e sakhi e sakhi na boliya āna | tua guṇe lubudhala nita āba kānha || (4) tohe ati nāgari ota śitrūna | eka nara gām̐thala jani dui phula || (5) bhaṇaï bidyāpati kabi kaṇṭhahāra | ekaśara manamatha dui jiba māra || Song 133 (Folio 31b, lines 4-7; Folio 32a, line 1 [PDF pp. 32-33]) Korāba Rāge — (1) cala cala mādhaba tua nahi lāje | jata bola lahata ta sakala beyāje || (2) niyama lele guṇala na puchala keo | apanā jati apane dela cheo || (3) tua parasāde eka o nahi bhela | para dhana lobhe nia o dura gela || (4) apane apajase jāhi nahi lāja | tā sao ucita boli kī kāje || (5) boli bisaralaha daya bisabāse | keo nahi jībae tesara pacāse || (6) sagari jana madharu āsā lāya | tua dhandhika bola ke pati yāya || (7) toharahi bole pacāola rāhī | abasara jāni bisaralaha tāhī || (8) bhaṇaï bidyāpati bujala bheo | gācha caḍhāe pedā dela cheo || 295 Song 134 (Folio 32a, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 33]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) jahahi prema basa tahahi duranta | kara punu prīti palaṭi guṇamanta || (2) sabatahu suniya esana bebahāra | punu ṭuṭae punu gām̐thia hāra || (3) jagatahu bidita tohahi hama neha | eka parāna achala dui deha || (4) je neha lāia premaka ora | śe na tori ahe durajana bola || (5) e kānhu e kānhu tohahi śayāna | biśariya kopa karia samadhāna || (6) bhaṇaï bidyāpati tribhubana sāra | ye parataha kara para upakāra || Song 138 (Folio 32b, lines 5-7 [PDF p. 33]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) śara hari rahalahu nahi bhala bhela | garua māna chala seo dura gela || (2) bhala bhala alape gela anurāga | toharā dūṣaṇa hamara bhāge || (3) jaba dudha ऽऽऽऽऽऽऽऽ bhae jadi bāṭala pema | beri o pūchia kuśala chema || (4) kamala bhamara jaga achaya aneka | se parasaṁsiya bujaya bibeka || (5) bhaṇayi bidyāpati rahi mela goỵa | niỵa khati binu para hita nahi hoya || Song 139 (Folio 33a, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 34]) [Dhruva.] (1) bhuṣe umata rusalā | kākhe bokāna laya ī bāgha chālā || (2) kṛṣi teji bhiṣi māgu ki dosa hamāre | niradhana na milaya paica-udhāre || (3) ki pacāola naihara ki dhayala goya | arajane bhojana samucita hoya || (4) bhaṇayi bidyāpati sunu bara nāri | binu dhane na hoaya dhara gharuāri || 296 Appendix 2: Padas of Other Poets Found in the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript Sadānanda Song 1 (Folio 2a, Line 1-2 [PDF p. 3]) …ha raga āsāvarī — (1) dekhaha premaï he yogi raṅga rasiyā | gori mukha heri heri ham̐sae bihum̐siā || (2) vibhūti bhūṣana grima phani-mani śobhe388 | rāja-kumāri kata lābaya lobhe || (3) śira śaśadhara kare ḍamaru bajāve389 | cañcala locana manamatha bhāve || (4) punu punu ābae haṭala namāne | kone pari bolaba vacana nidāne || (5) bhanayi sadānanda kabahau uchāhe | baḍa samucitā gori śaṅkara nāhe || Song 17 (Folio 4b, lines 7-8; Folio 5a, lines 1-2 [PDF pp. 5-6]) Mālaba Rāge — (1) uṭhaha sulākhani choṭi achi rajanī | hama uṭhi samadaha sāraṅga badanī || (2) tilā eka sumukhi karaha mukha apanā | toha hama daraśana hoeta abe sapanā || (3) lāja nebāri kahaha kichu kata helī | jiba abalambim̐ dharaba se kahinī || (4) se suni sundari mukhahu na bolayī | nayanaka nīra ḍharie uram̐ paḍayī || (5) sukabi sadānanda sakuni na gabayī | biraha dāruṇa dukha bihi pae janayī || Song 30 (Folio 7a, lines 7-8; Folio 7b, line 1 [PDF p. 8]) Bhupālī — (1) aruṇa udita bhela niśi abasāna | tilā eka mānini tejaha māna || 388 ligature of ś-o unclear, resembles l-o 389 This seems like a western/Brajverb form 297 (2) kumudini390 malina bhela canda | abahu upara391 kara sukha arabinda || (3) bhamae bhamara sarasī raha pāsa | karaha kamala-mukhi nayana bilāsa || (4) āsāe sagari bibhābari geli | rahali manahi māna392 manasija keli || (5) bhanayī Sadānanda sunaha sayānī | abasara na kariya rati rasa hānī || Song 37 (Folio 8b, lines 5-7 [PDF p. 9]) Dhanāśrī Rāge393 — (1) bhaurī bharame amie bama cam̐dā | bāgha jibi e basaha karu dandā394 || (2) kone pari hoeta naṭa nira bāhe | parama beyākula tribhuvana nāhe || (3) sam̐sari dhasali phaṇi diśe diśe bule | tāke uparam̐ bula kātika mayūre395 || (4) śiram̐ surasari bhare geli baḍhi ỵāỵī | nayana hutāśana parase mijāyī || (5) sukabi sadānanda nitem̐ kara sebā | dethu abhaya bara śaṅkara debā || Song 140 (Folio 33a, lines 3-6 [PDF p. 34]) (1) śira surasari parijana parihari re | bhūta samāja rahiya kone pari re || (2) umatā re tohi kone mati deli re | turaya teji gaja basaha palāna re || (3) palaṅga teji nita bhumi śayāna re | cādana nahi tanu bibhuti bhuṣaṇa re || (4) maṇi na dhariya phaṇi kaone geāne re | lalita dhāma teji basiya masāna re || (5) amṛta na khāha kariya biṣa pāna re | sukabi sadānanda biparita kāja re || (6) apane bhiṣāri sebaka diya rāja re | 390 The scribe has crossed out his repeated half-word ‘mudini’. Interestingly, the ‘mu’ character is different than in the word preceding it. 391 The scribe has erased a mātrā sign at the end of line 7. 392 Written as ‘mana’, but contextually it only makes sense as ‘māna’. 393 This looks like it might have been marked out by the scribe. 394 Orthography: The -reph- like mark above -nda- seems to confirm my idea that it is meant to lengthen the vowel. This would make ‘danda’ work with the end of the first hemistich as a rhyme with ‘caṁdā’. 395 Phonology: This end rhyme is based on a rhotic shift between -l- and -r-. 298 Kaviśekhara Song 9 (Folio 3a, lines 6-8; Folio 3b, line 1 [PDF p. 4]) Mālava Rāge — (1)396 sakhi he kānhake kahabi binatī | eha o basanta ṛtu o tahi gamāoba eta eka bhali nahi rītī || (2) je biparita jata se sabe kahaba kata? tanhi pati āeba āne | jakhane āoba ri hamahi nibedaba jadi rākhata pam̐cabāne || (3) ghana malayaja rasa, parase lāga bisa, dusaha sunia pika nāde | anala barisa śaśi nida o na ābae niśi ohi deśam̐ baḍa paramāde || (4) sumukhi samāde samāda rasa mane niśi basāhi suri tāne | dae biśabāsa āsa kata rākhaba kabiśekhara eho bhāne || 396 This line has the structure and content of a dhruvapada. it is unusual for a dhruvapada to be placed first in a pada. Perhaps there were lines missing when this was written down? 299 Caturbhuja Song 11 (Folio 3b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 4]) Korāba Rāge — (1) na kara na kara re dhani apada rose | kahaha mānini re mora kīdahu dose || (2) ānata na kara re dhani ānana candā | locana cakora re mora hoa o sanandā || (3) adhara komala re naba pallaba bhāse | malina na kara re khara tarani sāse || (4) kara kalābati re mohi kichu karuṇā | hana binu he o re manamatha dāruṇā || (5) biraha dahana re daha dehaka rālā | deha hatāśa na re janu mālati mālā || (6) kabi catturbhuja re bhane niya geyāne | deha bināsini re piya bina e māne || 300 "King Siṁha" Song 13 ( Folio 4a, lines 3-7 [PDF p. 5]) Āsābarī rāge — (1) supuruṣa boli neha lāola bolala purata sabe sādha | dine dine prīm̐ti ki bāḍhati abeda rasa na bhela bādha || (2) kiya re kudina mora māi he ki e bihi bhela mohi bāma | kiya hari sebām̐ cukalahu tem̐ prabhum̐ bisarali nāma || (3) bālihi baesa, piya teji gela, piya mana acha sehe bhāna | dine dine nāram̐gi suragi bheli lurae cāha || (4) pam̐cabāṇā patha heri heri deha khini bheli jani śaśi garāsala rāhu | jībana yauvana hama sani hoa janu aora hakāhu || (5) nṛpati sim̐ha kaha śaśimukhi suna dhani guṇamati nāri | harika bhagati mana lāubī te pune milata murāri || Song 14 ( Folio 4a, lines 7-8; Folio 4b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 5]) Āsāvarī — (1) biraha397 bīja piya dae gela hamahi akhaḍi khara dela | nayanaka nīra398 rapaṭāula bāḍi mahā-taru bhela || (2) cikure nayana beḍhi rākhala jāgiyo gāuli rāti | kusume phule phale maurala phaladahu dhara kauna bhām̐tī || (3) more bole, kahihaha sajanī, kare joḍi lebi mori nāma | ehi khane o sānaka399 jagati kaisana, hoeta parināma || (4) nṛpati sim̐gha kaha śaśimukhi, gāele lanua gīta | tiriyā (anumita)400 bhare jaubati, puruṣa lanua dhana bīta || 397 ‘ha’ not included but added interlineally by the scribe. 398 ‘ni’ is smudged in manuscript. 399 ‘E’ and ‘o’ are superimposed…can’t tell which one is being corrected to. 400 only thing that makes sense. 301 Song 40 (Folio 9a, lines 4-6 [PDF p. 10]) Koraba — (1) he raghunātha nātha punu punu | bina bama em̐ abasara bisaraha janu || (2) nāri rabhase rase eta dina gelā | tua anugati kichu kaïo na bhelā || (3) abe kām̐pae jiba guṇi dina rāti | kone pari khepabae heya masāti || (4) paḍa aparādha sebaka kām̐ nīte | supahu rūpahu nahi se dhara bite || (5) kumara gajā dhara alapa geỵāne | harika caraṇa chāḍi gati nahi āne || 302 Gajasiṁha Song 39 (Folio 9a, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 10]) Mālaba — (1) hāsa bisari mukha masi bhela mandā | amiya na barisae dibasaka candā || [Dhruva.] (2) birahe bikhini bheli re anurāgini bālā || (3) balaya taraki paruhāra bhela bhāre | nikaruṇa manamatha punu punu māre || (4) aruṇi malaya na bahae bahu norā | moti marama jani he ati nicala cakorā || (5) dhairaja kara dhani Gajasiṅgha bhāne | nṛpa puruṣotama he saba guṇaka nidhāne || Song 43 (Folio 9b, lines 5-7; Folio 10a, line 1 [PDF pp. 10-11]) Korāba Rāge — (1) supuruṣa boli pema dela ṭhāma | parajante jānala sahajaka bāma || (2) biṣama bhuaṅgama ṭhinhi o na bhela | hāruka bharame hṛdam̐e hame dela || (3) e sakhi karabaka o na upacāra | apanahi kaela apana apakāra || (4) kata mana achala baḍhāoba māna | dine dine śam̐sae paḍala parāna || (5) anukhana ganaïte gahae bikāra | gelā sarabasa anuśaya śāla | (6) Gajasiṁha kaha dhani dhara upadeśa | acirahi tora piyaka rata udeśa || (7) Nṛpa puruṣotama eho rasa jāna | guṇi-gaṇa rañjana guṇaka nidhāna || 303 Biṣṇupurī Song 41 (Folio 9a, lines 6-7; Folio 9b, line 1 [PDF p. 10]) Kedārā — (1) bhana raghunātha bisaralaha mohi | je kichu kaela moe mānūsa tohi || (2) dhāe phedaelahu ṭuṭala ṭaṅga | hārala heri e bisama hoa saṅga || (3) ỵe kichu kaela moe401 kaelaha mora | mora abhāga dukha na kī tora || (4) bhuji serāela karamaka bhoga | dekhi daśā upahāsae loga || (5) biṣṇupurī kahala karia nātha | saba kām̐ hṛdaya sākhi raghunātha || 401 Orthography note: written as -me- with a long double ‘reph’. This probably indicates a mistake as it should be written as -moe-. 304 Kaṁsa Song 45 (Folio 10a, lines 4-7 [PDF p. 11]) [Bibhāsa Rāge —] (1) nakhata bekata bhela timira pasari gela taraṇi tirohita bhelā | Aruṇa tāmarasa bheli nide parasa dūre bhamara uḍi gelā || Dhruva. (2) kahaha sumukhi mohi paradoṣe parataha kāma ki cātara delā | (3) Baha khara tara ghana, manda samīraṇa bheli madhuri phula hāre, ugala mahidhara ādhe sudhākara mālati bheli nimāle402 || (4) Dekhia sambhaba bisama eho sakhi Kaṁsa narāena bhāne | Janagata anugati rukumini dei pati kṛṣṇa caraṇa rasa jāne || Song 128 (Folio 30b, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 31]) Dhanachī Rāge — (1) sa uti niśā na baḍa dūra bāra | parasi tejala phula kusuma nimāla || (2) kata deha asabāsa deha visabāsa | para kara tana piya parama udāsa || (3) hame dhani āja kaela akāja | ekasari aelahu tohara samāja || (4) śāraṅga pāṇidhara bamae āni | e beri nāgare bisarabi bānī | (5) pahilu bhāba punamanta pāba | kaṁsa nā…………… kautuke gāba || 402 Orthographic note: A long -ā- after -m- is possibly indicated by a mark above the letter. This would make it rhyme with ‘hāre’ of the first hemistich, but the -r-/-l- rhyme would still be unusual. 305 Śaṅkara Song 52 (Folio 12a, lines 2-5 [PDF p. 13]) Korāba Rāge — (1) kānhu karama morā | dūṣana kaona deba mae torā || (2) nāgara jānia elahu tua pāśe | piśuna bacane kaela udāse || (3) tua bolā śuni bhelahu bāśī | ābe sakhi śuni karati hāsī403 || (4) hame kula-badhu tohe sugyānī | bhala jana nahi bisaraya ānī || (5) sarasa isara śaṅkara kabi gābe | ānana jagata bujae bhābe || (6) lakhimi nṛpati ī rasa jāne | rānī kauśilyā dei biramāne || 403 A correction has to be made between the long -ī- of ‘bāśī’ and the short -i- of ‘hāsi’ as well as the shift from the first palatal sibilant and the second dental sibilant. 306 Narendra Song 54 (Folio 12b, lines 1-4 [PDF p. 13]) Korāba Rāge — [Dhruva.]404 (1) sājani kaona se kānana deśa | dekhi na pabane dhani beyākuli pathika pucha sandeśa|| (2) na ohi deśā kāga takala mana pika dādura mora | na ohi deśā kāmini nehā biraha bedana thora || (3) śāhara mañjaram̐ bhamara guñjara kokila pañcama gāba | biraha bedane dhani beyākuli niṭhura kanta na āba || (4) nandaka nandana jagata bandana jana narendra kabi gāba | je dhani svāmika bhagati karae se jagadīśara pāba || 404 It is unusual that the dhruvapada is in the first line of a pada. This could because part of the pada is missing when this manuscript was copied. 307 Govinda Song 55 (Folio 12b, lines 4-7; Folio 13a, line 1 [PDF pp. 13-14]) Mālaba Rāge — (1) ghana sāraśī śira u sira405 paṅkaja sajala nalinī seja | daba dahana tasu jīmī parase paribhaba kāhu na dhara dhani dheja || (2) caṁda candana cāhi cauguṇa mānasa ādhī | kateka jatane saha barīsa tābae kaṭhina biraha beyādhī || (3) kām̐em̐ hari parihariỵa kāminika paṭa kauśala śīkhi | ajahu bisari aruṣa rākhiỵa madana māgae bhīṣi (4) udhiỵāe aṁcala pabana pari śata adhika adhika bikāra | tasu bikhama biśikha biśākha śāeka marama kara parahāra || (5) tasu śāṁsa kata pare āsem̐ nirupiỵa dekhi sakhi jiba kām̐pa406 | kahiỵa mādhaba kaona paraśata kaṭhina tiri badha pāpa (6) gobinda bhane arabinda sundari na kara hṛdae adeśa | Debi yaśodā bhajie ballabha vāsudeba nareśa || Song 67 (Folio 16a, lines 6-7 [PDF p. 17]) Mālaba-Kedārā — (1) kānha ke kahaba sakhi anugati hamarī | pema bisari piya basa eka nagarī | (2) ehi patham̐ karia gatāgata anukhana | bharamahum̐ hamara nihāra anukhane || (3) bhane gobinda kabi anukhana dhāraṇa | śobama deï pati kaṁsanā Rāyaṇa || Song 107 (Folio 25a, lines 6-7; Folio 25b, lines 1-3 [PDF p. 26]) Mālaba Rāge — (1) gamana dibasa sao, re re, bolitaha | nayana juḍāyata toha taha || (2) se sabe dayibe bhela re re ātara | achala nagara bhela pām̐tara || 405 Orthographic note/correction: written as ‘sīra’ with correction to ‘sira’. 406 written as ‘kam̐pa’ with a ligature above the final character indicating a lack of room for an additional -ā- mātrā. This is comfirmed by the end rhyme with ‘pāpa’. 308 (3) jatanahu jata o na re re nirabaha |407 e kānhu tate o tohe agirala || (4) se sabe bisaru tohe re re binu hetu | maratu madhatha hemakara ketu || (5) e kānhu kapaṭa kae re re kī hita | baḍa bhaya bolachaḍu anucita || (6) hame abalā badha re re daya jiba | taraba duḥsaha kahi śiba śiba || (7) puruṣa sineha ki re re ehe Laya | kidahu paḍali mori kubilaya || (8) jagata janami jata re re kulamati | abe ke karata para paratiti || (9) bhane gobinda kabi re re rasamaya | kaṁsa nārāyaṇa buja paya || 407 Rhyme: Perhaps there is the possiblity of semi-vowels and sibilants being interchangeable for end-rhymes? 309 Viśvanātha Song 72 (Folio 17a, lines 4-7; Folio 17b, line 1 [PDF p. 18]) Mālaba Rāge, Daṇḍaka — (1) tejae candana manda manasija dūram̐ dhari dhari jība | tua biyoge hutāśa bidhumukhi amiya jalaja o pība || (2) cali e mādhava pekhi peyasi surasa pāsa na neha | piriti bhāba bilāse bhābi eha ṭhahi chāḍie geha || (3) manda na khapada danda lāgae chīna śaśi sama sobha | durahu dekhi jaga jubati peyasi kāela upajala lobha || (4) bāṭha saṁcara bāri dhārā dekhi pathika aneka | jiba o mānini apani kheḍi saha athika eha bibeka || (5) biśvanātha bibhāri rasa bhaṇa tom̐ham̐ kichu nahi bhīti | jagata bhābana thīti kāraṇe athika puruṣa pirīti || 310 Jagadīśa Song 76 (Folio 18b, lines 3-5 [PDF p. 19]) Barāḍī Rāge — (1) sāe dekhali maem̐ tori rāhi khini re | kaṁkana rāhu banae geli jini re || (2) cikurem̐ beḍhala mukha abanati bheli re | cām̐da tarāsem̐ jalada rahu mili re || (3) nayana jalada jala dravae jasārā re | kara abhiṣeka śaṁbhu śiba dharā re || (4) bhane jagadīśa suna śāraṅga dhāri re | palaṭi hera bṛṣabhāna kūmāri re || 311 Virala Song 77 (Folio 18b, lines 5-7; Folio 18b, line 1 [PDF p. 19]) Korāba Rāge — (1) śarasa pati jani dineśa | pabana pābaka jama janeśa || (2) jagata katana acha bedeo | morā mana na parae keo || (3) śiba sumari pujaom̐ tohi | abhimata phala dihaha mohi || (4) eka pae mām̐gao surapura rāja | parama pade morā kī kāja || (5) ethi acha prabhu bibeka tohi | karahu janu bisaraha mohi || (6) bhane birala rāe narāo | caraṇa śaraṇa mohī408 bolāo || 408 Orthographic note: There is evidence here that the scribe was attempting to exactly copy a previous manuscipt. The -o- around -m- is split between two folio. This is especially unusual because of the space left after the pada. 312 Sundara Song 106 (Folio 25a, lines 3-5 [PDF p. 26]) (1) jāyite dekhali patha re re bidhu mukhi | karayite keli sabaha sakhi || (2) bājali kichu kichu re re kānha hasi | pasarala kusuma punima śaśi || (3) jakhane calali mahi re re hari kahu | dhairaja takhane katae dahu || (4) sumari rahia tasu, re re, bara tasu | madana hanaya mana punu punu || (5) sundara kabi bhane re re rasamaya | hari pada paṁkaja mana daya || (6) puruta rasika jana re re tua mana | hṛṣtu narāyaṇa anukhana || 313 Jadupati Song 127 (Folio 30a, lines 3-7; Folio 30b, line 1 [PDF p. 31]) Bibhāsa Rāge — (1) hame anumāni jāni jibe apane kaela supahu sao saṅga | baḍa bhaya abasaram̐ o yadi bibhicara ki karaba kae mana bhaṅga || (2) sakhi he ki kahaba niya age āne | baḍā piyāsa āse hame dhabalihu maru marīca jala pāne || (3) tanhi abhisāra gamana nahim̐ guṇale caraṇa bhuaṅgama baṅdhe | hamahu pema bhare kare dhari duna kae rati rase bhelahu andhe || (4) dekhaïte deha neha hame mānala ripu sama nayana nimekhe | o ābe patha paricayaom̐ na rākha khieta baḍa śamaya …khe409 || (5) daiba adhīna thika sabhe sundari thira nahi kānhaka sāthe | jadupati gāba phāba tābe dhari jābe yaubana dhana hāthe || 409 A few words and fragments seem to be marked over here. The final -khe- is the only legible portion and maintains the end-rhyme. 314 Kaṇṭhahara Song 136410 (Folio 32a, line 7; Folio 32b, lines 1-2 [PDF p. 33]) Bhūpālī Rāge — (1) thira nahi jībana thira nahi deha | thira nahi rahaya bālabhu sineha || (2) thira janu jānaha ī saṁsāra | eka thira raha para upakāra || (3) bhala bhana sundari kaelaha māna | kī parasaṁsaba tohara geyāna || (4) kaulati kaya hari ānala geha | mūra bhāgala sana bhela sineha || (5) ārati ānala bighaṭala raṅga | tetarika rāba sariśa bhela saṅga || (6) bimukhi calala hari buji bebahāra | abe kī gāota kabi kaṅthahāra || 410 BS manuscript: 138 TM (BRBP ed.): 138 NG ed.: 449 MM ed.: 399 315 Appendix 3: Schema of the Vidyāpati Tradition 316 Selected Glossary of the Cited Padas from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta Manuscript This glossary records a selection lexical items found in the padas from the Bhāṣā Saṅgīta manuscript that I have translated in this study. There are additional entries for padas 1-70, even from those only included in transcription in Appendix 1. This is not a complete glossary of every word found within these padas, but a careful selection of those items which might cause trouble for a reader uninitiated in reading Old Maithili. Special attention has been given to verbal forms (cited as they appear in the padas), since those are the most unique features that might cause difficulties for readers. I have not recorded tatsama words that are uninflected in this word list since these can be easily found in other lexicons and dictionaries available to the reader. Similarly, I have not recorded words that would be easily recognized by speakers of contemporary North Indian languages. Because in Mithilākṣara there are no separate -va- and -ba- characters, I will also not include words that would be tatsama if this were not the case (e.g. naba > nava [‘new, fresh’]) On the occasion that a particle, post-position, etc., is derived from other verbal forms, the conjugated verbal form is cited in the brackets instead of the derivational etymology (e.g., lae (inf. of le-) [BS 4]). I have indicated dubious etymologies with a (*) in the case of theoretical stem forms and (?) in the case of unknown or forced derivations. Abbreviations used in the word index Absol. Absolutive Adj. Adjective/adjectival Adv. Adverb Ar. Arabic Aux. Auxiliary Conj. Conjunctive Corr. Correlative D. Deśī Dim. diminutive Emph. Emphatic Fem. Feminine Gen. Genitive Ger. gerund Inf. Infinitive 317 Imp. imperative Interj. Interjection Instr. Instrumental Ip. Imperfect Participle Irr. Irregular Loc. Locative N. Noun Perf. perfective P.Ind. Past Indicative PN. Proper Noun Post Pos. Post position Pp. Past participle (passive) Pr.Ind. Present Indicative Pron. Pronoun Prox. Proximate Refl. Reflexive Rel. Relative Var. variant V.t. Verb, transitive A A-/ae- vi. (ā[gam-]) ‘come’: -lahu/-lam̐hum̐ (1 P.Ind.), BS 5, 34, 38, 135; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 15; Aokā adj. (anya) ‘other’: BS 4 Aora conj. (apara) ‘and; another; futher’: BS 13 Akāmika adv. (ākasmika) ‘suddenly, by chance’: BS 3 Akāśa n. (S.) ‘sky, firmament’: -e (loc.), BS 6, 38 Akhaḍa- vt. (?) ‘appear disagreeable, unsuitable’: -i (absol.), BS 14 Agara n. (agaru) ‘Agarwood [Aquailaria Agalocha]’: -a (nom./obj.), BS 8; -u (nom./obj.), BS 46 Am̐gari n. (aṅgarī) ‘doublet; armor, bodice’: BS 48 Am̐gam̐nā n. (aṅgana) ‘courtyard; inner part of home’: BS 51 Age inter. (?) ‘term of address for non-honorific woman’: BS 15, 113 Aṅkuśa n. (S.) ‘goad [usually for herding]’: -e (instr.), BS 46 Am̐gira- vt. (aṅgi+kṛ-) ‘admit, accept’: -ia (2 imp.), BS 57 Acira adj. (S.) ‘soon, in short order’: -hi (instr. as adv.), BS 43 Acha aux. vi. (> as-) ‘be, exist’: BS 13; -i (3 fem. Pr.Ind.), BS 18; -lihu (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 21, 35; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 23, 44, 117; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 28, 43, 131 Ajahu adv. (adya+hi) ‘now; today’: BS 7, 50, 55 Atāpa n. (S.) ‘heat (from the sun); sunlight; moonlight’: -e (nom./instr.), BS 53 Adabuda adj. (adbhuta) ‘wonderful, miraculous, unusual’: BS 58 Adeśa n. (ādeśa) ‘instruction, rule, advice’: BS 55 318 Am̐dhakāra n. (andhakāra) ‘darkness; torpor’: BS 58 Am̐dhārā n. (andhakāra) ‘darkness; torpor’: BS 6, 25 Ana- vt. (ā+nī-) ‘bring’: -lanhi (3 fem. pl. P.Ind.), BS 46 Anatae adv. (anyatra) ‘elsewhere’: BS 66 Anaya n. (S.) ‘misfortune, adversity’: BS 2 Anukhana adv. (anukṣaṇa) ‘every moment; continually, perpetually’: -e (instr.), BS 24; -a, BS 38, 43 Anucita adj. (S.) inappropriate, unfit, unbecoming; improper’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 57 Anurāga n. (S.) ‘passion, affection, love, attachment’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 16, 32 Anurāgini n. fem. (anurāgiṇī) ‘impassioned, attached, enamored woman’: BS 39 Anurodha n. (S.) ‘persuasion; request, supplication’: -e (obj.), BS 36 Apakāra n. (apakārya) ‘harm, ill; hindrance, detriment, injury’: BS 43 Apajasa n. (apayaśa) ‘infamy, ill fame, disgrace, ill-repute’: BS 57 Apatham̐ n. (S.) ‘wrong course, improper path; unwholesome, harmful’: -hum̐ (loc.), BS 24 Apada n. (S.), ‘out of place, in vain’: -hi (loc. [adv.]), BS 31; -m̐ (instr. as adv.), BS 57 Apana refl. pron. (ātmanaḥ) ‘self, one’s own’: BS 17, 26, 43, 48; -hi (nom./obj.), BS 43 Apanu refl. pron. (ātmanaḥ) ‘self, one’s own’: -ki (gen. fem.), BS 63; -(x) (nom./obj./gen./loc.), BS 113 Apanuti adv. (ātmanaḥ) ‘personally’: BS 66 Aparādha n. (S.) ‘fault, offence’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 36 Apuraba adj. (apurva) ‘unprecedented, unique, unusual’: BS 42, 49 Aba adv. (adya) ‘now; this moment’: -hu (loc./emph.), BS 29 Abakāśa n. (S.) ‘place, room; occasion, opportunity’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 12 Abagāha- vi./vt. (avagāhana) ‘bathe; immerse’ -i (absol.), BS 21 Abadhāra- vt. (ava+dhṛ-) ‘hold, take, accept’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 50 Abalamba adj. (avalamba) ‘dependent, hanging, suspended’: -em̐ (nom./obj.), BS 8; - im̐ (nom./obj.), BS 17 Abilamba adv. (a+vilamba) ‘quickly, without delay’: -e (instr./adv.), BS 8 Abe adv. (adya) ‘today; now’: BS 17, 18, 40 Abeda adj. (avedya) ‘unknowing, uninformed’: BS 13 Abhāga n. (abhāgya) ‘misfortune’: BS 41 Abhimāna n. (S.) ’self-conceit, pride, haughtiness’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 18 Abhisāra n. (S.) ‘tryst; secret rendezvous with lover at night’: -ka (gen.), BS 32 Amarakha n. (amarṣa) ‘anger, rage’: -em̐ (instr.), BS 36 Amia /ya n. (amṛta) ‘nectar’: -m̐ (instr.), BS 15; -a (nom./obj.), BS 24, 39, 46, 61 Amie n. (amṛta) ‘nectar’: BS 37 Ambara n. (S.) ‘garment; firmament, sky’: -m̐ (nom./obj./instr.), BS 32 Araja- vt. (arja-) ‘earn, gain’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 51 Arā- vt. (caus. of ara-) ‘to cause to be resistant, stand firmly, be obstinate, stuck’: BS -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 11 Arādha- vt. (ārādh-) ‘worship, adore, propitiate’: -ba (3 fut.), BS 38 Aruṇi n. (aruṇī) ‘morning; dawn’: BS 39 319 Alaka n. (S.) ‘lock of hair, curl, ringlet’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 46 Alapa adj. (alpa) ‘little, meagre, slim’: -e (instr. [adv.]) Alasa n. (ālasya) ‘idleness, sloth’: -em̐ (instr.), BS 61 Aṁśu n. (ambu) ‘cloth; clothing’: -ka (gen.), BS 117 Ahaniśi adv. (aharniśa) ‘day and night’: BS 28, 62 Ā Ā-/āe-/āo-/āu- vi. (ā-[gam-]) ‘come’: -e (absol./ 3 Pr.Ind.), BS 8, 34; -ba (3 fut.), BS 9, 50, 54, 114; -ti (3 fem. Fut.), BS 18, 124; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 19, 35, 56, 74; -ta (3 fut.), BS 29; -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 29; -(x)/-ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 122; -ili (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 124 Āiti n. (āyati) ‘control, clutch; meeting, union’: BS 34 Ākura adj. (ākula) ‘perplexed, restless, confounded; afflicted’: BS 42 Ām̐khi n. (akṣi) ‘eye(s)’: -ka (gen.), BS 57 Āgi n. (agni) ‘fire’: BS 5; -hika (gen.), BS 5; -ī (nom./obj.), BS 25, 38 Ācara/Ām̐cara n. (āñcala) ‘the end of a sari’: -m̐ (obj.), BS 34; -e (instr.), BS 35; -a (obj.), BS 42 Āja adv. (adya) ‘today; now’: BS 31, 42, 62; -u, BS 47 Āḍa- vt. (?) ‘stop, restrict, impede’: -hu (2 imp.), BS 16 Ām̐tara n./post.pos. (antara) ‘space in between; between’: BS 4 Ātitha n. (āthithya) ‘hospitality’: BS 74 Ādara n. (S.) ‘attention, notice; respect’: -e (instr.), BS 46 Ādha/ā adj. (ardha) ‘half’: -e (loc.), BS 45, 48; -a (nom./obj.), BS 48; -o (emph.), BS 53; -i (fem.), BS 55 Āna- vt. (ā+nī-) ‘to bring’: -(x) (3 Pr.ind.;inf.) BS 2, 10, 11, 21,113, 137; -i (absol./2 imp.), BS 6, 36, 46, 52, 62, 74, 117; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 9, 18, 21, 40; -ta (2 fut. [as imp.]), BS 10; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 11; -ka (gen.), BS 26 Āpada n. (S.) ‘evil, trouble, disaster’: -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 24 Āba- vi. (āgamana) ‘to come’: -e (Pr.Ind.), BS 1, 9; -(x) BS 8 Ābe adv. (adya) ‘now, today’: BS 19, 28; -hi (emph.), BS 29; -(x), BS 52 Ārati n. (ārti) ‘painful incident; pain, injury, mischief’: BS 21, 27 Āre interj. (are) ‘Oh! Hey!’: BS 24 Ālasa n. (ālasya) ‘sloth, laziness’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 48 Āsa n. (āśā) ‘hope, wish, desire’: -e/em̐ (instr./loc.), BS 8, 55; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 9, 20, 28 Āsā- vi./vt. (*>āśā) ‘to hope, wish’: -e (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 30 I I pron. 3 prox. (etat) ‘this’: BS 5, 31, 53 320 Isara n. (īśvara) ‘lord, master, god, deity’: BS 52 Ī Ī pron. 3 prox. (e[tat]) ’this, this one’: BS 7, 48, 52, 61 U U pron. 3 (?) ‘it, that’: BS 55 Ukuti n. (ukti) ‘statement, words, utterance’: -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 61 Uga-/um̐ga- vi. (ud-gam-) ‘rise, come up; grow’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 7, 12, 45, 53, 56, 58; -o (3 imp.), BS 16; -(x)/-ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 26, 97 Ujara adj. (ujjvala) ‘shining, brilliant; lovely, beautiful, glorious’: -i (fem.), BS 44 Uchāha n. (utsāha) ‘joy, excitement; energy, exertion; festivity’: -e (loc.), BS1 Uṭha/um̐ṭha- vi. (ut-sthā-) ’stand up, rise, wake up’: -ha (2/3 imp.), BS 17; -i (absol.), BS 17, 38; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 56; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 63; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 115 Uḍa- vi (ud-ḍī) ‘fly, leap up’: -i (absol.), BS 6, 45; -ta (3 fut.), BS 6; -e (3 Pr.Ind./inf.), BS 49 Utakaṇṭhā adj. (utkaṇṭha) ‘longing for; desiring’: BS 20 Udeśa n. (uddeśya) ‘direction, indication; intention, purpose, object’: BS 43 Udhiā- vi. (uddhriya-) ‘overflow, swell, fly away in the air’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 55 Unata adj. (unnata) ‘elevated, lifted high; raised up; great, noble; high, sublime’: BS 19, 58 Upaca- vt. (upakṣaya-) ‘bail out; throw off water from’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 36 Um̐pacara n. (upacara) ‘remedy, solution’: BS 21 Upaja- vi. (upa+yā-) ‘ascend; grow up, develop’: -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 47; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 49 Upara adv. (upari) ‘above, on top of’: BS 7, 30; -m̐, BS 37 Upahāśa n. (upahāsya) ‘laughter, ridicule’: BS 51 Upahāsa- vt. (upahās-) ‘to laugh at, ridicule’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 41 Upāe n. (upāya) ‘device, means, way; contrivance; remedy’: BS 44 Upāyī n. (upāyin) ‘the one with a solution/means/contrivance’: BS 38 Upāsa- vi./vt. (upahās-) ‘laugh; ridicule’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 97 Ubara- vi. (udvar-) ‘get rid of, be relieved’ -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 26 Umata adj. (unmatta) ‘intoxicated; mad, insane’: BS 38 Ura n. (S.) ‘breasts; chest’: -m̐ (obj./loc.), BS 17 Uraja n. (uroja) ‘breast(s)’: BS 58 Ulaṭā- vt. (caus of ulaṭ-) ‘to turn upside-down, make topsy-turvy; to confuse’: -ba (3 fut.), BS 58 Uha n. (?) ‘flash of an idea, quick wit, presence in mind’: BS 56 321 Ū Ū pron. 3 (eṣaḥ) ‘he/she/it’: BS 20 Ūṭa n. (uṣṭra) ‘camel’: BS 63 Ūda n. (udra) ‘otter’: BS 63 Ūdhasa- vi. (uddhvas-) ‘be disheveled, untidy’: -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 61 Ūna n. (ūrṇā) ‘wool; woolen’: BS 63 E E/em̐ interj. (he) ‘hey! oh!’: BS 3, 44, 49 E prox. pron. (Etat; atra) ‘this, this one; here/there’: BS 4, 5, 10, 13, 18, 20, 21, 24, 37, 41, 43, 47 E- vi. (perf. root of ā-) ‘come’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 46, 47; -lahu (3 P.Ind.), BS 52 Eka nu. (S.) ‘one’: -hi (emph.), BS 7, 36; -e (instr.), BS 16, 19 Ekala adv. (S.) ‘Alone; solitary’: -i (fem.), BS 34 Ekahoka adv. (?) ‘each one; one by one’: BS 7 Eta pron. adj. (etat) ‘this much, so much’: BS 9, 21, 28, 40, 122; -bā (var.), BS 28, 31, 141 Eti adj. (>etat) ‘so much’: BS 11 Ethi adv. (atra) ‘here’: BS 3; -m̐, BS 64 Eha pron. 3 (eṣaḥ) ‘this’: BS 9 Ehana pron. adj. (?) ‘Like this; in this way’: -u, BS 48 Ehi pron.+emph. (eṣaḥ + hi) “this very one”: BS 4, 14, 16, 26, 51 Eho pron. 3 (eṣaḥ) ‘this’: BS 9, 12, 20, 28, 31, 43, 45 Ai Ai- vi. (perf. root of ā[gam]-) ‘come’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 51 Aisana adj./adv. (īdṛśaka) ‘in this way; like this’: -i (fem.), BS 58 O O pron. 3 (?) ‘he, she, it’: BS 8, 9, 10, 14, 15, 16, 24, 43, 48, 57, 60, 63; -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 11, 56, 69 Oja/ā adv. (ojasvī) ‘vigorously, strongly’: BS 50 Ota n. (?) ‘obstruction; curtain’: BS 137 322 Ora n. (avāra) ‘end, extremity’: -e (loc.), BS 4 Ohi pron. 3 + emph. (? + hi) ‘it, that, he’: BS 9, 54 Ka Ka- vt. (perf. root of kara-) ‘having done; did’: -e (absol.), BS 18, 21, 24, 31, 56, 115; -ela (3 P.Ind.), BS 21, 41, 43, 46, 49, 60, 63, 131; -elanhi (3 P.Ind.), BS 25; -ie (absol.), BS 29, 47; -elaha (3 P.Ind.), BS 36, 41; -ïo (absol. + emph.), BS 40; -ïe (inf.), BS 58; -oli (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 122 Kaüm̐ā n. (kāka) ‘crow’: -em̐ (nom.), BS 63 Kaona pron. adj. (kaḥ+punaḥ) ‘who, whom; which’: BS 11, 16, 21, 29, 32, 38, 52, 54, 55, 66 Kañcana/kaṁcana n./adj (kāñcana) ‘gold; golden’: BS 21, 62 Kaṁṭaka n. (kaṇṭaka) ‘thorn, prick; a troublesome person; fingernail’: -ke (nom./obj.), BS 51 Kaṭākha n. (kaṭākṣa) ’side-long glance; side-eye’: BS 7, 18 Kaṭhorī n. (*> kaṭhora) ‘strictness, hardness, difficulty, cruelty’ Kata pron. adj. (kiyat) ‘how much?’: BS 1, 5, 9, 17, 19, 25, 28, 34, 43, 49, 55, 58, 116, 137; -e (instr.), BS 11; -i (fem.), BS 42, 65 Katae/kataya pron. adj. (*kaḥ+sthāna) ‘where? somewhere/anywhere’: BS 53, 60, 97, 141 Katana pron. adj. (kiyat) ‘how much?’: BS 23; -e, BS 56, 58, 113 Kateka adv. (kati+eka) ‘how many/much?’: BS 55, 58 Katham̐ pron. adj./adv. (katham) ‘how, in what way’: Kanakana adj. (?) ‘excited, furious, agitated’: -e (instr. as adv.), BS 50 Kanaya n./adj. (kanaka) ‘gold; golden’: BS 33 Kanu n. (kṣana) ‘moment, second’: BS 25 Kanta n./adj. (kānta) ‘beloved, lover, delight’: BS 51, 54 Kapaṭī n. (kapaṭin) ’deceiver, trickster, disguised person’: BS 20 Kapāra n. (kapāla) ‘forehead, skull; fig. fate’: BS 135 Kabanu indef. pron. (kaḥ punaḥ) ‘who?’: BS 51 Kabari n. (kavarī) ‘plait; braided hair’: BS 46 Kabahu adv. ’some time; any time’: BS 1, 27 Kabi n. (kavi) ‘poet’: -m̐ (obj.), BS 51 Kamala n. (S.) ‘lotus’: -m̐ (obj./loc.), BS 7, 29 Kamini n. fem. (kāminī) ‘ardent, passionate woman’: -ke (obj.), BS 51; -(x) (nom.), BS 51 Kara n. (kara) ‘hand’: -e/em̐ (instr./loc.), BS 1, 14, 29, 32; -m̐ (obj.), BS 27, 69 Kara post. Pos. (?) ‘of X, genitive post position’: BS 3, 12, 25, 26 Kara- vt. (kṛ-) ‘do, make’: -ba (3 fut.), BS 1, 31, 34, 69, 114; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 2, 6, 54; -i (2 imp.), -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 8, 30, 55, 66, 97, 116, 124; -(x) (2 Imp.), BS 10, 39, 55, 61; -ti (3 fem. Fut.), BS 11, 52; -ha (2 imp.), BS 17, 323 30, 117, 124, 137; -ia/iya (2 imp.), BS 20, 29, 30, 36, 41, 57, 124, 141; -ïte (ip.), BS 24; -iahe (2 imp.), BS 26; -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 37 Karakha n. (karaṣa) ‘hostility, anger, envy’: -e (instr.), BS 56 Karabaka n. (?) ‘fickleness; infidelity; movement, tremor’: -a (nom./obj.), BS 43 Karama n. (karma) ‘work, deed; performance; fate’: -ka (gen.), BS 41, 60; -a (nom./obj.), BS 52 Karebara n. (kalevara) ‘body’: BS 51 Kalaśa n. (S.) ‘pitcher, jar, jug’: -i (loc.), BS 47 Kalasa n. (kalaśa) ‘pitcher, jar, jug’: BS 33 Kalmaka adj. (kalmaṣa) ‘stained, sinful, disgraceful’: BS 50 Kasani n. (karṣaṇī) ‘girdle, brace, bodice’: -ke (gen.), BS 42 Kaha inter. pron. (katham) ‘how?’: BS 63 Kaha- vt. (katha-) ‘speak, say, tell’: -ite (ip.), BS 2, 42; -hi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 8, 44, 47, 69; -bi (3 fem. Fut.), BS 9, 28; -ba (3 fut.), 56, 69, 113, 122, 131; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind./2 imp.), BS 9, 13, 14, 24, 43, 56, 62, 97; -ha (2 imp.), BS 10, 17, 45; -haha (2 imp.), BS 14, 28; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 38; -laha (3 P.Ind.), BS 41; -i/-aï (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 46, 63, 122; -ti (3 fem. fut.), BS 48; -ia/iya (2 imp.), BS 55, 137; -ỵite (ger.), BS 65; -thi (3 hon. Pr.Ind.), BS 113 Kahini /ī n. (*kathānaka) ‘story, tale, telling’: BS 17, 42, 47, 57 Kahu pron. (kva+hī) ‘somewhere’: BS 32 Kahu adv. (?) ‘often’: BS 62 Kā pron. (kaḥ/kim) ‘who’: -ke (obj.), BS 12 Kām̐ adv. (kim) ‘for which reason? why?’: BS 19, 22, 40, 41, 63; -e/em̐, BS 55 Kām̐tī n. (kānti) ‘splendor, appearance; countenance’: BS 42 Kāca- vi. (*kakṣā) ‘assume false appearance/countenance; play the role of; be made into’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 21, 61 Kācā adj. (kaṣaṇa) ‘unripe, green; raw’: BS 35; -e (nom./obj.), BS 60 Kāja v. (kārya) ‘work, deed; action’: -e (obj.), BS 5; -a (nom./obj.), BS 31, 57 Kājara n. (kajjala) ‘lamp-black, soot; eye-liner’: BS 35; -e/em̐ (nom./instr.), BS 49, 53 Kātika pn. (Kārttika) ‘Kārttikeya/Skanda (son of Shiva)’: BS 37 Kāna/kām̐na n. (karṇa) ‘ear’: BS 8; -e (nom./obj.), BS 19; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 28 Kām̐na- vi./vt. (krand-) ‘cry, weep’ -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 19 Kānha pn. (kṛṣṇa) ‘Kṛṣṇa’: BS 3; -ka (gen.) BS 4; BS 7; -ke (obj.), BS 8; -u (voc.), BS 19, 49, 52; -(x) (nom./obj./voc.), BS 26, 28 Kām̐pa- vi. (kamp-) ‘shake, tremble’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 5, 40; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 4, 29, 55 Kāma/kām̐ma n. (S.) ‘desire, lust; Kāmadeva’: -e/em̐ (nom.), BS 5, 26, 32, 55, 61 Kāmini n. fem. (kāminī) ‘ardent, passionate woman’: BS 4, 6, 32, 44, 53, 54; -ka (gen.), BS 55 Kāra adj. (kāla) ‘black, dark: -a (masc.), BS 35; -i/ī (fem.), BS 33 Kāraṇa n. (S.) ‘reason, purpose’: -e (instr. [adv.]), BS 24 324 Kāhi pron. (kāya) ‘whom? which?’: BS 21 Kāhu pron. (kāya) ‘to whom; which’: BS 55 Ki/kī indef. pron. (kaḥ) ‘what (thing)’: BS 11, 13, 19, 31, 33, 36, 41, 45, 47, 48, 53, 56, 62, 69, 113, 122 Ki conj. (*kah) ‘or’: BS 3 Kichu pron. adj./adv. (kaścit; kiñcit) ‘some; a little bit; something, to some extent’: BS 10, 17, 24, 36, 40, 41, 51, 57, 113, 137 Kiya pron. adj. (kim) ‘what?’: BS 13 Kiśalaya n. (kisalaya) ‘shoot; sprout’: BS 50 Kīdahu pron. (?) ‘Something [whatsoever]’: BS 10 Kughaṭhana n. (ku+ghaṭhana) ‘inauspicious/bad connection, union, happening’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 60 Kudina n. (ku+dina) ‘wicked/bad day’: BS 13 Kujāti adj. (ku+jāti) ‘of evil/poor birth/origin’: BS 12 Kumara n. (kumāra) ‘prince’: BS 40 Kusuma n (S.) ‘flower, blossom’: -e (instr.), BS 8, 14, 20; -ka (gen.), BS 23 Kuhū pn. (D.) ‘the night during which the sun and moon are in conjunction (‘amāvasyā’); night of the new moon, last day of the dark fortnight’: BS 46 Kṛpana n. (kṛpaṇa) ‘narrow-minded; miser’: BS 53 Ke/ m̐ indef. pron. (kaḥ) ‘who? what person?’: BS 5, 11, 29, 31, 32, 36, 63, 69 Keo indef. pron. (kaścid) ‘someone’: BS 3, 4, 19, 29, 97, 124, 131 Kethae adv. (*kaḥ+sthāna) ‘where?’: BS 53 Kera post pos. gen. (kasya) ‘of, belonging to’: BS 28 Kela- vi./vt. (*khel(l)- ) ‘play’: -i (absol.), BS 18, 30 Kesu pn. (kiṁśuka) ‘a kind of tree with red blossoms and no odor (Butea Frondosa); a.k.a. palāśa’: BS 35 Kehu/m̐ indef. pron. (kaḥ+emph.) ‘someone’: BS 32 Kaisana pron. adj. (kīdṛśa) ‘of what sort/kind?’: BS 14, 35 Koi/koya indef. pron. (kaḥ+api) ‘someone, anybody’: BS 34, 131 Kokila pn. (kokila) ‘the Cuckoo bird’: -i (nom.), BS 3 Koṭabāra pn. (?) ‘cell/tank made for storing treacle/sweets’: BS 66 Kone pron. adv. (*kaḥ punaḥ) ‘who, which one? how?’: BS 6, 11, 19, 115 Kone pari pron. adv. (*kaḥ punaḥ + pari) ‘in what direction, manner? how?’: BS 1, 11, 37, 40 Kolāhala n. (S.) ‘loud noise, uproar, clamor, din’: -e (instr.), BS 53 Kautuka n. (S.) ‘curiosity, eagerness; interest’: -em̐ (instr.), BS 48 Kauna pron. adv. (*kaḥ+punaḥ) ‘who? what? which?’: BS 14 Kauśilyā pn. (Kauśalyā) ‘Kauśalyā’: BS 52 Krupa n. (kṛpā) ‘mercy; kindness’: BS 21 325 Kha Kham̐jana pn. (khañjana) ‘a wagtail bird [Motacilla alba]; (fig.) to which the pupil of the eyes of the beloved are compared’: -e (Instr.), BS 4; BS 7; -m̐ (nom.), BS 62 Khata- n. (kṣata; kṣati) ‘mark, hurt, injury; damage; fault, mistake’: BS 26 Khana n. (kṣaṇa) ‘moment; time’: BS 12; -e (loc./adv.), BS 60 Khasa- vi. (skhala-) decline, dropped, dig down’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 113 Khini adj. fem (khinna) ’sad, vexed; sore’: BS 13, 62 Khiyāu- vi. (kṣi-) ‘wear out, be rubbed off, reduce’: -li (3 fem. P.S.), BS 64. Khedha n. (kheda) ‘pain, suffering; vexation’: BS 51 Khepa- vt. (kṣepa-) ‘pass time; cross over, pull on’: -bae (inf.), BS 40 Khela n. (khelā) ‘game, sport’: BS 7 Khela- vi. (> khelā) ‘play, sport’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 62 Ga Ga- vi. (perf. stem for jā-) ‘go, move’: -e (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 24, 38 Gaṁga pn. (Gaṅgā) ‘the Ganges’: BS 62 Gaja n. (S.) ‘elephant’: -e (obj.), BS 39 Gam̐tha- vt. (granth-) ‘string, thread, entwine, interlock’: -le (ger.), BS 53 Gana- vt. (gaṇ-) ‘count, enumerate’: -ite (ip.), BS 43 Gaba- vt. (gā-) ‘sing’: -ite (ip.) BS 4; -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 17 Gamana n. (S.) ‘going, departure’: -e (obj.), BS 49 Gamā- vt. (gum-) ‘Lose, waste, squander’: -ba (3 fut.) BS 9; -ili (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 20; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 74 Gamāra adj. (> grāma) ‘rustic, vulgar, boorish, stupid; lit. of a village’: BS 53; -e (nom./instr.), BS 62 Garabha n. (karabha) ‘young/baby elephant’: BS 62 Garāsa- vt. (*gras-) ‘devour, eat up; eclipse’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 13 Garī n. (gaḍa) ‘narrow lane, alley’: -m̐ (loc.), BS 97 Garua adj. (guruka) ‘heavy; intense’: BS 21 Gala- vi. (garaṇa) ‘melt, smelt; sink; ooze, leak, drip’: -i (absol.) BS 4; -e (3 Pr.ind.), BS 6, 69 Gasa- vt. (gras-) ‘grab, assume; tie, fasten’: -e (Pr.Ind.), BS 7 Gaha- vt. (grabh-) ‘take in hand; hold, catch’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 43 Gā-/gāu-/gāo-/gāe- vi./vt. (gā-) ‘sing’: -li (3 P.Ind.), BS 14; -ele (ger.); -e (absol.), BS 21; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 33, 48, 51, 63; -ba (3 fut.), BS 116 Gāja- vt. (garjan-) ‘sing; make joyful noise/ruckus’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 56 Gām̐ga pn. (Gaṅgā) ‘the river/goddess Ganges’: BS 22 Gātā n. (gātrā) ‘body; limbs’: BS 49 Gāba- vt. (gā-) ‘sing’: BS 4; -e (3 Pr.ind.), BS 6, 27, 52; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 54, 58 326 Gāra- vt. (gṛ-) ‘squeeze, wring, extract juice, decant’: -i (absol.), BS 24 Gāri n. (gāli) ‘insult, abuse’: BS 34, 57 Gāruḍi n. (gāruḍin) ‘a doctor that cures snakebites; snake-charmer’: BS 3 Giri n. (S.) ‘mountain’: -m̐ (obj./loc.), BS 61 Girirāja pn. (S.) ‘lit. king of mountains; Himālayas or Mt. Meru’: -ka (gen.), BS 38 Guñjara n. (guñja+āra) ‘buzzing of bees’: BS 54 Guṇa n. (S.) ‘[good] qualities; virtues’: -e (obj./instr.), BS 8, 58; -ka (gen.), BS 39, 43 Guṇa- vt. (> guṇa-) ‘to enumerate, to qualify’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 40, 57; - ia/iya (2 imp.), BS 57; -thi (3 hon. Pr.Ind.), BS 63 Guṇamati n. fem. (guṇamatī) ‘a lady possessed of virtue’: BS 6, 13, 58 Guputa adj. (gupta) ‘hidden, concealed’: BS 61 Gṛma n. (grīva) ‘neck, throat’: BS 26 Geyāna n. (jñāna) ‘knowledge, wisdom’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 10, 40 Gela vi. (irr. perf. of jā-) ‘went; aux. vi’: -(x) BS 4, 12, 13, 14, 15, 21, 29, 31, 35, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 51, 53, 56, 97, 116; -āhum̐ (1 P.ind.), BS 5; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 30, 35, 37, 46, 53, 116, 122; -le (ger.), BS 137 Geha- n. (gṛha) ‘house, home, abode; building, room’: -hu (loc.), BS 11 Go-/goa- vt. (gop-) ‘hide, conceal, cover’: -i/yi (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 19, 34, 35, 65; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 42, 44, 58; -a/ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 114 Goṭā n. (?) ‘individual, single object; used for counting’: BS 23, 63 Gori n./pn. (Gaurī) ‘fair lady; Gaurī (I.e. Parvatī)’: BS 1, 38, 48 Gohanā n. (?) ‘group, assembly’: BS 64 Gohāri n. (?) ‘supplication, request; prayer, cry for help’: BS 57 Grima n. (grīva) ‘neck, nape of neck’: BS1 Gha Ghaṭa- vt. (> ghaṭana) ‘erect, construct’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 62 Ghanatara adj. (ghana+tara) ‘exceedingly dense/thick’: BS 32 Ghara n. (gṛha) ‘home, house, abode; room’: BS 25, 34; -m̐ (obj.), BS 35 Ghāṭa-* vt. (?) ‘blow, strike, wound, injure; murder, slay’: -i/ī (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 63 Ca Caüdiśa see ‘caudiśa’ Cakebā n. (cakravāka) ‘sheldrake, ruddy duck (Casarca rutila), cannot meet their mates during night’: BS 6 Caṅgima adj. (caṅga) ‘splendid, charming’: BS 58 Caḍha- vi. (uccālana) ‘climb, ascend, ride’: -i/yi (absol./3 Pr.S.), BS 24, 29, 62; - la/-lahu (3 P.Ind.), BS 69, 124; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 141 327 Caturāī n. (catura+?) ‘cleverness’: BS 27 Canda/ā n. (candra) ‘moon’: BS 7, 12, 29, 30, 39, 48, 53 Candana n. (S.) ‘sandalwood; sandalwood paste’: -e (instr.), BS 19; -ka (gen.), BS 23 Cam̐dana n. (candana) ‘sandalwood’: BS 18, 23 Cala- vi. (cal-) ‘move, go’ -i (absol.), BS 18; -lihu (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 21; -li/ri (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 32, 38; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 38 Cām̐cha- vt. (tvakṣ-) ‘create, produce’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 21 Cātara n. (?) ‘machination; conspiracy’: BS 45 Cāda n. (candra) ‘moon’: -ka (gen.), BS 20 Cām̐da n. (candra) ‘moon’: BS 5, 37, 55, 56, 61, 63 Cām̐dana n. (candana) ‘sandalwood (paste)’: -e (instr.), BS 46 Cādana n. (candana) ‘sandalwood’: BS 3 Cām̐pa n. (campaka) ‘Campak flower’: BS 4 Cāri nu. (catvāraḥ) ‘four’: BS 12, 35 Cāha n. (icchā) ‘desire, want’: BS 13 Cāha- vt. (*cāh-) ‘want, desire, wish for’: -ia (pp.), BS 44; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 55 Cikura n. (S.) ‘hair; lock’: -e (instr.), BS 14; -ka (gen.), BS 23 Cita n. (citta) ‘mind, consciousness’: -e/-em̐ (nom./obj.), BS 12, 21 Cintā- vt. (caus. of cinta-) ‘to cause to think, consider; worry’: -e (3 Pr.ind.), BS 6 Cinha- vt. (cinh-) ‘recognize the signs/characteristics/qualities’: -ia (2 imp.), BS 29 Cira- adj./adv. (S.) ‘for a long time, long-lasting’: -em̐ (instr./adv.), BS 58 Cīra adv. (cira) ‘for a long time, long-lasting’: BS 3, 50 Cuka- vi. (cyutkṛta) commit fault/mistake; miss, fail to do so’: -lahu (3 P.Ind.), BS 13 Cum̐ba-* vi./vt. (cumba-) ‘kiss, fondle’: -a/ā (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 63 Cuṁbita adj. (cumbita) ‘kissed’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 50; -a (nom./obj.), BS 50b Ceta- vi (citta-) ‘come to senses, be conscious/aware’: -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 3 Cepa n. (D.) ‘a lump of soil; dirt’: BS 135 Cerī n. (ceṇḍī) ‘female goat’: BS 63 Cehā- vi. (?) ‘startle, be alarmed’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 56 Cora- vt. (cor-) ’steal, take’: -i/ī (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 35 Cauguṇa adj./adv. (catuḥ-guṇa) ‘four-fold’: BS 55 Caudiśa/caum̐diśa n. (catuḥ+diśā) ‘(lit.) four directions; (fig.) everywhere’: BS 3, 8, 20; -m̐ (obj.), BS 56 Cha Chala vi. (pp. of achi > as-) ‘moving, unsteady’: BS 7 Chaḍā- vt. (choraṇa) ‘abandon, leave’: -bae (inf.), BS 56 328 Chapā- vt. (caus. of chapa-) ‘hide, conceal; cause to be marked’: -bae (inf.), BS 58; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 58 Chāgara n. (D.) ‘young male goat’: BS 63 Chāḍa- vt. (> choraṇa) ‘leave, give up; forego’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 8; -i (absol.), BS 40; -la/-ola (3 P.Ind.), BS 48, 135; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 64; -ta (3 fut.), BS 69 Chāja- vi./vt. (chādana) ‘to be/appear pleasant, good, beautiful’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 24 Chāla n. (challa) ‘skin; hide’: BS 22, 23 Chia vi. 1 (as-) ‘I am; we are’: (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 36 Chica- vt. (siñc-) ‘sprinkle’: -I (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 64 Chiḍiā- vt. (?) ‘disperse, scatter’: -ela/-yala (3 P.Ind..), BS 5, 141 Chūcha adj./adv. (śunya*) ‘empty, vacant, pure; only’: BS 131 Cheri n. fem. (D.) ‘female goat’: BS 63 Choṭa n. (*coṭṭ-) ‘blow; injury’: BS 4 Choṭa adj. (kṣudra) ‘small, tiny’: -i (fem.), BS 17, 64 Ja Jae- vi. (yā-) ‘go, move’: -be (1 fut.), BS 5 Jao/jam̐o conj.; rel. pron. (yadi; yaḥ) ‘if, in case; when’: BS 4, 18, 34, 117, 131, 135 Jakara rel. pron. gen. (yasya) ‘whose, of whom’: BS 3 Jakām̐ adv. (?) ‘like; compared to”: -ra BS 3 Jakāra- vt. (?) ‘shake, shuffle, rumble’: -(x), (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 50 Jake pron. rel. obj. (yaṁ*) ‘to whom, to that’: BS 115 Jam̐kha- vt. (?) ‘to grieve, regret, lament’: -m̐ite/ite (ip.), BS 74 Jakhana adv. (yatkṣaṇa) ‘when’: -e BS 9, 42, 47 Jaga- vi. (jag-) ‘to awake; wake up’: -ti (3 fem. fut.), BS 14; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 62 Jagadīśara n. (jagat+īśvara) ‘lord of the universe’: BS 54 Jagā- vt. (caus. of jag-) ‘to awaken’: -ba (3 fut.) BS 4 Jaṭaka n. (?) “storm, gale, flurry”: -ka (gen.), BS 135 Jata pron. adj. (yatū) ‘as much, as many’: BS 9, 56, 60, 74, 137 Jatana n. (yatna) ‘effort, toil’: BS 2; -e (instr.), BS 55, 56, 58; -a (nom./obj.), BS 58 Jadi conj. (yadi) ‘if, in case’: BS 9, 50 Jana- vt. (jñā-) ‘know, understand; consider’: -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 17 Janagata adj. (janagatya) ‘pertaining to/concerned only with the people/populace’: BS 45 Janama n. (janma) ‘birth, life’: -ka (gen.), BS 63 Jani adv. (?) ‘as if, like; do not’: BS 5, 6, 7, 8, 13, 16, 18, 24, 32, 33, 39, 44, 56, 58 329 Janī n. fem. (> jana) ‘woman’: BS 50 Janu/m̐ adv. (?) “as if, like, similar; do not’: BS 10, 11, 13, 21, 27, 35, 40, 49, 74, 113 Jamaka- vi. (?) ‘accumulate; gather’: -i (absol.) BS 4 Jasa n. (yaśa) ‘repute, fame’: BS 18 Jahā rel. pron. (yatra) ‘where, in that place’: BS 116 Jā rel. pron./adv. (yāvat) ‘as long as; until’: BS 57, 74 Jā-/jāe- vi. (yā-) ‘go, move’: -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 2, 24, 122; -ta (3 fut.), BS 6, 34; -ti (3 fem. Fut.), BS 11, 49; -ba (3 fut.), BS 15, 44, 114; -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 21, 38, 60; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 25, 44, 57; -ite/yite (ip.), BS 32 Jā- vi./vt. (jī-) ‘win, be victorious, subdue’: -ta (3 fut.), BS 122 Jāo- vi. (> yā-) ‘attain, reach, approach’: -ta (3 fut.), BS 36 Jām̐kha- vi. (jhaṅkha-) ‘bewail, lament’: -ha (2 imp.), BS 21; -ba (3 fut.), BS 25 Jāga- vt. (caus. of jag-) ‘awaken; enliven’: -iyo (pp.), BS 14; -i (absol.), BS 20; - la (3 P.Ind.), BS 53 Jāṭa- vi./vt. (?) “thresh out, thrash; scold; storm, gale’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 135 Jāna-/jām̐na- vt. (jñā-) ‘know, understand, comprehend’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 7, 11, 31, 32, 43, 61, 124; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 12, 28, 45, 52; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 21, 34, 43; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 21, 28, 117, 135, 141; -si (2 Pr.Ind.), BS 28; -ia (pp.), BS 52 Jānā- vt. (caus. of jñā-) ‘to inform, cause to know’: -I (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 74 Jāpa-/jām̐pa- vt. (ujjhapana) ‘to cover, conceal, hide’: -la (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 16, 21; -i (absol.), BS 42; -ba (3 fut.), BS 114 Jābe adv./rel. (yāvat) ‘till, while; when’: BS 8, 131, 137 Jāra n. (jāla) ‘net, trap, snare’: BS 3 Jāra- vt. (jval-) ‘burn, ignite, light up’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 131 Jāsa pron. adj. (yasya) “whose? of which?’: BS 11 Jāhā rel. adv. (yatra) ‘where, in what place’: BS 15 Ji-/jia- vi. (jīv-) ‘live, survive’: -ti (3 fem. fut.), BS 69 Jita- vi./vt. (jita-) ‘win, be victorious; conquer’: -i (absol.), BS 61 Jini rel. pron. hon. (?) ‘like, similar; in such a way’: BS 32 Jiba n. (jīva) ‘soul, spirit, life, living being’: BS 5, 26, 60 Jiba n. (jihvā) ‘tongue’: BS 40, 55 Jibi n. (jīvin) ‘living being; creature’: BS 37 Jimi adv. (?) ‘how; in the manner/way of’: BS 55 Jiyā- vt. (caus of jī-) ‘to enliven; revive; refresh, bring to consciousness’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 19 Jīta- vi./vt. (jit-) ‘win, conquer’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 32 Jīna- vi./vt. (jī-) ‘win, conquer; subdue’: -i (absol./3 P.Ind.), BS 69 Jība n. (jīva) ‘soul, spirit, life; living being’: BS 2 Jība n. (jihvā) ‘tongue’: BS 60 Jībana n. (jīvaṇa) ‘life’: BS 13 Ju-/jua- vi. (yuj- ) ‘To be yoked, joined’: -i/yi (absol.) 47 Jula- vi. (*jhulyati) ‘swing’: BS 4 Je/ỵe rel. pron. (yaḥ) ‘who, what, which’: BS 9, 11, 18, 20, 41, 54, 114, 124; - o/ho (emph.), BS 69 330 Joḍa- vt. (juḍ-) ‘join, bind’: -i (absol.), BS 14 Joti n. (jyotī) ‘light, brilliance, luster’: BS 53, 62 Jora n. (?) ‘pair, couple’: BS 62 Jori n. (?) ‘pair, couple; likeness, resemblance; equal’: BS 3, 66 Jaubati n. fem. (yuvati) ‘young lady’: BS 47 Jhā Jhām̐pa n. (ujjhapana) ‘cover, screen, veil; canopy’: -em̐ (instr.), BS 5 Jhām̐la- vt. (?) ‘make hot, burn; (fig.) to impassion, make desirous; solder, join together, seal’: BS 5 Ṭa Ṭaṅga n. (taṅka) ‘grief/fear from separation from beloved’: BS 41 Ṭuṭa- vi. (truṭa) ‘break, fracture’: -i (absol.), BS 5; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 26, 41 Ṭha Ṭhāma n. (sthāna) ‘place, location’: -e (loc.), BS 5, 8, 21, 25, 26; -a (nom./obj.), BS 43 Ṭhina n. (sthāna) ‘place, location’: -hi (loc.), BS 43 Ḍa Ḍaḍha- vi. (dagdha-) ‘burn’: -ia (pp.), BS 5 Ḍam̐bara- vt. (*aḍambara) ‘organize; make pretension, arrogance; great noise, assertion’: -i (absol.), BS 5 Ḍara n. (dara) ‘fear, fright’: -e (instr./adv), BS 11 Ḍara- vi. (dara) ’to fear, be frightened’: -em̐ (3 Pr.ind.), BS 6 Ḍas- vt. (daṁś-) ‘bite; sting, pierce’: -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 3 Ḍahāra- vi. (?) ‘go along in group through pathway (especially cattle)’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 44 Ḍiṭhi n. (dṛṣṭi) ‘sight, glance, stare’: BS 16; -hi (emph.), BS 35; -hu (obj./loc.), BS 51; -x (nom.), BS 64 Ḍuba- vi. (bruḍa[ti]) ‘sink, drown; dip, plunge, dive; be inundated’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 32; -thi (3 hon. Pr.Ind.), BS 63 Ḍom̐lā n. (ḍolā) ‘swing; palanquin’: BS 4 Ḍola- vi. (dol-) ‘shake; swing, sway’: BS 4 Ḍolā- vt. (caus. of ḍola-) ‘shake, swing, sway; cause to tremble’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 57 331 Ḍha Ḍhara- vi. (?) ‘pour, flow’: -ie (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 17 Ḍhoḍha n. (?) ‘a (poison-less) snake’: BS 63 Ta Ta/tam̐ conj. (-taḥ) ‘in that case, then; of course, indeed’: BS 48, 135 Taïao/taiao adv. (tathāpi) ‘even then, yet; still, anyhow’: BS 16, 26 Taüla- vt. (tulya-) ‘weigh; asses the power of someone’; -i (absol.), BS 32 Tam̐em̐ pron. 2 (tva-) ‘you’: BS 28 Takarā adj. pron. 3 gen. (?) ‘of that, it’: -m̐, BS 31 Takala adj. pron. 3 gen. (?) ‘of that, it’: BS 53 Takhana adv. (tat+kṣaṇa) ‘then, that time’: BS 12; -e, BS 15 Takhanu adv. (tat+kṣaṇa) ‘then, that time’: -ka (gen.), BS 7, 21, 42, 56, 114; -ki (gen. fem.), BS 47 Tata adv. (S.) ‘that far, to that extent’: -hi (obj./loc.), BS 25; -a (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 56, 137 Tanu n. (tana) ‘body’: BS 11 Tanhi pron. 3 (etat) ‘he; that one’: BS 5, 9, 25, 28, 29; -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 28; -ka (gen.), BS 47 Tapa n. (S.) ‘austerities’: -a (nom./obj.), BS 6; -em̐ (instr./loc.), BS 47 Taba- vi. (tapta-) ‘burn, be heated’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 50 Tara n. (tala) ‘ground, surface’: -em̐ (loc.), BS 51 Tara- vt. (> taraṇa) ‘cross, exceed; pass over’: -ti (3 fem. Fut.), BS 10 Taraka- vt. (?) ‘crack; break, burst’ -i (absol.), BS 39 Tarani n. (taraṇi) ‘river’: BS 10 Tarai n. (taraï) ‘star, planet; heavenly body’: BS 4 Tasu pron. adj. (tasya) ‘of him/her/it’: BS 18, 24, 47, 55 Taha adv. (tatra) ‘there; in/on that place; just then’: BS 29, 62 Tahi pron. 3 gen. (tasya) ‘of it, that, his/hers/its’: BS 6, 9 Tahu pron. 3 gen. (tasya) ‘of it, that, his/hers/its’: BS 56, 62 Tā pron. (?) ‘in/on/because of that’: BS 20, 50 Tā correl. pron./adv. (tāvat) ‘for that long; until then’: BS 57 Tāka- vt. (tark-) ‘look, see’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37 Tāna- vt. (tān-) ‘stretch, expand; draw, pull’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 9 Tāba n. (tāpa/ṇa) ‘burning, heating’: -ka (gen.), BS 50 Tāba- vi./vt. (> tap-) ‘burn, be heated’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 55 Tābe adv./corel. (tāvat) ‘till; until that time’: BS 8, 24, 131, 137 Tāla n. (S.) ‘rhythym; rhythmic pattern’: -e (instr.), BS 19 Tāhā correl. pron. (tatra) ‘there, in that place’: BS 15, 116 Tāhi pron. 3 obj./gen (?; tasya) ‘to it/him/her/that; of it, that his/hers/its’: BS 11, 24, 50, 64; -eri (gen. fem.), BS 69 332 Tāhu pron. 3 nom./obj. (tava) ‘your’: BS 64 Tina nu. (trīṇi) ‘three’: -hu (loc.), BS 26 Tira- vi. (tṝ-) ‘pull; draw in’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 32 Tiratha n. (tīrtha) ‘holy place; place of pilgrimage’: BS 28 Tiri n. (strī) ‘woman, wife’: BS 55 Tila n. (?) ‘iota, particle; fig. Moment’: -hu (loc.), BS 24 Tilaka n. (S.) ‘ornament, adornment; forehead mark’: -e (instr.), BS 46 Tilā eka adv. (S.) ‘for a moment’: BS 7, 11, 16, 17, 28, 30 Tīkha adj. (tīkṣṇa) ‘sharp; intense; hot, fiery’: BS 18 Tua pron. gen. (tava) ‘your’: BS 8, 11, 15, 16, 19, 20, 21, 27, 36, 40, 52, 74, 124, 135, 137, 141 Te/tem̐ pron. adv. (*tathā) ‘therefore, for that reason’: BS 6, 8, 13, 21, 29, 36, 47 Tejā n. (tejas) ‘brightness, brilliance’: BS 8 Teja- vt. (tyaj-) ‘abandon, give up; leave’: -u (2 imp.), BS 5; -i (absol.), BS 13, 122; -a/ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 26; -ha (3 imp.), BS 30; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 61, 135; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 116 Tem̐bara n. (tevara) ‘look of eyes, expression; attitude; (fig.) anger’: BS 5 Tesara adj. (tṛtīya) ‘third’: BS 4 Tehi pron. adj. 3 gen. (tasya) ‘of him, her, it’: BS 4, 63 Taiśana adv./adj. (tādṛśam) ‘like that, such’: BS 66 Tom̐e pron. 2 nom./obj. (tvam) ‘you’: BS 64 Tora pron. adj. 2 gen. (*tava) ‘your, of you’: -i (fem.), BS 3, 8, 49, 64, 124; - a/ā/ām̐ (masc.), BS 41, 43, 47, 52, 53, 61 Toha pron. adj. 2 obj. (?) ‘to you’: -a, BS 11, 17; -e, BS 11, 18, 27, 36, 52, 57, 124; -i, BS 41, 58, 74, 122; -m̐, BS 62 Tohara pron. adj. 2 gen. fem. (?) ‘of you’: -i (fem.), BS 18; -a (masc.), BS 31 Trasana adj. (trāsana) ‘terrifying, alarming, frightening’ Tha Thambha n. (sthambha) ‘pillar, column’: BS 62 Thāna n. (sthāna) ‘place, location’: -e (loc.), BS 47, 50 Thika aux. vi. 3 hon. (perf. of ach-) ‘to be, exist’: BS 63, 124 Thīra adj. (sthira) ‘firm, unmoving, resolved, fixed’: BS 29 Tho/thoe- vt. (sthā-) ‘place on, impose’: -i (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 19; -lanhi (3 fem. pl. P.Ind.), BS 46 Thora adj./adv. (stoka) ‘a little bit’: BS 54, 56 Da Da-/dā- vt. (dā-) ‘give, hand over’: -e (absol./3 Pr.Ind.) BS 9, 12, 13, 16, 26, 35, 46; -a/ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 18; -i/yi (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 48 Dae post. pos./adv. (absol. of da-) ‘through, by means of’: BS 60 333 Danda n. (dvandva) ‘conflict, combat’: BS 37, 48, 60 Damana-latā n. (S.) ‘white mugwort (Artemisia lactifolia)’: BS 49 Daraka vi. (dara+kṛ-) ‘lit. crack, split, rend; fig. To throb (heart); to be broken (heart)’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 56) Daraśana n. (darśaṇa) ‘sight, viewing’: BS 17, 20, 44 Daraśa- vi. (dṛś-) ‘to be visible, to show oneself; to see’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 62 Daraśā- vt. (caus. of daraśa-) ‘show, reveal; demonstrate’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 58; - ba (3 fut.), BS 114 Darasa n. (dṛśya) ‘sight, vision’: -e (instr.), BS 44 Darasa- vt. (caus. of dṛś-) ‘demonstrate, show’: -iya (ip.), BS 113 Darasana see ‘daraśana’ Daśa nu. (S.) ‘ten; 10’: -hu (loc.), BS 44 Daha- vi./vt. (dah-) ‘burn’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 10; -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 18 Dahiṇa adj. (dakṣiṇa) ‘right, favorable’: -e (nom.) BS 4 Dādura n. (dardura) ‘frog’: BS 54 Dāṣa- vi./vt. (?) ‘speak, say’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 24 Diḍha adj./adv. (dṛḍha) ‘firm, resolute’: BS 137 Dina n. (S.) ‘day’; -e (instr./adv.), BS 13, 28, 43 Dibasa n. (S.) ‘heaven’: -ka (gen.), BS 39 Diya adj. (pp. of da-/de-) ‘given’: BS 20 Diśa n. (diśā) ‘direction; quarter; region’: BS 4; -e (loc.), BS 37 Dībiśa n./adj. (diviṣṭha) ‘resident of heaven; celestial’: -e (nom./instr.), BS 50 Duao adj. (> dvi) ‘both; the two of them’: BS 7 Dui nu. (dvi) ‘two’: BS 4, 58 Duo adj. (> dvi) ‘both; the two of them’: BS 56 Dubala adj. (durbala) ‘thin, lean; weak’: BS 49 Dubari adj. (durbalī) ‘thin, lean; weak’: BS 56 Duyi see ‘dui’ Durajana n. (durjana) ‘evil/wicked person; villain’: BS 24, 25 Dusaha- vt. (duḥ+sah-) ‘to be unbearable’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 9 Duhu adj. (> dvi) ‘both’: BS 7, 26, 34, 48; -ka (gen.), BS 48 Dūkha- vi./vt. (*dūkha-) ‘be sad, distressed; make sad, distressed’: -le (ger.), BS 24 Dūgama adj. (durgama) ‘impassable, inaccessible’: BS 18 Dūti n. fem. (dūtī) ‘female messenger; go-between’: BS 11 Dūdha n. (dugdha) ‘milk’: -hu (nom./obj.), BS 47; -x (nom.), BS 64 Dūra adj. (S.) ‘distant, remote, far away’: -e (loc.), BS 36, 45 Dṛśa n. (dṛśya) ‘scene, vision, sight’: BS 46 De-/di- vt. (dā-) ‘give’: -ba (1/2/3 fut.), BS 6, 28, 52; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 7, 12, 25, 42, 43, 45, 47, 58, 60, 74, 117, 137; -si (2 Pr.Ind.), BS 23; -thu (3 imp.), BS 37, 38 Dea adv. (dvārā) ‘via, through’: BS 24 Dei n. (devī) ‘lady; goddess’: BS 18, 21, 29, 32, 33, 45, 52, 60, 62 Dekha- vi. (dṛś-) ‘to see, look, behold’: -ha (3 imp.), BS 1; -i (absol./3 P.Ind.), BS 5, 41, 47, 54, 55, 131; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 7, 42, 47, 51, 56, 65; -ba (3 fut.), BS 7; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 21; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 44, 49, 116; -ia (2 334 imp./pp.), BS 45, 47, 56; -laha (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 56; -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 62 Deba n. (S.) ‘lord; god’: -ka (gen.), BS 62 Deśa n. (S.) ‘country, place’: -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 9, 50 Deha n. (S.) ‘body’: -ka (gen.), BS 10 Deharī n. (dehalī) ‘doorway, threshold’: BS 8 Dosa n. (doṣa) ‘fault, mistake, sin’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 10, 20, 60; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 21, 23, 25 Dosara adj. (*dviḥsara-) ‘second’: BS 12, 66 Dohā- vt. (*āhvaya) ‘entreaty, call for relief’: -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 27, 49 Dha Dha- vi. (dhāv-) ‘run; flee’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 35, 97 Dhadhali n. (?) ‘flame’: BS 50 Dhani n. fem. (dhanī) ‘girl; woman’: (voc.), BS 1, 12, 13, 39, 43, 48 Dhandha n. (dvandva) ‘anxiety, perplexity, amazement; conflict’: BS 11, 60 Dhara- vt. (dhṛ-) ‘hold, get; grasp; keep’: -ba/baha (3 fut.), BS 6, 17, 115; -(x), (3 Pr.Ind./2 imp.), BS 14, 34, 40, 42, 43, 46, 55, 60; -ia (pp.), BS 19; -i (absol.), BS 19, 32, 47, 56; -ha (2/3 imp.), BS 27 Dharama n. (dharma) ‘dharma; the god Dharma’: BS 60 Dhasa- vi. (dhaṁs-) ‘be destroyed, ruined’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 37 Dhā/dhāo- vi. (dhāv-) ‘run; flee’: -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 21; -e (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 41; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 51 Dhāba- vt. (*dhāva) ‘wash, clean; run, flee’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 19, 60 Dhuni n. (dhvani) ‘noise; song, melody’: BS 19 Dhuri n. (dhūli) ‘dust, dirt’: BS 51 Dheja n. (dhaja) ‘splendid appearance, attitude, manner/style’: BS 55 Dhairaja n. (dhairya) ‘patience; fortitude’: BS 39, 60 Dhorī n. (dhaureya) ‘ox, bullock; beast of burden’: BS 63 Dhola- vi. (dolāyate) ‘swing, sway’: -i (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 3 Na Nakhata n. (nakṣatra) ‘star, planet, heavenly body’: BS 11, 45 Nagaja adj. (S.) ‘arising over a mountain’: BS 3 Naḍā- vt. (naṣṭa-) ‘leave behind’: -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 24 Nanda pn. (S.) ‘Nanda, the adoptive father of Krishna’: -ka (gen.), BS 54 Nandana n. (S.) ‘darling son’: -e (nom./obj.), BS Naba adj. (S.) ‘new, fresh; young’: -hi (nom.), BS 4; -i (fem.), BS 4, 27, 32 Nama- vi. (nam-) ‘bend down; lower oneself’: -(x), (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 47 Namā- vt. (nam-) ‘bed down (in greeting/honoring)’: -ñe/ne (Pr.Ind.), BS 1 Namita adj. (> nam-) ‘bent/hanging down’ -em̐ (instr.), BS 33 335 Nayana n. (S.) ‘eye(s)’: -ka (gen.), BS 17 Nara n. (S.) ‘man; mankind’: -ha (loc.), BS 15 Narāena pn. (Nārāyaṇa) ‘Nārāyaṇa/Viṣṇu’: BS 45 Narāyana pn. (Nārāyaṇa) ‘Nārāyaṇa/Viṣṇu’: BS 48 Nahi adv. (na+hi) ‘no, not + emph.’: BS 5, 9, 11, 12, 18, 20, 21, 23, 29, 38, 40, 47, 51, 53, 60, 62 Nāgara n. (S.) ‘urbane/cultured person’: -im̐ (fem. nom.), BS 20; -ā (nom.), BS 33 Nāda n. (S.) ‘sound, noise’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 9 Nāma n. (S). ‘Good/bad name’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 23 Nāram̐gi n. (nāraṅga) ‘libertine’: BS 13 Nārāyana PN. (nārāyaṇa) ’epithet of Viṣṇu’: BS 7 *Nāla n. (S.) ‘stalk, stem; channel; artery, vein’: BS 7 Nāha n. (nātha) ‘lord, husband’: -e (nom.), BS 1, 37; -a (nom./obj./voc.), BS 53 Nāhi see ‘nahi’ Nika adj. (nikt-) ‘good, well; elegant, attractive’: -hu (loc. [adv.]), BS 32 Nikaṭa n. (S.) ‘nearness, proximity’: -hi (loc.), BS 7 Nikaruṇa adj. (niḥ+karuṇa) ‘without mercy/compassion’: BS 39 Nicala adj. (niścala) ‘still; without movement’: BS 39, 61 Nicita adj./adv. (niścinta) ‘without worry; certainly, for sure’: -e (instr./adv.), BS 12 Nicoḍa- vt. (?) ’squeeze, wring; extract essence/substance’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 4 Niṭhura adj. (niṣṭhura) ‘pitiless, cruel, ruthless; grave’: BS 15, 54, 60, 66, 115 Nita adj. (nitya) ‘always, constantly, regularly’: -em̐ (instr.), BS 37 Nida n. (nidrā) ‘sleep’: BS 8, 9; -e (instr.), BS 45 Nida n. (nindā) ‘rebuke, chastisement, dishonor’: -em̐ (nom./obj.), BS 12 Nidāna n. (S.) ‘conclusion, end, outcome; essence’: -e (loc. As adv.), BS 1 Nidhāna n. (S.) ’pile, treasure; trove; store’: -e (nom./voc.), BS 39 Niphala adj. (niḥ+phala) ‘fruitless; useless’: -e (nom.), BS 8 Nibeda- vt. (ni+vid-) ‘to tell, inform, give information’: -ba (3 fut.), BS 9 Nibola adj. (*niḥ+>brū-) ‘speechless, silent’: -i (fem), BS 3 Nimāla adj. (nirmālya) ‘pure, clean, stainless’: -e (loc.), BS 45 Niya adj. (nija) ‘one’s own, self’: BS 6, 10, 18, 31, 46, 62 Niyara- vt. (?) ‘intend, plan, contemplate future idea’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 29 Nira n. (nīra) ‘water; juice (rasa)’: BS 20 Niramala adj. (nirmala) ‘clear; pure’: BS 46 Niramāna- vi./vt. (nirmāṇa-) ‘be formed, be made; form, make, create, build’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 7 Nirūpa- vi. (niḥ+rūp-) ‘become formless, shapeless, misshapen’: -ite (ip.), BS 12; - ia/iya (pp.), BS 55 Nirodha n. (S.) ‘restriction, control, restrain; prevention, check’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 36 Nirmmala adj. (nirmala) ‘clear; pure’: BS 50, 62 Nihāra- vt. (nibhāla-) ‘look, behold, gaze’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 11; -i/ī (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 44, 115, 117, 124; -lanhi (3 fem. pl. P.Ind.), BS 47; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 58 Nīta adj. (S.) ‘brought, led’: -e (nom.), BS 40 336 Nīda n. (nidrā) ‘sleep’: BS 28 Nuka- vi./vt. (D.) ‘to be hidden; to hide, conceal’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 63 Nem̐ocha- vt. (nirmuñca-) ‘slash out, skim, winnow’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 47 Netaka n. (netraka) ‘a fine cloth’: BS 23 Nebāra- vt. (nivāraṇa) ‘remove, discharge’: -i (absol.), BS 17 Neha n. (sneha) ‘love, affection’: BS 13, 35, 54, 60 Nora n. (*lola) ‘tears’: BS 20, 39; -e (instr.), BS 42 Pa Pa/pao- vt. (pra+āp-) ‘to get, attain, grasp’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 23; -a/ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 50; -le (ger.), BS 53; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 124 Païsa- vi. (pra+viś-) ‘to enter’: -i (absol.), BS 38 Pai- vt. (perf. stem for pā-/pāe-) ‘get attain, reach’: -si (2 Pr.Ind.), BS 24 Pau n. (*pati/prabhu) ‘lord; husband’: BS 19 Paua/ā n. (padma) ‘lotus’: -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 53 Pae adv. (?) ‘only, exclusively’: BS 2, 3, 17 Paṁkaja n. (paṅkaja) ‘lotus’: BS 18 Pam̐khuriā/yā n. (pakṣapuṭī) ‘petals; wings of birds’: BS 35 Pagāra n. (prākāra) ‘rampart, boundary wall’: BS 32 Pam̐cama n. (pañcama) ‘fifth note of the scale (filled with the most rasa)’: BS 63 Pachatābaka n. (paścāttāpa-) ‘repentence’: BS 2, 21 Pam̐cabāna pn. (pañca+bāṇa) ‘(lit.) The one who has five arrows; (fig.) Kāmadeva’: - e (nom.), BS 9 Pam̐cam̐bām̐ṇa pn. (pañca+bāṇa) ‘(lit.) The one who has five arrows; (fig.) Kāmadeva’: - e (nom.), BS 6 Pachima n. (paścima) ‘west’: BS 53 Paṭa n. (vastra) ‘cloth, screen; veil’: BS 55 Paṭhao- vt. (?) ‘irrigate; spread, infest’: -laha (3 P.Ind.), BS 35 Paṭhā-/paṭhāu- vt. (caus. of pra+sthā-) ‘send (away)’: -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 18; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 32; -ia/iya (pp.), BS 113 Paḍa- vi. (pat-) ‘fall (down)’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 3; -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 17; -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 21; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 28; -lahu (3 P.Ind.), BS 34; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 40; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 43, 97, 135 Paḍosī n. (prativeśa) ‘neighborhood, vicinity’: -ā (nom./loc.), BS 66 Paḍhā- vt./caus. (paṭ-) ‘to read out, instruct; recite to someone’: -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 18 Patāla pn. (pātāla) ‘pātāla hell; underworld’: BS 38 Paduma n. (padma) ‘lotus flower’: BS 50 Pabana n. (S.) ‘wind; air; in haste [instr.]’: -e (instr. as adv.), BS 54, 58 Pamāra- vi. (?) ‘outburst, overflow’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 5 Para n./adj. (S.) ‘another, a separate person’: -ka (gen.), BS 11, 12; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 11, 12, 62 337 Para adv. (S.) ‘marker denoting later time, higher direction, upper level, after’: BS 55 Parakāra n. (prakāra) ‘manner, variety, means; way out, remedy’: BS 44; -e (instr./adv.), BS 60 Paragāsa n. (prakāśa) ‘light, effulgence, brilliance’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 16, 117 Parajanta adv. (paryanta) ‘up to, until; even; as a consequence,’: -e, BS 43 Parataha adv. (pratyaha) ‘each/every day’: BS 19, 36, 45 Paratām̐ra- vt. (pratāra-) ‘coax, deceive; allure, beguile; verify; warn’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 60 Paratiti n. (pratīti) ‘belief; conviction’: BS 29 Paradoṣa adv. (pradoṣa) ‘in the evening/darkness’: -e (instr./adv.), BS 45 Parabasa- vi. (pravāsa-) staying/sojourning away from home/abroad’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 47 Paramāda n. (pramāda) ‘intoxication, frenzy, lust: negligence, oversight; confusion; distres’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 9 Paraśata adj. (prasūta) ‘born, produced, begotten’: BS 55 Parasa n. (śparśa) ‘touch, touchstone’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 9, 44, 55; -a (nom./obj.), BS 45 Parasa- vt. (śpṛś-) ‘touch, contact’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 27; -i (absol.), BS 29; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37 Parahāra n. (prahāra) ‘striking, hitting, wounding; killing, slap’: BS 55 Parādhina adj. (parādhīna) ‘entirely engaged with; devoted to’: BS 21 Parāna n. (prāṇa) ‘life; soul, spirit; life-breath’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 15; -a (nom./obj.), BS 31, 43, 50 Parāya n. (parājaya) ‘defeat; loss’: BS 122 Parāya- vi. (> palāyana) ‘run, flee; go’: -ela (3 P.Ind.), BS 38 Pari adv. (S.) ‘in the manner of; how’: BS 55 Parikha- vt. (> parīkṣā) ‘test, examine’: -ba (3 fut.) Paricaya n. (S.) ‘acquaintance, identification, familiarity’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 60 Paricha- vt. (pari+īkṣ-) ‘look into, check; perform’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 61 Parināma n. (pariṇāma) ‘result, consequence’: BS 14, 21; -ka (gen.), BS 31 Parimāna n. (parimāṇa) ‘quantity, magnitude, dimension; extent, scope’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 24; -a (nom./obj.), BS 46 Parihara- vt. (parityāg-) ‘avoid, refrain from, give up’: -ia/iya (pp.), BS 55; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 60, 122 Paruhāra- vt. (parihāra-) ‘abandon; take leave’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 39 Palaṭa- vi. (P. *pallaṭṭ-) ‘come back, return; overturn’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 44, 53 Pasana n. (pāṣāṇa) ‘rock, stone’: BS 8 Pasara- vi. (prasāra-) ‘to be spread, to develop’: -i (absol.), BS 45 Pasāra- vt. (prasāra-) ‘expand, extend, spread’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 60 Pasāha- vt. (prasādha-) ‘make up, decorate body’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 62 Pahara n. (prahara) ‘a watch/portion of the day, approx. 3 hrs.’ BS 12; Pahila/i adj. (*prathilla) ‘first’: BS 12, 60 Pahu n. (prabhu) ‘lord, husband’: BS 49, 60 Pabu n. (prabhu) ‘lord, husband’: BS 12 338 Pasāra- vt. (prasāra-) ‘expand, extend, spread’: -la/lā (3 P.Ind.), BS 33; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 47 Pasāha- vt. (prasādha-) ‘make up, decorate body’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 46 Pahira- vt. (?) ‘wear, put on; adorn’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 116 Pā-/pāo-/pāba- vt. (pra+āp-) ‘to get, attain, grasp’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 18, 48, 51, 56, 58; - ba (3 fut.), BS 18, 50, 54, 58, 62, 69, 116; -i (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 27; -be (2 fut. imp.), BS 27; -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 33; -thu (3 imp.), BS 51; -ia (pp.), BS 74 Pāgara n. (prākāra) ‘rampart, boundary wall’: BS 32 Pācha n./adv. (paścāt) ‘last [part]; behind, later, afterward’: BS 24; -u, BS 58 Pāta n. (pattra) ‘leaf, petal’: BS 53 Pāthara n. (prastara) ‘stone’: -ka (gen.), BS 64 Pāni n. (pānīya) ‘water; fig. energy, lustre’: BS 36 Pābaka n. (pāvaka) ‘fire; the purifier’: -e (nom./instr.), BS 50 Pāra n. (paryāya) ‘term, time’: -e (nom./obj./instr.), BS 16 Pāra- vt. aux (> pāraya = yogya) ‘be able, can; to exceed, go across, limit’: -ia (pp.), BS 2, 47, 69; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 6, 49, 60; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 21; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 32; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 62 Pāśa n./adv. (pārśva) ‘nearness; side, direction; near, close to’: BS 51 Pāsa n./adv. (pārśva) ‘nearness; side, direction; near, close to’: BS 8, 30; -m̐ (loc.), BS 11, 24; -e (loc.), BS 38, 56 Pāhāna n. (pāṣāṇa) ‘stone, rock’: BS 4 Pāhuna n. (prāghuṇa) ‘guest, visitor’: BS 35, 53 Pio n. (piya) ‘beloved, husband’: BS 11 Pika n. (S.) ‘Indian cuckoo’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 63 Piḍa- vt. (*> piḍā) ‘be in pain, suffer’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 8 Piḍā n. (pīḍā) ‘pain, suffering; anxiety’: BS 4 Piya/ā n. (priya/priyā) ‘beloved, husband/wife’: BS 5, 8, 10, 13, 14, 28, 29, 35, 56; -ka (gen.), BS 43 Piyārī n. (priyā) ‘beloved, darling; wife’: BS 34 Piśuna n. (S.) ‘backbiter; slanderer; slander, betrayal’: -em̐ (instr.), BS 57 Pīta n. (S.) ‘yellow color’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 50 Pucha- vt. (pṛc-) ‘ask, enquire’: -lanhi (3 fem. pl. P.Ind.), BS 46; -ha (2 imp.), BS 49; -(x)/-ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 54, 131 Puchi n. (>pṛc-) ‘regard, demand; value’: BS 46; -o (emph.), BS 51 Puta n. (putra) ‘son; offspring’: BS 63 Puna adv. (punaḥ) ‘again, repeatedly’: -u (var.), BS 1, 5; pum̐ne (var.), BS 5; -e, BS 13 Puna n. (puṇya) ‘merit, virtuous act/deed’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 27, 58 Punamata n. (punỵamanta) ‘one who possesses merit [attained]’: BS 6, 58 Punu adv. (punaḥ) ‘again, repeatedly’: BS 11, 24, 26, 39, 40, 44, 51, 58 Pura n. (S.) ‘town; room, chamber’: -m̐ (obj.), BS 34; -i/ī (loc.), BS 51 Pura/puru- vi./vt. (pūrṇa) ‘be accomplished; be full in amount; carry out, attend’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 5, 60, 65, 122; -ta (3 fut.), BS 13, 15, 44, 117; -le (ger.), BS 19; -ba (3 fut.), BS 47; -bathu (3 fut. hon.), BS 69 Purā- vt. (pūraṇīyaṁ) ‘finish, complete, fulfill’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 48 Puruba adv. (pūrva) ‘formerly, previously’: BS 5; -e, BS 27 339 Purusā n. (puruṣa) ‘man’: BS 35 Puruṣotama n./adj. (puruṣottama) ‘best/most excellent man’: BS 39, 43 Puhu n. (puṣpa) ‘flower bud/blossom’: BS 50 Pūnima n. (pūrṇimā) ‘full moon period’: -ka (gen.), BS 7 Peca n. (D.) ‘owl’: BS 63 Pema n. (prema) ‘love, affection’: -a (nom./obj.), BS 21, 34; -ka (gen.), BS 42 Pela- vt. (Irr. Perf. Root > Prāp-) ‘get, attain; push, stir up’: -iahi (pp.), BS 4; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 32 Prathama adj./adv. (S.) ‘first, primary; at first, previously’: -hi (instr./adv.), BS 21 Prabhum̐ n. (prabhu) ‘lord, husband’: BS 13 Prīm̐ti n. (prīti) ‘love; amorous feelings; affection’: BS 13 Priya n. (premika) ‘lover, beloved; husband/wife’: -ā (fem.), BS 2 Prema n. (S.) ‘love, affection’: -i (inst.), BS 1 Pha Phani n. (phaṇi) ‘serpent, snake’: BS 23 Phala n. (S.) ‘fruit’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 14 Phaladaha n. (S.) ‘fruit-giver; fruit-giving tree’: -u (nom./obj.), BS 14 Phira- vi. (preraṇa; heraṇa) ‘return; go/come back; roam, move about’: -i (absol.), BS 21 Phuja- vi. (khuj-) ‘be opened, untied’: -le (ger.), BS 16 Phuṭa- vi. (sphuṭ-) ‘break, burst, be smashed; split, blow, blossom’: -ta (3 fut.), BS 34 Phura- vi. (sphura-) ‘occur in the mind; flash, appear, strike’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 36 Phula n. (S.) ‘flower; blossom’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 14 Phula- vi. (phula-) ‘expand, blossom; inflate, swell’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 44, 48 Pheka- vt. (prekṣya[ti]) ‘throw, pelt, dart’: -le (ger.), BS 135 Phedā/ae- vi. (?) ‘to be tired, fed up’: -lahu (1 P.Ind.), BS 41 Phera- vt. (parye[ti]) ‘to give back, return; replace, change, turn’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 65 Phoṭā n. (sphoṭa) ‘dot, drop’: BS 23 Ba Baïsa- vi. (upa-viś-) ‘sit (down); sink, cave in’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 24 Baesa n. (vayasa) ‘age, years’: BS 13 Baṁka adj. (vaṅka) ‘crooked, curved’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 57 Bagha n. (vyāghra) ‘tiger’: BS 22, 23 Bacana n. (S.) ‘words, speech’: -e (nom./obj./instr.), BS 11, 25, 49, 60 Bajā- vt. (> *vādya-) ‘play musical instrument; invite, call’: -ve (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 1; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 63; -ite (ip.), BS 135 340 Baṭiā n. (dim. of vāṭa) ‘small, unpaved road/path’: BS 47 Baḍa adj. (vṛddha) ‘big, great; to a great degree, extent’: BS 1, 6, 9, 20, 21, 60; - i (fem.), BS 12, 14; -e (nom./obj.), BS 57 Baḍā n. (vṛddha) ‘elders’: -ka (gen.), BS 57 Baḍha/ā- vt. (vardh-) ‘increase, develop; proceed; exceed, surpass’: -i (absol.), BS 37; -ba (3 fut.), BS 43, 114; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 60 Bathu n. (vastu) ‘object, thing’: BS 5, 51 Badana n. (S.) ‘face; mouth’: -e (loc.), BS 4 Bandū n. (bandhu) ‘associate; companion; kin’: BS 22 Bama- vt. (vama-) ‘vomit; spew’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37 Bayana n. (vacana; vadana) ‘words, speech; face, countenance; face, mouth’: BS 7 Bara adj. (S.) ‘best, most excellent’ -e (nom./obj./instr.), BS 34 Bara- vi. (?) ‘to be lighted up’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 38 Barāta n. (vrāta) ‘man; group, party’: -e (obj./instr./loc.), BS 56 Barisa n. (varṣā) ‘rain; rainy season; torrent, downpour’: BS 9, 25, 46 Barisa- vi. (>varṣā) ‘to rain, pour, shower’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 29, 39 Barīsa n. (varṣā) ‘rain; rainy season; torrent, downpour’: BS 55 Baru adj./adv. (vara) ‘even though; still; whether’: BS 15 Bala n. (S.) ‘strength, force’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 25 Balī adj. (balya) ‘strong, mighty’: BS 22 Basa n. (vaśa) ‘control, influence; grasp, power’: BS 7 Basa- vi. (vas-) ‘dwell/inhabit; sit down’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 11; -i (absol.), BS 36; -ha (3 imp), BS 141; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 50, 66; -ehi (3 Pr.Ind. + emph.), BS 97 Basanta n. (S.) ‘spring’: -ka (gen.), BS 20 Basama n. (bhasma) ‘ashes, cinders’: BS 56 Bam̐saha n. (vṛṣabha) ‘bull (esp. in reference to Shiva’s)’: BS 38 Basā- vt. (caus. Of vas-) ‘to cause to dwell/inhabit; to perfume, fragrance’: -hi (2 imp.), BS 9 Baha- vi. (vah-) ‘flow, blow go afloat; time to pass/lapse’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 8; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 8, 11; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 20, 29, 45, 122; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 39; Bahāra n. (bāhya) ‘outside, outdoors’: BS 3 Bahu adj. (S.) ‘much, many’: -m̐ (obj.), BS 34 Bākaśajā n. (vāsakasajjā) ‘preparations a woman makes to receive her lover’: BS 8 Bāgha n. (vyāghra) ‘tiger’: BS 37, ५७ Bāja- vi./vt. (vādya-) ‘play, sound, make noise’: -ha (2 imp.), BS 16 Bāṭa n. (vartma) ‘path, way, track’: -e (loc.), BS 51 Bāḍha- vi./vt. (varddha[na]) ‘increase, grow, rise’: -ti (3 fem. fut.), BS 13; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 50 Bāṇa n. (bāṇa) ‘arrow’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 56 Bām̐ta- vt. (varta-) ‘distribute; apportion, divide’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 48 Bādha n. (S.) ‘pain, suffering; prohibition, opposition, hindrance, obstruction’: BS 2; -e (nom./obj.), BS 36 Bādha- vi. (varddha[na]) ‘to increase, rise up’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 18 341 Bām̐dha- vt. (bandh-) ‘obstruct, hurdle, impede; stop, restrict’: -i (absol.), BS 6 Bānā n. (varṇaka) ‘guise, dress, appearance’: BS 23 Bānī n. (vāṇī) ‘voice, sound’: BS 63 Bāra- vt. (> vāraṇa) ‘give up, prohibit, prevent’: -i (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 44 Bāla n. (bāla) ‘child; [-ā] girl’: -hi (obj.), BS 3 Bālabhu n. (vallabha) ‘beloved, husband’: -ke (obj.), BS 4; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 15, 60, 66, 97, 117 Bām̐labhu see ‘bālabhu’ Bāli n. (bālya) ‘young/tender age’: -hi (loc.), BS 13 Bāśi/ī n. (vāsin) ‘inhabitant, dweller; someone who stays’: BS 52 Bāha- vt. (caus. of baha-) ‘cause to flow; discharge’: -ia (pp.), BS 20; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37 Bāhara adv. (bāhya/bāhira) ‘outside, external’: BS 11, 51 Bika- vt. (vikrīyate ) ‘to sell’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 44 Bikāra n. (vikāla) ‘twilight; evening’: BS 50 Bikaśa- vi. (vi+kasana) ‘to develop, appear, grow’: -i (absol.), BS 4 Bikaśita adj. (vikasīta) ‘bloomed; developed’: -a (nom./obj.), BS 56 Bikaśīta adj. (vikasīta) ‘bloomed; developed’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 50 Bikha n. (viṣa) ‘poison’: BS 21 Bikhama adj. (viṣama) ‘rough, difficult, uneven; painful, bad, adverse’: BS 55 Bikhina adj. (vikhinna) ‘irritated; sad, gloomy’: -i (fem.), BS 39 Biga- vt. (?) ‘cast off, cause to flow away’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 50 Bighaṭa- vi./vt. (vi+ghaṭ-) ‘disintegrate, dissolute; sabotage, disrupt, impede’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 11 Bighaṭā- vt. (vi+ghaṭ-) ‘to separate, disjoin; break up, tear asunder’: -uli (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 35 Bicāra n. (vi+car-) ‘thought, consideration’: BS 25 Bicāra- vt. (vi+car-) ‘think over, consider, examine’: -(x) (2 imp.), BS 25; -i (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 25, 122; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 60 Bita n. (vitta) ‘wealth; riches’: -e (obj.), BS 40 Bitara- vt. (vitaraṇa) ‘to distribute, scatter’: -u (3 Pr.S.), BS 64 Bidāra- vt. (caus. of bidara-) ‘open wide; tear open’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 5 Bideśa- vi. (*> vi+deśa) ‘to go/move abroad’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 28 Bina adv. (vinā) ‘without, bereft of’: BS 10, 40 Binatī n. (vinati) ‘request, inquiry; humility, modesty’: BS 9 Bināsini n. Fem. (vi+nāś-) ’a lady of destruction’: BS 10, 11 Binu adv. (vinā) ‘without, bereft of’: BS 10, 15, 24 Bipati n. (vipatti-) ‘calamity, misery’: -m̐ (obj.), BS 29 Biparita adj. (viparīta) ‘turned around, reversed, inverted, converse’: BS 46 Bira adj. (vīra) ‘fiery; brave, gallant, courageous’: BS 50 Biramāna- vi. (caus. of vi+ram-) ’to cause to enjoy; to give pleasure’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 12, 21, 28, 29, 52; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 31 Biraha n. (viraha) ‘separation from one’s beloved’: -e (instr.), BS 39 Birahini n. fem. (virahiṇī) ‘a woman suffering in separation from her lover/husband’: BS 29 Birāḍa n. (bijavāṭa) ‘seedling rice-paddy’: -i/ī (loc.), BS 63 342 Bilamba n. (S.) ‘slowness; delay’: -m̐ (obj./instr.), BS 34 Biśabāsa n. (viśvāsa) ‘assurance, belief’: BS 9; -e (instr./loc.), BS 20 Biśara- vi. /vt. (vismar-) ‘forget’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 47; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 62 Biśaleṣa n. (viśleṣa) ‘separation, disjunction, absence, loss’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 29 Biśekha- vt. (>viśeṣa) ‘to make a distinction, specification; notice difference’: -i (absol.), BS 21 Biśeṣa- vt. (*viśeṣa-) ‘to discern; to make the distinction’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 61 Bisa n. (viṣa) ‘poison’: BS 9, 12; -m̐ (obj.), BS 11 Bisabāsa see ‘biśabāsa’ Bisama adj. (viṣama) ‘unequal, difficult; rough, coarse’: BS 45 Bisara- vi./vt. (vi+smṛ-) ‘forget’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 13; -ba (3 fut.), BS 18, 36; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 39, 44, 55; -ha (2/3 imp.), BS 40; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 41; -e (inf.), BS 44; -a/ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 52 Bisarāma n. (viśrāma) ‘rest, refuge; calm’: BS 61 Bihāna n. (vibhāna) ‘morning; tomorrow’: BS 11 Bihi n. (vidhi; vidhāta) ‘fate, destiny; god/lord of fate’: BS 13, 17, 32, 44, 58, 62; -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 48, 62, 74 Biha- vt. (*> vidhāna) ‘arrange, sort’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 62 Bihum̐sa- vi. (?) ‘smile, grin’: -ia/ā (pp.), BS 1, 64; -i (absol.), BS 16 Bīta- vi. (> vyatīta) ‘to pass, be spent’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 14 Buja- vt. (?) ‘understand, know, comprehend’: -ta (3 fut.), BS 2; -ha (2 imp.), BS 11 ; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 18, 32, 33, 51, 52: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 21, 27; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 25, 31, 36, 62, 137; -ï (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 36; -ia (2/3 imp.), BS 36; -(x)/-ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 66, 113 Bujao-/bujā- vt. (caus. of buja-) ‘to inform; cause to know, explain’: -laha (3 P.Ind.), BS 31; -ba (3 fut.), BS 66, 114, 137 Buḍa- vi. (?) ‘to be lost, ruined, wasted’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 31; -lanhi (1 P.Ind.), BS 44 Buḍhāri n. (vṛddhāvasthā) ‘old age’: BS 141 Būre n. (būri) ‘vagina; vulva’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 42 Bula- vt. (*P. bull-) ‘speak, tell’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 27 Bula- vi. (?) ‘walk, roam, stroll’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37; -(x), (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37 Baiśa- vi. (upa+viś-) ‘sit down, remain idle; sink down’: -lāhum̐ (3 P.Ind. [caus.]), BS 63 Bekata adj. (vyakta) ‘manifest, exposed, clear’: BS 26, 45, 61 Beḍha- vt. (veṣṭa-) ‘fence, enclose, surround’: -i (absol.), BS 14; -la/lā (3 P.Ind.), BS 33 Bedana n. (S.) ‘pain, suffering, distress’: -e (instr.), BS 54 Bera n. (velā) ‘time, period’: -i (loc.), BS 16, 20, 56; -a (nom./obj./loc.), BS 46 Beyākula adj. (vyākula) ‘agitated, distressed, anxious, troubled’: BS 37; -i (fem.), BS 54 Beyādhī adj. (vyādhī) ‘diseased, sick, ill; afflicted, pained’: BS 55 Beyāma n. (vyāyāma) ‘exercise, exertion; contest, struggle’: BS 62 Bela n. (velā) ‘time, period’: BS 34 Beli n. (velli) ‘vine, creeper’: BS 3, 22, 33 Beśana n. (vyasana) ‘indulgence in vices; addiction to intoxicants’: BS 141 343 Baiśa- vi. (upa+viś-) ‘sit; sink down; remain idle’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 29 Bola n. (> brū-) ‘speech; utterance’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 14; -a/ā (nom./obj.), BS 52, 62 Bola- vt. (brū-) ‘speak, say’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 3, 15, 19, 29, 31, 48, 135; -ba (3 fut.), BS 1; -i/yi (absol.), BS 13, 17, 26, 28, 34, 43, 47, 131; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 13; -ta (3 fut.), BS 15, 113, 114; -thi (3 hon. Pr.Ind.), BS 63 Byabahāra n. (vyavahāra) ‘conduct, behavior; use, application, practice’: BS 31 Bha Bha-/bhā- vi. (perf. form of ho-/hoa-/hoe; > bhū-) ‘was, became’: -uha (3 P.Ind.), BS 18; -e (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 20, 48, 60; -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 114 Bhaüha n. (bhrūva) ‘eyebrow(s)’: -ām̐ (nom./obj.), BS 47 Bhagati n. (bhakti) ‘devotion’: BS 13, 54 Bhaja- vt. (bhaj-) ‘to worship, serve; love, adore’: -(x), (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 34; -ie (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 55 Bhaṇa- vt. (bhaṇa-) ‘to say, declare’: -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 42, 56, 57 Bhana- vt. (bhaṇa-) ‘to say, declare’: -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 28, 30, 32, 44, 46, 47, 60, 63, 64, 97, 114, 117, 122, 124, 131, 137, 141; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 8, BS 10, 22, 33, 34, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 61; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 41 Bhane adv. (> bhala) ‘fortunately; for good’: BS 51 Bhama- vi. (bhram-) ‘be confused; wander, hover, roam’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 12, 122; -e (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 30; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 66 Bhamara n. (bhramara) ‘[black] bee’: BS 3, 27, 28, 30, 45, 48, 53, 54 Bhamiā adj. (bhramita) ‘wandering, strolling; falsely take for, confound with’: BS 51 Bhara adj. (S.) ‘full, filled’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 14, 58 Bhara- vi./vt. (> bhṛ-) ‘be full/filled up; fill, supply, replenish’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 4; -i (absol.), BS 15, 19, 40; -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 20; -e (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37, 40, 50 Bharama- vi./vt. (bhram-) ‘confuse; mistake; wander, roam’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 21, 37, 43; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 35, 116 Bhali adj. fem. (bhāla) ‘good; well’: BS 9 Bhāga- vi./vt. (bhaṅg-) ‘break, shatter, fracture’: -ti (3 fem. fut.), BS 34 Bhām̐tī/bhāti n. (bheda) ‘type, sort; variation’: BS 14; 42 Bhāturi n. dim. (bhātu) ‘sun’: BS 50 Bhāda n. (bādhya) ‘obstruction, hurdle, impediment’: BS 13 *Bhāna n. (S.) ‘appearance, evidence, perception’: BS 7, 13, 15, 31 Bhāna- vt. (bhaṇa-) ‘to say, declare’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 8; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 21, 39, 45 Bhāra adj. (S.) ‘weight, load, burden; full, filled’: BS 26; -e (instr.), BS 39 344 Bhāra n. (bhāla) ‘forehead, brow; splendor, luster’: BS 58 Bhārī adj. (S.) ‘heavy, great, strong, acute’: BS 57 Bhāva n. (S.) ‘emotion’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 35 Bhāva- vi. (bhū > bhāva) ‘to be approved of/like, to seem good’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 1; -(x), (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 23 Bhāṣa n. (bhāṣā) ‘language; speech’: BS 24 Bhāsa n. (> bhāsa-) ‘brilliance, luster, radiance’: BS 20 Bhāsa- vi. (bhāsa-) ‘shine, be radiant, gleam’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 10 Bhāva n. (S.) ‘emotional state, affect’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 52 Bhīti n. (bhitti) ‘earthen wall’: BS 19 Bhīṣa- vt. (> bhikṣā) ‘to demand/ask for alms’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 55 Bhuam̐ga(ma) n. (bhujaṅga) ‘snake, serpent’: -e (nom.), BS 3; -a (nom./obj.), BS 43, 50 Bhuja- vt. (bhṛjja-) ‘parch; torment; cut into small pieces’: -i (absol.), BS 41 Bhujaphāśa vt. (bhuja+pāśa) ‘to extend the arms, as to embrace’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 6 Bhula- vi./vt. (*bhull- ) ‘Forget, become confused, bewildered’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 27 Bhūpa n. (bhūpāla) ‘king, lord’: BS 42, 60 Bheṭa- vi. (?) ‘Be received/got; come across’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 46 Bheḍi n. fem. (> meṣa) ‘female sheep/goat’: BS 63 Bhela vi. (bhū-) ‘was, became’: -li (fem.) BS 3, 12, 13, 29, 35, 39, 45, 53, 74, 115, 124; -(x), BS 13, 15, 21, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 36, 39, 40, 43, 45, 51, 53, 58, 60, 63, 69, 97, 113, 115, 122, 131, 135; -le (ger.), BS 35; -lahu/lahum̐ (1/3 P.Ind.), BS 47, 52 Bhora adj. (*bholā) ‘naïve, simple; crazy, odd’: BS 21 Bhau n. (bhrū) ‘eyebrow(s)’: BS 49; -ha (nom.), BS 61 Bhaurī n. (bhramarī) ‘circumambulation; peddling, hawking’: BS 37 Bhauha n. (bhrūva) ‘eyebrow(s)’: -e (obj./loc.), BS 48 Ma Maïla adj. (malina) ‘dirty, filthy’: BS 35 Mae/Mam̐em̐ pron. 1 (aham) ‘I, me; we, us’: -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 22, 52; (instr.), BS 44, 65 Magana adj. (magna) ‘submerged, engrossed’: BS 26 Majara n. (mañjara) ‘flower blossom’: BS 4 Maju pron. 1 obj.(mahyam) ‘to me, us’: BS 97 Mam̐ḍala n. (maṇḍala) ‘orb, globe’: BS 5 Mata n. (mantra) ‘Mantra’: BS 3 Maṁda adj. (manda) ‘slow, degenerate’: BS 21 Madana pn. (S.) ‘Kāmadeva’: -e (instr.), BS 5, 8, 33 Madhāyī pn. (Mādhava) ‘Mādhava; Kṛṣṇa’: BS 15 345 Madhu n. (S.) ‘honey, nectar’: -ka (gen.), BS 49 Madhuri n. (mādhurī) ‘jasmine flower’: BS 45, 49 Mana n. (S.) ‘heart, mind’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 9, 51, 56, 57; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 16, 30; -hi (loc.), BS 30 Manamatha pn. (S.) ‘lit. mind-churner; epithet of Kāmadeva’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 18 Mani n. (maṇi) ‘jewel, gem’: BS 1 Manobhava pn. (S.), ‘Kāmadeva’: BS 50 Mayūra n. (S.) ‘peacock’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 37 Marama n. (marma) ‘sensitive/vulnerable point’: BS 16, 24, 39, 55 Masāta n. (māsānta) ‘the end of the lunar month (considered unlucky)’: -i (loc.), BS 40 Masi n. (masī) ‘black ink’: BS 32, 39 Maha post pos. (madhya) ‘in between, inside; amongst’: BS 26 Mahagha adj. (mahārga) ‘costly, dear, rare’: -i (fem.), BS 8; -(x), BS 11, 62 Mahi n. (S.) ‘earth, ground’: -m̐ (loc.), BS 3 Mahidhara n. (mahīdhara) ‘mountain’: BS 45 Māi n. (mātṛ) ‘mother’: (voc.), BS 13, 50 Mākha- vi./vt. (mrkṣa-) ‘be smeared with; touch’: BS 51; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 137 Māga/mām̐ga- vt. (mārgaṇa) ‘want, request, demand’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 18, 55; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 69 Māgaha n. (māgha) ‘the month of Māgha (mid-winter); 11th month)’: -e (loc.), BS 29 Māta-/mām̐ta- vi. (> matta) ‘Be/become intoxicated; frenzied’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 16, 49, 61 Mātha n. (mastaka) ‘head; forehead’: BS 57 Mādhaba pn. (S.) ‘Mādhava (epithet of Krishna)’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 49 Mādhabi pn. (mādhava) ‘the month of Vaiśākha (spring season); ekādaśī (date)’: BS 29 Mādhāyi pn. (mādhava) ‘epithet of Kṛṣṇa’: BS 27, 29 Māna n. (S.) ‘anger (usually from trouble in an affair of love); esteem, respect, pride’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 10; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 16, 60 Māna- vt. (man-) ‘admit, accept, agree; obey, respect, honor’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 58, 61 Mānasa n. (S.) ‘haughty anger; the mind’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 50 Mānini n. fem. (māninī) ‘proud, disdainful, haughty woman’: -(x) (voc.), BS 10, 16, 30 Mānusa n. (mānuṣa) ‘person; man; human’: BS 41 Māra- vt. (caus. of mṛ-) ‘kill; strike, beat’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 4, 29, 39; -ila (3 P.Ind.), BS 5; -si (2 Pr.S.), BS 22; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 24, 34 Mālati n. (mālatī) ‘bud, blossom, jasmine; moonlight’: BS 45 Mālika n. (Ar.) ‘ruler, king’: BS 115 Mijā- vi./vt. (?) ‘put off, extinguish’: -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37; -ba (3 fut.), BS 113 Miṭi adj. (miṣṭaka) ‘sweet’: BS 74 346 Mila- vi. (mil-) ‘meet, mix, unite’: -ta (3 fut.), BS 13, 19, 115; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 49; -la (3 P.ind.), BS 74; -ti (3 fem. fut.), BS 122 Milā- vt. (caus. of mil-) ‘to cause to meet, mix, unite’: -ba (3 fut.), BS 11 Mukutā n. (mauktika) ‘pearl’: -ka (gen.), BS 23 Mukha n. (S.) ‘face, mouth’: BS 1; -hu (obj.), BS 17; -e/em̐ (loc.), BS 47, 51 Muti n. (mūrti) ‘shape; image’: BS 35 Muda adj. (mugdha) ‘overjoyed; ecstatic’: BS 19 Muda- vt. (?) ‘seal; close’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 117 Murucha- vi. (> mūrcchana) ‘faint; wilt, wither’: -i (absol.), BS 3; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 33 Meṭa- vi./vt. (mṛṣṭa) ‘efface, erase; destroy; remove’: -ie (pp.), BS 19; -i (absol.), BS 19 Mera- vt. (mil-) ‘meet, mix, unite’: -a (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 8; -lanhi (3 P.Ind.), BS 25 Mela- see ‘mera-’ Moe/mom̐e pron. 1 (aham) ‘I, me; we, us’: BS 5, 7, 4, 64, 69 Moṭa adj. (*moṭṭa) ‘thick, coarse; sturdy, heavy, stout’; BS 4 Moti n. (*mosta > mauthā ) ‘a special kind of grass, Cyperus rotundus; a tuberous root’: BS 5; Moti n. (mauktika) ‘pearl’: BS 26, 39 Motima n. (mauktika) ‘pearl’: BS 62 Mora pron. adj. 1 (mama) ‘my, of me’: -a/ā (masc.), BS 5, 10, 12, 13, 19, 21, 34, 41, 42, 44, 46, 52, 54, 56, 63, 122; -ām̐, BS 23, 56; -i (fem.), BS 3, 14, 28, 35, 69 More pron. adj. 1 (mama) ‘my, of me’: BS 14 Mohi pron. 3 obj. (mahyam) ‘To me, us’: BS 10, 13, 15, 16, 21, 22, 23, 29, 35, 41, 45, 124 Maura- vt. (?) ‘to pick flowers/fruits’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 14 Ya Yata rel. pron. (S.) ‘however far, to what extent’: -hi (obj./loc.), BS 25 Yatana n. (yatna) ‘effort, toil, endeavor’: -e (instr./adv.), BS 11, 19, 36 Ỵā- vi. (yā-) ‘to go’: -i/yi (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 37 Yāta adj. (jāta) ‘born; produced; sprung-up’: BS 56 Yāmini n. (yāminī) ‘night’: BS 53 Yābe adj./adv (yāvat) ‘till, while: BS 24, 25 Ye rel. pron. (yaḥ) ‘who, what, which’: BS 9, 11, 15, 31 Yogi n. (S.) ‘yogi’: BS 1 Yaubati/yaum̐bati n. fem. (yuvati) ‘young lady’: BS 21, 29 347 Ra Raï n. (rāja) ‘king, lord’: -ka (gen.) BS 2 Raca- vt. (rac-) ‘create, compose, construct, fashion, make up’: -ha (2 imp.) BS 2; la (3 P.Ind.), BS 8; -iya (2/3 imp.), BS 44 Racana n. (S.) ‘arrangement, accomplishment, fabrication’: -e (instr.), BS 11 Raṅga n. (S.) ‘passion, love; color’: BS 1; -e (nom./obj./loc./instr.), BS 28, 35, 49 Rata- vi. (rat-) ‘be impassioned, charmed, enraptured’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 62 Ratana n. (ratna) ‘jewel, ornament’: BS 12 Rapaṭā- vt./caus. (?) ‘irrigate, water; spread, infest Rabhasa n. (S.) ‘joy, pleasure, rapture; amorous/sexual merrymaking’: -m̐him̐ (loc.), BS 12; - (instr./loc.), BS 40 Ramani n. (ramaṇī) ‘charming woman’: BS 62 Rayani n. (rajani) ‘night’: BS 20 Raśāla n. (rasāla) ‘mango tree’: BS 50 Rasa n. (S.) ‘essence; juice’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 40 Rasa- vi. (*> rasa) ‘be cheerful; enjoy’: -i (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 47 Rasamae adj. (rasamaya) ‘filled with rasa’: BS 42 Rasabhāsa pn. (rasābhāsa) ‘a poetic ’doṣa’ [mistake]; the improper/false presentation of a rasa’: BS 20 Rasika n. (S.) ‘a connoisseur of rasa’: -em̐ (instr.), BS 34 Rasiyā n. (rasika) ‘knower/connoisseur of rasa’: BS 1 Raha- vi. (raha-) ‘be, exist; remain’: -(x)/-ya (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 11, 16, 24, 25, 30, 115, 131, 135, 137; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 18, 30, 56; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 25; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 38, 61; -lihu (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 40, 65; -i (absol.), BS 44; -ba (3 fut.), BS 47, 114; -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 51; -ta (3 fut.), BS 114, 135 Rāe n. (rāja) ‘king, lord’: BS 12, 61 Rākha- vt. (rakṣ-) ‘put down, place; hold; keep; take, accept, entertain’: -ta (3 fut.), BS 9; -ba (3 fut.), BS 9, 114, 131; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 14; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 19; -ia/iya (pp./3 imp.), BS 34, 55 Rāti n. (rātri) ‘night’: BS 8, 12, 14, 40 Rānī n. (rājñī) ‘queen’: BS 52, 61 Rāba- vi./vt. (P. ruva) ‘cry, weep’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 29 Rāya n. (rāja) ‘king, lord’: BS 28 Rāhi pn. (Rādhā) ‘Rādhā’: BS 8, 64 Rāhu pn. (Rāhu) ‘Rāhu; a demon who occasionally devours the moon’: -ka (gen.), BS 5 Rāhiya adj. (rahita) ‘bereft, void of, free from without’: BS 64 Ri interj. (re) ‘Feminine interjection/exclamation’: BS 9 Riti n. (rīti) ‘manner, ways; movement, course of action’: BS 18 Ritu n. (ṛtu) ‘season’: BS 44 Rīti n. (S.) ‘manner, ways; movement, course of action’: BS 24 Ruca- vi. (ruc-) ‘be liking, be pleasing (to taste)’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 62 Ruci n./adj. (S.) ‘taste, aptitude, interest, liking; beauty, lustre; pleasant’: BS 46 Rusa- vi. (?) ‘be displeased, offended; to sulk’: -ha (2 imp.), BS 74 348 Rūpa n. (S.) ‘form; beauty’: -hu (obj./loc.), BS 40; -e (nom./obj.), BS 56 Reha- vi. (raha-) ‘be, exist; remain’: -la/lā (3 P.Ind.), BS 8 Reha/ā n. (rekhā) ‘line, row’: BS 53, 62 Roa- vi./vt. (rodana) ‘cry, weep; lament’: -e (3 Pr.ind.), Bs 6; -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 131 Rodha- vt. (rudh-) ‘stop; obstruct’: -ī (absol.), BS 16 Ropa- vt. (ruh-) ‘plant, place, implant; transplant’: -laha (3 P.Ind.), BS 36 Rosa n. (roṣa) ‘anger, rage’: -e/em̐ (nom./obj.), BS 10, 11, 20; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 25 La La- vt. (perf. root of lā-) ’take, bring’: -e (absol.), BS 46; -lanhi (3 fem. pl. P.Ind.), BS 46 Lae post. pos. (inf. of le-) ‘with; by, by means of; for, with the view of’: BS 4, 18, 19, 63 Lao- vt. (le+ā[gam-]) ‘to bring, cause, put on’: -lanhi (3 P.Ind.), BS 35 Laka nu. (lakṣa) ‘one hundred thousand; lakh’: BS 3 Lakha- vt. (lakṣ-) ‘see, look, notice’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 26; -hi (2 imp.), BS 32 Lakhimi pn. (Lakṣmī) ‘Lakṣṃī’: BS 52 Laghu adv. (S.) ‘quickly, swiftly, nimbly; lightly’: BS 7 Laja- vi. (*>lajja) ‘to be ashamed; aware of modesty’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 34 Lajā n. (lajjā) ‘shame, modesty’: BS 8 Lajā- vi. (> lajjā) ‘to feel shyness, be bashful, blush’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 56; -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 114 Laṭa n. (P. lappa-) ‘flame, fire; glow, light’: BS 37 Latā n. (S.) ‘creeper, vine’: -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 49 Lanua/ā adj. (lāvaṇya) ‘lovely, beautiful’: BS 14 Lam̐bita adj. (lambita) ‘hanging, suspended’: BS 50 Laha- vi. (labh-) ‘succeed, come out successfully; bend down’: -(x)/-ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 7, 24, 25, 62, 135, 137; -u (3 P.Ind.), BS; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 25 Lahuka n. (?) ‘light’: -i (fem.), BS 63 Lā-/lāo-/lāu- vt. (le+ā[gam-]) ‘to bring, cause, put on’: -baya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS1; -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 2; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 13, 60; -bi (3 fem. fut.), BS 13; -i/yi (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 60; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 116 Lākha nu. (lakṣa) ‘one hundred thousand; lakh; (fig.) multitudes’: BS 4, 7 Lākha- vt. (lakṣ-) ‘to take account, consider, evaluate’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 26 Lāga- vt. (?) ‘To be fixed, attached; strike’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 8, 16, 21; -(x) BS 9; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 20, 28, 34; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 38 Lāgi/ī post. pos. (> lāga-) ‘for the sake/purpose of; for’: BS 25, 38, 44, 74, 117 Lāghava n. (laghutā) ‘swiftness, brevity’: BS 2 Lāja n. (lajjā) ‘shame, modesty’: -e (obj.), BS 5, 11, 50, 56; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 17, 31, 42, 57 Lātha n. (D.) ‘pretext, excuse’: BS 61 349 Likha- vt. (likh-) ‘write, inscribe’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 44 Lirā- vt. (?) ‘drink, ingest, take in’: -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 97 Liha- vt. (likh-) ‘write, inscribe’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 46 Lubudha- vi. (lubdha) ‘to covet, desire; be bewildered, confused’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 50; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 74, 116 Lura- vt. (?) ‘plunder; loot; horde’ -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 13; -ia (pp.), BS 26 Lukā- vt. (?) ‘hide, conceal’: -ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 97 Le- vt. (labha-) ‘take, get’: -iti (3 fem. Fut.), BS 4; -bi (3 fem. fut.), BS 14; -ba (3 fut.), BS 44, 114; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 61, 115, 117, 135 Lekha- vt. (likh-) ‘write, inscribe’: -i (absol.), BS 19 Lepa- vt. (lipt-) ‘smear, coat, anoint’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 29 Leba n. (?) ‘layer of mud’: BS 47 Lo interj. (> lā-) ‘Lo! vocative interjection’: BS 56 Loga n. (loka) ‘people; world’: BS 41 Locana n. (S.) ‘eye(s)’: -e (instr.), BS 35, 47 Loṭā- vi. (luṇṭana) ‘roll down, wallow, welter; beat down’; (fig.) To throw oneself down at men’: -eli (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 5; -ili (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 33 Lobha n. (S.) ‘intense greed, covetousness; avarice, temptation’: -e (inst.), BS 1, 8, 29, 33, 50, 51, 63 Lora/lola n. (*lola) ‘tears’: BS 56, 62 Va Vasanu n. (vasana) ‘clothing; garments; attire’: BS 23 Vā- conj. (S.) ‘or; either’: BS 4 Virodha- vi. (vi+rudh-) ‘to oppose, be hostile/contrary’: -i (absol), BS 16 Śa Śam̐deśa n. (saṁdeśa) ‘message; dictation; command’: BS 61 Śam̐dhāna n. (saṁdhāna) ‘act of placing/joining together; fitting an arrow to a bow; association, alliance’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 56 Śani adj. fem. (sadṛśa) ‘similar to; like’: BS 44 Śapana n. (svapna) ‘dream, sleep’: -e (loc.), BS 56 Śabada n. (śabda) ‘sound, noise’: BS 8 Śayānī n. fem. (sayānī) ‘clever lady’: BS 26 Śara n. (S.) ‘arrow’: -eṁ, (instr.), BS 35 Śari n. (S.) ‘grass, reed; Cyperus rotundus’: BS 5 Śam̐sa- vi. (śvās-) ‘breath, sigh’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 43 Śāī n. (svāmī) ‘lord, husband’: BS 49 Śāe n. (svāmī) ‘lord, husband’: -ka (gen.), BS 55 Śāmara adj. (śyāmala) ‘dark; dusky’: BS 58 350 Śāla n. (śalya) ‘anything causing pain or torment (as in a thorn)’: BS 43 Śāvaka n. (sāvaka) ‘child, young (of an animal)’: BS 50 Śāṁsa n. (śāsa) ‘praise, eulogy; order, command, rule’: BS 55 Śāhara n. (sahakāra) ‘mango’: BS 51, 54 Śikha n. (śikhā) ‘top, crest’: -e (loc.), BS 63 Śikhā- vt. (caus. of sikh-) ‘teach, instruct; instigate, conspire’: -bihe (3 fem. fut. + emph.), BS 114 Śitala adj. (śitala) ‘soothing; cooling’: -e (nom./obj./instr.), BS 50 Śiyāra n. (sṛgāla) ‘jackal’: -o (obj.), BS 4 Śira n. (S.) ‘head, top’: -m̐ (obj./loc.), BS 22, 37; -i (nom./obj./loc.), BS 27, 61 Śiri n. (śrī) ‘kingship, crown, glory; title of respect’: BS 8, 35 Śīkha- vt. (sikṣ-) ‘to learn’: -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 55 Śucira adv. (su+cira) ‘very long; after/for a long time’: BS 62 Śuna adj. (śunya) ‘empty’: BS 20, 56 Śuna- vt. (śru-) ‘listen, hear’: -i (absol.), BS 49, 52; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 64 Śaiśaba n. (S.) ‘childhood’: -e (loc.), BS 18 Śobha adj. (śobhā) ‘be graceful, lovely, beautiful; shining’: -e (nom./obj./instr.) BS 1, 33, 63 Śobhāba n. (svabhāva) ‘nature, disposition’: BS 114, 124 Śrīphala n. (S.) ‘wood-apple fruit’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 44 Sa Sa pron. 3 fem. (sā) ‘she’: BS 63 Sam̐ post. pos. instr. (*sahita) ‘with; by means of; from, since’: BS 60 Sao/Sam̐o post. pos. instr. (*sahita) ‘with; by means of; from, since’: + saṅga (with), BS 4; +o (emph.), BS 19, 28, 63, 97; -m̐, BS 60 Sakuni n. (śakuni) ‘a bird [vulture, kite, eagle, etc.]’: BS 17 Saṅkula n. (saṁkulita) ‘crowded together; thick’: BS 50 Sakhi n. (sakhī) ‘female companion, confidante’: BS 3, 4, 5, 8, 15, 45, 47, 50, 56; -nhi (obj.?), BS 34; -ni (pl.), BS 50 Saṁga n. (saṅga) ‘company, association’: -hi (loc.), BS 58 Saṅga n. (S.) ‘company, association’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 28, 49 Saṅghata adj. (saṁhata) ‘stuck together, connected’: BS 50 Sam̐cara- vi. (saṁ+car-) ‘move, wander, rove; come near, approach’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 7; -ite (ip.), BS 11 Saja- vt. (sajja-) ‘to be dressed; decorated’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 55; -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 114, 122 Sajanī n. fem. (> sajjana) ‘mistress, lady; sweetheart’: BS 14, 54 Saṁjuta adj. (saṁyukta) ‘joined with; mixed with’: BS 50 Sam̐tāba n. (santāpa) ‘heat, pain, anguish, affliction’: -e (obj.), BS 62, 69 Sadha- vi. (*> sādhana) ‘be spent out, exhaust, run short’: -ta (3 fut.), BS 11 351 Sana adj. (*sadṛśa) ‘like, similar’: BS 63 Sanandā adj. (sanandana) ‘joyful; gleeful’: -(x) (nom.), BS 10 Sanāna n. (snāna) ‘bath; washing, bathing’: -e (obj.), BS 6 Sani adj. fem. (suna) ‘empty; silent’: BS 13, 49 Sapana n. (svapnā) ‘dream’: -a. (nom./obj.), BS 17, 42; -hum̐ (loc.), BS 28; -e (loc.), BS 56 Saba adj. (sarva) ‘all, whole, entire’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 8, 9, 13, 36, 124; -hi (instr.), BS 19; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 25, 39, 41 Sabataha/hu adv. (sarvatra khalu) ‘everywhere’: BS 24, 124, 131 Sabitāhu adv. (sarveśām) ‘everyone; everything’: BS 69 Sabhā n. (S.) ‘assembly, congregation’: -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 63 Saṁbhrama adj. (sambhrama) ‘confused, agitated’: BS 3 Samae n. (samaya) ‘time, occasion’: BS 46 Samada adj. (?) ‘to be please with one’s self; to be haughty; excited with passion’: -i (fem.), BS 35 Samada- vi. (*sammantra-) ‘to communicate while/for taking leave’: -ha (2 imp.), BS 17 Samadhāna- vt. (sandhāna) ‘aim at a target (especially with an arrow)’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 7 Samadhāna n. (sāmādhāna) ‘solution, fix, remedy’: -e (obj.), BS 29 Samara adj. (śyāmala) ‘dark, black, dusky’: -i/ī (fem.), BS 32; -a (masc.), BS 33 Samāja n. (S.) ‘society; association’: -e (instr./loc.), BS 24 Samāda n. (samvāda) ‘message’: -e (instr.), BS 9; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 9 Samāna adj./adv. (S.) ‘equal, similar; like’: -e, BS 24 Samāpa- vi./vt. (samāp-) ‘finish, conclude’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 97 Samāra n. (samara) ‘battle; fighting’: BS 3 Samuda n. (samudra) ‘ocean, sea’: BS 60 Samudra n. (S.) ‘ocean; sea’: -hi (loc.), BS 56 Sayānī n. fem. (sa+jñānī) ‘intelligent woman’: BS 30, 61 Sara n. (śara) ‘arrow’: -e (instr.), BS 33; -(x), (nom./obj.), BS 35 Sarabāsa n. (sarvasva) ‘all of one’s belongings/property’: -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 26; -a (nom./obj.), BS 43 Sarāsa n. (sārasa) ‘lake, pond’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 12 Sarivari n. (sari+prati) ‘equality; sameness’: BS 63 Sariśa adj. (sadṛśa) ‘similar, like’: BS 62 Sarūpa n. (svarūpa) ‘form, appearance; beauty’: BS 42, 60; -e (nom./obj.), BS 56 Sam̐śara- vt. (saṁśara-) ‘break up; crush’: -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 40 Sam̐sara n. (saṁsāra) ‘world; universe; material existence’: -i (obj.), BS 37 Sam̐sāra n. (saṁsāra) ‘world; universe; material existence’: -ka (gen.), BS 35; -m̐ (obj.), BS 62 Saha- vt. (saha-) ‘bear, tolerate, suffer’: -ite (ip.), BS 2; -i (absol.), BS 2; -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 16, 55; -ta (3 fut.), BS 28; -ti (3 fem. fut.), BS 49; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 69; -ia (pp.), BS 117 352 Sahaja adj. (S.) ’natural, inborn; natural disposition’: -ka (gen.), BS 43 Sākha- vt. (> sākṣi) ’witness; see’: -i (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 41 Sāca n. (satya) ‘truth; true, real’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 60 Sāja- vt. (sṛj-) ‘decorate; adorn’: -i (absol.), BS 18; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 49 Sājani n.f. (sajjanī) ‘female companion’: BS 2, 21, 56 Sām̐jha- n. (sandhyā) ‘evening’: -hi (loc.), BS 97 Sādha n. (sādhya) ‘aspiration, desire, wise’: BS 2, 13, 48 Sāna n. (?) ‘hint, signal’: BS 2 Sāna- vt. (caus. > san-) ‘cause to gain, obtain, possess’ -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 19; -i (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 24 Sāmara adj. (śyāmala) ‘of dark color; complexion’: BS 32, 35 Sām̐mala adj. (śyāmala) ‘of dark color; complexion’: BS 64 Sāraśa n. (sārasa) ‘lake, pond; tank’: -i (loc.), BS 55 Sāsa- vt. (śās-) ‘control, leash; oppress, torment; chastise, punish’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 10 Sām̐hara n. (*śākambhara; sambhala) ‘lake of salt; lake-salt’: -m̐ (obj.), BS 29 Santara- vt. (saṁ+tṝ-) ‘to cross over, surpass; fig. leave’: -i (absol.), BS 32 Sim̐ca- vt. (sic-) ‘to sprinkle, pour out, discharge’: -(x), (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 19 Sim̐dūra n. (sindūra) ‘vermillion, red powder used by women as adornment’: -a (nom./obj.), BS 5; -e (nom./instr.), BS 53 Sineha n. (sneha) ‘love; affection’: BS 31 Sindūra n. (sindūra) ‘vermillion, red powder used by women as adornment’: -ka (gen.), BS 23; -e (nom./obj.), BS 58 Sindhūra n. (sindūra) ‘vermillion, red powder used by women as adornment’: -a (nom./obj.), BS 46 Siba pn. (Śiva) ‘Shiva’: BS 61 Sira n. (sīra) ‘rot of plant; stem’: BS 55 Siriphala n. (śrīphala) ‘wood-apple fruit; sometimes coconut’: BS 35 Sīm̐ca- vt. (caus. of siñca-) ‘sprinkle on; pour over’: -halu (3 P.Ind.), BS 62 Sīda- vi. (?) ‘suffer, grieve’: -ti (3 fem. fut.), BS 50 Sukha n. (S.) ‘happiness; joy’: -e (instr. as adv.), BS 53 Sugyānī n. (su-jñānin) ‘intelligent person’: BS 52 Suja- vi./vt. (sudhyā-) ‘come to mind/sight; point out, bring to notice’: -x (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 66 Suta- vi. (supta-) ‘sleep’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 4, 97; li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 12, 33, 48; -thu (3 imp. as Pr.Ind.), BS 53 Suna n./adj. (śūnya) ‘void, lonely place; vacant, empty; (lit.) zero’: BS 3, 115; - ia/-iya (2 imp.), BS 8, 9, 141 Suna- vt. (śru-) ‘listen, hear’: -(x) (2 imp./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 13, 18, 19, 21, 23, 29, 32, 47, 56, 57, 63, 97, 115, 122, 124; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 17, 57, 122; - ia/iya (2 imp.), BS 25; -ha (2 imp.), BS 30, 57; -u (2/3 P.Ind./imp.), BS 47, 61; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 57 353 Supahu n. (suprabhu) ‘good lord/husband’: BS 40, 74 Sumara vt. (sama+ṛ-) ‘battle, fight’: -i (absol.), BS 18 Sura n. (S.) ‘musical note; tune’: -i (obj.), BS 9 Surasari n. (surasarit) ‘lit. ‘river of the gods’: the Ganges’: BS 23, 37 Suruga n. (svarga) ‘heaven, sky’: BS 5 Suragi n. (svargīya) ‘heavenly maiden’: BS 13 Sulākhani n. fem. (sulakṣaṇī) ‘a woman of good marks/characteristics’: BS 17 Suhāba n. (sudhavā) ‘a woman enjoying conjugal/married life’: BS 63 Suhṛśī adj. fem. (su+hṛsva) ‘small, slender’: BS 50 Sūraja n. (sūrya) ‘sun’: BS 46 Se pron. 3 nom./Corr. (saḥ) ‘that, he, (sometimes she), it’: BS 4, 9, 15, 17, 18, 36, 49, 54, 57, 62, 74; -he (emph.), BS 13, 35; -o/ho (emph.), BS 69 Seja/ā n. (śayyā) ‘bed’: BS 8, 20, 55, 56 Sedha- vt. (?) ‘to chastize’: -li (3 fem. P.Ind.), BS 3 Seni n. (śreni) ‘line, row’: BS 2 Seba- vt. (sev-) ‘serve, propitiate’: -e (inf.), BS 37 Sebā n. (sevā) ‘service, worship; attendance’: -m̐ (nom./obj.), BS 13 Serā- vi./vt. (?) ‘become cool; make cool, soothe’: -ela (3 P.Ind.), BS 41 So pron. 3 (saḥ) ‘he, it, they’: BS 11 Soādhina adj. (svādhīna) ‘free, independent, autonomous’: BS 31 Sohāona adj. (*su+bhāvana) ‘pleasant, charming, handsome’: BS 33, 47 Svāmi n. (S.) ‘lord, husband’: -ka (gen.), BS 54 Ha Hakā- vt. (ākāraṇa) ‘call, invite over; urge, drive, goad’: -hu (?), BS 13 Haṭa- vi./vt. (*ghaṭṭana) ‘to move away/aside; draw back, recede’: -la (P.Ind.), BS 1 Hana n. (hanana) ‘hitting, striking’: -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 10 Hana- vt. (han-) ‘strike, hit; beat’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 6; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 60 Hama pron. 3 (*asme/aham) ‘I, we’: -hi (obj.), BS 9, 14, 66; -(x), BS 13, 17, 27, 31, 35, 63, 135; -e/-em̐ (nom./obj.), BS 15, 21, 23, 25, 27, 34, 35, 43, 52, 57, 60, 63, 114, 122 Hamara/hamāra pron. adj. (> aham) ‘my; our’: BS 21, 27, 29, 63, 66, 124, 135; -hi (emph.), BS 51; -i (fem.), BS 53, 57; -e (nom.), BS 62 Hara- vt. (hṛ-) ‘take away, grab, seize; remove, cure’: -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 42 Haraka- vi. (> harṣa) ‘to be glad; joyful’: -i (absol./3 Pr. Ind.), BS 56 Harakha n. (harṣa) ‘happiness; joy’: BS 42 Hari pn. (S.) ‘Hari; Viṣṇu/Kṛṣṇa’: -ka (gen.), BS 13, 40 Haṁsa- vi. (hasana) ‘laugh, smile’: -e (3 Pr.S.), BS 1 Ham̐sa- vi./vt. (has-) ‘laugh, smile, joke; ridicule’: -e (3 Pr.S.), BS 1; -ba (3 fut.), BS 57; -i (absol.), BS 61 354 Hāḍa n. (asthi) ‘bone’: BS 4 Hātha n. (S.) ‘hand(s)’ -e (instr.), BS 26 Hāra- vi./vt. (hār-) ‘to be defeated, to lose; to defeat; overcome; attack, wage war’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 16, 45; -la (3 P.Ind.), BS 41 Hāru n. ([i]tṛ+kaḥ) ‘lose, one who is defeated; an unlucky gamester’: -ka (gen.), BS 43 Hāsa/hām̐sa n. (hāsya) ‘smile; laugh’: -e (nom./obj.), BS 16; -(x) (nom./obj.), BS 24, 39, 62, 63; -i (nom./obj.), BS 52 Hāsa- vi./vt. (has-) ‘laugh, ridicule, smile’: -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 116 Hām̐sa n. (haṁsa) ‘swan; ruddy goose’: BS 63 Huni pron. 3 nom. (saḥ) ‘he, that [man]’: BS 5 Hulāsa n. (ullāsa) ‘joy, happiness’: -e (instr.), BS 56 Hṛdae n. (hṛdaya) ‘heart’: BS 6, 55, 56 He interj. (S.) ‘Hey! Oh!’: BS 1, 8, 10, 32 Hema n. (S.) ‘gold’: -e (instr.), BS 62 Hera- vt. (> *ākheṭa) ‘see, notice, look (for); search’: -i (absol./3 P.Ind.), BS 1, 6, 13, 16, 41, 48, 49, 56, 64; -bahu (1 fut.), BS 36; lahi (3 P.Ind.), BS 42; -u (3 P.Ind.), BS 69; -e (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 74 Hela- vt. (> *ākheṭa) ‘see, notice, look (for); search’: -i (absol.), BS 17 Ho-/Hoa-/hoe- vi. (> bhū-) ‘be, become’: -ba (3 fut.), BS 2, 60; -(x)/-ya (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 10, 13, 16, 19, 41, 42, 44, 56, 60, 114, 124, 131; -ta/-yata (3 fut.), BS 11, 14, 17, 34, 37, 69, 117, 135; -o (3 imp.), BS 16; -iti/yiti (3 fem. fut.), BS 19, 34, 122, 141; -(x) (subj.); BS 24, 113; -i (absol./3 Pr.Ind.), BS 35 Hohaka- vt. (> onom.) ‘to instigate/drive someone/something (as in cattle) by yelling ‘ho-ho’’: -(x) (3 Pr.Ind.), BS 44