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Retracting a Diagnosis of Madness:
A Reconsideration ofJapanese Eccentric Art
Stephen Francis Salel
A thesis
submitted in partial fulfillment ofthe
requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
University ofWashington
2006
Program Authorized to Offer Degree:
Art History
UMI Number: 1435430
Copyright 2006 by
Salel, Stephen Francis
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Abstract
Retracting a Diagnosis ofMadness:
A Reconsideration ofJapanese Eccentric Art
Stephen Francis Salel
Chair of the Supervisory Committee:
Assistant Professor Cynthea J. Bogel
Department ofArt History
"Eccentric art" has been a recognized category ofJapanese art history since the
18th century. In an attempt to define "eccentricity" in this context, several literary studies
ofJapanese eccentric art are reviewed and critiqued. A careful examination ofKinsei
kijin-den (Biographies ofEccentricsfrom the Early Modern Era) reveals its basis in
religious Daoism and signs ofinfluence by the Daoist text Strange Traces ofImmortals
and Buddhas (Ch: Xianfo qizong). In light ofthis fact, many works by well-known
Japanese eccentric artists, including portraits ofthe Chinese monks Hanshan (Jpn:
Kanzan) and Shide (Jpn: Jittoku), are re-evaluated and shown to possess Daoist
significance. Based upon these findings, a Daoist definition ofeccentricity is proposed.
This discussion concludes with a consideration ofcontemporary artists influenced by the
traditions ofJapanese eccentric art.
An English translation ofTsuji Nobuo's Kiso no keifu (The Lineage of
Eccentricity) comprises Appendix A
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
List ofFigures. .. .. 11
List ofTables... IX
Introduction.................................................................. 1
Chapter One: Current Literature on Japanese Eccentric Art. .. ... ... ... ... ... ... . 6
Chapter Two: Evidence ofFormal Influence upon the Works ofJapanese
Eccentric Artists. .. ... ... ... .. . .. . .. . ... ... ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... ... ... ... 37
Chapter Three: Textual Evidence ofDaoist Influence upon the Japanese
Definition ofEccentricity...... 74
Chapter Four: Visual Evidence ofDaoist Influence upon the Japanese
Definition ofEccentricity '" .,. .. 105
Chapter Five: Hanshan and Shide as Daoist hnmortals... .. . ... 159
Chapter Six: Kishida Ryilsei and Modem Manifestations ofDaoist
EccentriCIty , .. . .. . .. . ... ... .. . .. . ... .. . ... ... .. . .. . .. . ... .. . ... .. . ... ... 195
Conclusion , '... 251
Bibliography. .. ... ... ... ... ... .. . .. . ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. . . .. . .. .. 263
Appendix A: Translation ofThe Lineage ofEccentricity: From Matabei to
Kuniyoshi (Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi) '" 275
Figure Number
LIST OF FIGURES
Page
1. Mikuma Katen, Dlustration ofIke no Taiga and Gyokuran ,. . 28
2. Tomioka Tessai, "Hermits and Eccentrics"... ... ... ... ... ... ... 28
3. Tomioka Tessai, "Hermits and Eccentrics," detail... ... ... 28
4 U K · hi "Om' M nh'k " 29. tagawa umyos, lya 0 1 0 .
5. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Night Raid"... 29
6. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Rescue ofMinamoto " ,. .. 29
7. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Ghosts of the Heike "..................... 30
8. Copy ofToriyama Sekien, The Illustrated Night Parade... . 30
9. Iwasa Matabei, "The Tale ofHorie," detail... 31
10. lwasa Matabei, "Tokiwa in the Mountains," detail. " ... 31
11. Kano Sansetsu, "Dragon and Tiger," detail... ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... 32
12. Kano Sansetsu, "Tiger amidst Bamboo," detail... 32
13. Kano Sansetsu, "Pheasant in a Plum Tree"... ... ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... ... 33
14. Kano Sansetsu, "Old Plum Tree"......... .... .. .. .. .. .. 33
15. Ito Jakuchft, "Fowl and Cacti," detail......... 34
16. ItO Jakuchft, "Shellfish"... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... .. . .. . .. . ... ... ... 34
17. Soga Shohaku, "Sessan DOji Offering his Life to an Ogre," detail.... 35
18. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and Shide," detaiL.. 35
19. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Tiger"... ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... .. . ... ... ... ... ... ... ... . 35
20. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Yamauba, the Mountain Woman".... ,. ... ... .... 36
21. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Yamauba, the Mountain Woman," detail........ 36
22. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Earth Spider Manifesting Demons " ..... 36
23. Iwasa Matabei, "Hitomaro Eigu" , '" 58
24. Soga Shohaku, "Poet Kakinomoto Hitomaro" '" 58
25. Kano Sansetsu, "Xiwangmu (SeiobO), the Queen ," detaiL.......... 59
26. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," detaiL.. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. . ..... 59
27. Iwasa Matabei, "Tiger," detaiL '" . 59
28. Soga Shohaku, "Lion Dog and Tiger," detaiL.. ... ... ... ... ... ... .. . .. . .. 59
29. Kano Sansetsu, "Dragon and Tiger," detail... 60
30. Soga Shohaku, "Lion Dog and Tiger," detaiL.. .. 60
31. Zheng Dianxian, "Tiger and Dragon," detaiL '" '" 60
32. Soga Shohaku, "Ogress under Willow Tree," detail , 61
33. Ito Jakuchft, "Rain Dragon"... 61
34. Soga shohaku, "Ogress under Willow Tree," detaiL.. 61
35. Ito Jakuchft, "Rain Dragon," detail...... 61
36. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," detail: '" 62
37. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Yamauba, the Mountain Woman"... 62
38. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and Shide"... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 62
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Scene from Chikamatsu Monzaemon's "Keisei Hangonka" .
Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Strange Pictures ofUkiyo Matabei" .
Utagawa Kuniyoshi. "Miyamoto Musashi and the old master .
Attributed to Mi Fu, "Mountains and Pines in Spring" ,, ..
N· Z "Th 'D • S d' "1 an. e n.ongxt tu 10 , .
Ike no Taiga. "On the Way to a Friend's House" , ,.
Taiga's seal: "Lofty untrammelledness" '" , , ..
Bacia Shanren. "Anwan Album." detail ,., '" ., .
Bacia Shanren, "Anwan Album." detaiL , , ,., ., ..
Ita Jakuchii, "Hen and Rooster with Grapevine", , ., .
Ita Jakuchii, "Hen and Rooster with Grapevine." detail .
Bacia Shanren. "Duck , , " . '" , , ,.. , ,..
Ita Jakuchii. "Rooster. Hen. and Horsefly" , ..
Bada Shanren. "Landscape with Sparse Trees and Barren , .
Soga Shohaku. "Immortals." detail: right screen .
Soga Shohaku. "Immortals," detail: left screen,., , " , .
Soga Shahaku. "Immortals," right screen. detaiL , , .
Shangguan Zhou, Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall. detaiL ..
Attributed to Gu Kaizhi. "Admonitions ofthe Instructress ," detail
Soga Shahaku. "Immortals," right screen. detaiL ,., .
Shangguan Zhou, Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall. detaiL., ..
Soga Shahaku. "Immortals," left screen. detaiL,. ,.. , ,.. , .
Shangguan Zhou, Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall. detaiL ..
Soga Shahaku. "Immortals," left screen. detaiL , .
Shangguan Zhou, Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall. detaiL ..
Soga Shahaku. "Immortals," left screen. detail. ,. '" ..
Shangguan Zhou. Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall. detaiL ..
Soga Shahaku. "Immortals." left screen, detaiL , .
Shangguan Zhou, Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall. detaiL ..
Huang Shen. "The Eight Immortals" '" ." , ..
Huang Shen. "Landscape with Scholar and Servant", .
Mikuma Katen. Kinsei kijin-den. detail. , , , .
Hong Yingming. Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas. detail...
Iwasa Matabei. "Laozi Crossing the River" , .
Soga Shahaku. "Laozi and Landscapes" , , .
Kana Sansetsu. "Cultivation through the Four Seasons." right screen
Kano Sansetsu. "Cultivation through the Four Seasons." left screen
Kana Sansetsu. "Cultivation through the Four Seasons," detail. ..
Kana Sansetsu. "Cultivation through the.Four Seasons." detail .
Kana Sansetsu. "Cultivation through the Four Seasons." detaiL ..
Kana Sansetsu. "Cultivation through the Four Seasons." detaiL ..
Kana Sansetsu. "Cultivation through the Four Seasons." detail .
Kano Sansetsu. "Cultivation through the Four Seasons." detaiL ..
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82. Kana Sansetsu, "Cultivation through the Four Seasons," detail... 100
83. Kana Sansetsu, "Cultivation through the Four Seasons," detaiL.. 101
84. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail... 101
85. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail... 101
86. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail... 102
87. Kana Sansetsu, "Vimalakirti" , '" .. 102
88. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail... 103
89. Kana Sansetsu, "Vimalakirti," detail......... 103
90. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail... 103
91. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail... 104
92. Mikuma Katen, Kinsei kijin-den, detail. " . ... .. . 104
93. School ofKana Eitoku, "Chinese Immortals," detail... ... ... 137
94. Bada Shanren, "Holy Mother Manuscript" transcription, detail. .. ... . 137
95. Bada Shanren, "Holy Mother Manuscript" transcription......... 137
96. Bada Shanren, "Holy Mother Manuscript" transcription, detaiL.. 138
97. Bada Shanren, Four Tang Poems, detaiL.. 138
98. Iwasa Matabei, "The Transcendent Lady Nongyu"... ... ... ... ... . 139
99. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces of'mmortals and Buddhas, detail... 139
100. IwasaMatabei, "The Transcendent Lady Nongyu," detaiL..... ... ..... 140
101. Iwasa Matabei, "Scrolls ofLegendary Chinese and... ," detail......... 140
. 102. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail... 140
103. Sesson Shukei, "The Daoist Immortal Lu Dongbin" ... ... .. . ... ... ... 141
104. lwasa Matabei, "Luofu Xian '" .,. 141
105. lwasa Matabei, "The Transcendent Lady Nongyu," detaiL.. 141
106. Iwasa Matabei, "Luofu Xian," detail...... .... .. ... ...... ... .... .. ... 141
107. Kana Sansetsu, "The Transcendents Gama and Tekkai," detail... .. 142
108. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail... 142
109. Kana Sansetsu, "The Transcendents Gama and Tekkai," detaiL.. ... .. 142
110. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail... 142
111. Kana Sansetsu, Screens with Paintings ofChinese Immortals, detail 143
112. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail 143
113. Kana Sansetsu, Screens with Paintings ofChinese Immortals, detail 143
114. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail 143
115. Kana Sansetsu, Screens with Paintings ofChinese Immortals, detail 144
116. Wang Qi and Wang Siyi Collected Illustrations ofthe ... , detaiL.. ... . 144
117. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail 144
118. Kana Sansetsu, Screens with Paintings ofChinese Immortals, detail 145
119. Kana Sansetsu, "Immortals," detail... ... ... ... ... .... .. ... ... ... ... ... ... . 145
120. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail 145
121. Wang Qi and Wang Siyi Collected Illustrations ofthe ... , detail...... 145
122. Kana Sansetsu, "Immortals," detaiL.. .. . ... ... .. . ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... . 146
123. Ita Jakuchu, "The Transcendent Li Tieguai".. . ... ... ... ... ... ... 146
124. Ita Jakuchu, "The Transcendent Liu Haichan"... 146
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116 Jakuchu, "Portrait ofBaisao" .
Ito Jakuchu, "Crane" '" ..
Ito Jakuchu, "Golden Pheasants in Snow" .
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," right screen ,. '" .. , , .
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," right screen, detail .
Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail
Iwasa Matabei, "Scrolls ofLegendary Chinese and ," detaiL .
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," right screen, detaiL .
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," right screen, detaiL .
Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail
Soga Shohaku, "Saiweng Raising His Horse and ," detaiL .
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," right screen, detaiL .
Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail
Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left screen ..
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left screen, detail. .
Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left screen, detaiL .
Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left screen, detail. .
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left screen, detail. .
Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail
Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left screen, detail. ..
Soga Shohaku, "The Recluse Lin Hejing with Cranes," detaiL .
Soga Shohaku, "The Recluse Lin Hejing with Cranes," detail .
Nagasawa Rosetsu, ''Xiwangmu, Female Sage" .
Maruyama Okyo, "Xiwangmu, Dragon, and Tiger," detaiL .
Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Iu Citong, Child Becomes Immortal" .
Copy of Toriyama Sekien, The Illustrated Night Parade , detail. ..
Nagasawa Rosetsu, "M01mt Horai, Island ofIrnmortality" .
U K · hi, "L' Ha' h "tagawa umyos 1U 1C an .
Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "Takiyasha and Her Brother Yoshikado " .
Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "Takiyasha and Her Brother ," detaiL .
Utagawa Kunisada, "The Double Mirror ofModem Makeup" .
Utagawa Kunisada, "The Double Mirror ofModem Makeup," detail
Copy after Guanxiu, "Arhats" ..
Copy after Guanxiu, "Arhats" ..
Copy after Guanxiu, "Arhats" ..
Van Hui (attr.), "Hanshan and Shide" .
Van Hui (attr.), "Hanshan and Shide" .
Liu Joo (attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan " '"
Liu Joo (attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan " .
Liu Joo (attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan " .
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168. Liu Joo(attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan " ... ... ... 180
169. Liu Jun (attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan ," detail 181
170. Liu Joo(attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan ," detail 181
171. Liu Jun (attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan ," detail 181
172. Liu Joo (attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan ," detail 181
173. Shang Xi, "Four Immortals Honoring the God ofLongevity" , 182
174. Shang Xi, "Four Immortals Honoring the God ofLongevity," detail· 182
175. Shang Xi, "Four Immortals Honoring the God ofLongevity," detail 182
176. Shang Xi, "Four Immortals Honoring the God ofLongevity," detail 182
177. Shang Xi, "Four Immortals Honoring the God ofLongevity," detail 182
178. Shang Xi, "Four Immortals Honoring the God ofLongevity," detail 182
179. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, detail 183
180. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail 183
181. Bada Shanren, seal with artist name ofShide. .. .. . ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... 183
182. Bada Shanren, artist's signatures as Shide... ... ... .. . ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... 183
183, Bada Shanren, "Landscapes," detail....................................... 184
184. Kana Sansetsu, "Hanshan and Shide"... ... ... ... ... ... . .. ... ... ... ... ... . 184
185. Kana Sansetsu, "The Tmnscendents Li Tieguai and Lui... ," detail... 185
186. Ito Jakuchu, "Hanshan and Shide".... .. .. .... ..... .... .... .. ... ...... .. ... 185
187. Ita Jakuchu, "The Two Tmnscendents Li Tieguai and Lui Haichan" 185
188. Ita Jakuchu, "The Two Tmnscendents Li Tieguai and Lui Haichan" 185
189. Ito Jakuchu, "Shakyamooi Triptych," detaiL............................. 186
190. Ito Jakuchu, "Shakyamooi Triptych," detaiL............................ 186
191. Soga Shahaku, "Immortals," detail.. , .. . ... ... . 186
192. Soga Shahaku, "Immortals Tieguai and Xiama," detail... 186
193. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide," detaiL.. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 187
194. 80ga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide," detaiL.. 187
195. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals:' detail '" 187
196. Soga Shahaku, "The Immortal Tieguai," detaiL.. ... ... ... ... ... .. . ... 188
197. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide," detail... .. . ... .. . ... .. . ... 189
198. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide," detaiL..... ... 189
199. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshanand Shide" (folding screen)... 190
200. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide"(folding screen)... 190
201. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide" (folding screen), detaiL.. 190
202. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide" (scrolls), detail. ,. ... ... 190
203. Soga Shahaku, "Laozi and Landscapes," detaiL.. ... ... ... ... ... ... .. 190
204. Soga Shahaku, "Immortals," detail... ... ... ... .. . .. . ... ... .. . ... ... .. . .. 191
205. Liu Joo (attr.), "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan... ," detail 191
206. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide" (folding screen), detaiL.. 192
207. Soga Shahaku, "Hanshan and Shide" (folding screen), detaiL.. 192
208. Shangguan Zhou, Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall, detail... 192
209. Soga Shahaku, "Immortals," detail... 192
210. Soga Shahaku, "Immortals Tieguai and Xiama," detail... .. . .. . .. 193
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Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Folding Screen with Figure Painting" .
Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Hanshan and Shide" .
Kishida Ryftsei, diary sketches from March 1923 .
Bada Shanren, ''Landscapes,'' detail ..
Kish'd R" . "s . B . . E K". 1 a yusel, pnng egms m astern yoto .
Kishida Ryftsei, diary sketch from December 1923 " .
Unidentified artist, "Hikone screen" .
Unidentified artist, ''Hikone screen," detaiL .
Unidentified artist, "Hikone screen," detaiL .
Unidentified artist, ''Hikone screen," detaiL .
Kishida Ryftsei, "Reiko Playing the Shamisen" ..
K · h'd R" . "Dan' Gi 1"IS I a yusel, CUlg r .
Unidentified artist, "Male and Female Dancers," detail .
Suzuki Harunobu, "Amorous Overtones" .
Yamamura Toyonari, "Ichikawa Danshiro II as Henmei Tesshinai"
Hishikawa Moronobu, "A Young Man Dallying with a Courtesan"
Torii Kiyonobu I, "Lady Sannomiya" , .
Hishikawa Moronobu, "The Tale ofOeyama," detaiL .. '" .
Torii Kiyonobu I, "Three Actors in an Unidentified Play " .
Unidentified artist, ''Bathhouse Girls" .
Kishida Ryftsei, "Portrait ofReiko (Reiko at Age Five)" .
Photograph ofKishida Reiko '" .
Kishida Ryftsei, "Seated Reiko (Wearing a Shibori-Style Kimono)"
Kishida Ryftsei, "Smiling Reiko (Holding a Fruit)" .
Kishida Ryftsei, "A Little Girl (Standing Reiko)" .
Ki h 'd R" . "Three A I "S I a yusel, pp es .
Kishida Ryftsei, "Seated Reiko (Seated Reiko Holding a Doll)" .
Kishida Ryftsei, Design for cover ofFriendship .
Kishida Ryftsei, "Double Portrait ofReiko (Little Girls Fixing )" .
Yan Hui (attr.), "Hanshan and Shide," detaiL ..
Kishida Ryftsei, "Little Girl" .
Francisco Goya, "Two Women" ("Two Young People ") .
Francisco Goya, "Two Women" (IITwo Young People "), detaiL .
Yan Hui (attr.), "Hanshan and Shide," detaiL ..
Kishida Ryftsei, "Portrait ofReiko in the Guise ofHanshan" .
K · h'd R" . "P . fR'k As S' "IS I a yusel, ortralts 0 el 0 at e Ixteen ..
Kishida Ryftsei, "Portraits ofReiko at Age Sixteen ..
Photo ofKishida Reiko , .
Kishida Reiko, "SelfPortrait" .
Kana Sansetsu, "Hanshan and Shide" .
Kishida Ryftsei, "Feeling Is Detachment" , ..
Toshika, "Parody of 'The Four Sleepers"' ..
Toshika, "Parody of 'The Four Sleepers,'" detail. ..
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Kishida Ryilsei, Title page ofRy(tsei:SO Collected Works .
K· h'd R" . "T" H . "IS 1 a yusel, ogaan ennltage .
Kishida Ryilsei, Title page ofThree Dramasfor Children .
Kishida Ryilsei, "Reiko Mandala" ,.. ,.
Kishida Ryilsei, Title page ofThree Dramasfor Children, detail. .
Kishida Ryilsei, "Reiko Mandala," detaiL .. '" '" .
Li Di, "Hunting Dog" " ..
Kishida Ryilsei, "White Dog" .
Kishida Ryilsei, "A Long Life to the Age of Seven Hundred" .
N R "F' .p""agasawa ose1su, 19ure among .
Kishida Ryilsei, "Hanshan and Shide" .
Kishida Ryilsei, "Hanshan and Shide," detaiL .
Kishida Ryilsei, "Hanshan and Shide" .
Kishida Ryilsei, "Hanshan and Shide," detaiL .
Kishida Ryilsei, "A Long Life to the Age ofSeven Hundred," detail
George Akiyama, Derorin-man, vol. 1, detaiL .
George Akiyama, Derorin-man, vol. 2, detaiL .
Nara Yoshitomo, "Nice to See You Again" .
Kishida Ryilsei, "A Little Girl (Standing Reiko)" .
Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "Famous Sites in the Eastern Capital. .. " ..
Nara Yoshitomo, "Full Moon Night" ..
Murakami Takash~ "Doves and Hawks," detail. ..
Kane Sansetsu, ~~Pheasant in a Plum Tree" .
Murakami Takashi, "Red Rope" ..
Yan Hui (attr.), "Hanshan and Shide" .
Yan Hui (attr.), "Hanshan and Shide" .
Peter Stockhaus, "Kazuo 0000: I Dance into the Light," film still .
Hosoe Eike, "Kazuo Ohno Breathing in the Spirit ofSoga " .
Ohno Kazuo, "Way ofHeaven, Way ofEarth," sketch ..
Soga Shehaku, "Ogress under Willow Tree," detaiL ..
Soga Shehaku, ''Lions at the Stone Bridge ofMount Tendai" .
Soga Shehaku, "Hanshan and Shide" ; ..
Soga Shehaku, "Hanshan and Shide" ..
V1l1
245
245
246
246
247
247
247
248
248
248
249
249
250
250
250
258
258
258
258
259
259
260
260
260
260
260
261
261
261
262
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262
262
LIST OF TABLES
Table Number Page
1. As f etE ' 'ty"peets 0 CcentrlCI .. , .. , .. ' ..... , .. , .. , .. , .. , ..... , .. , .. , , , , .. , ., , ... , .. ,
IX
27
Acknowledgements
The research on which this thesis is based would not have been possible without
the generous financial support ofthe Seattle Art Museum's Asian Art Council, and
especially that ofMr. Griffith Way and the other distinguished members ofthe
Blakemore Foundation..My ability to confidently read and evaluate source materials that
would have otherwise left me bewildered is thanks entirely to the continual guidance and
encouragement ofthe faculty at the Inter-University Center for Japanese Studies in
Yokohama City, Japan, particularly Ms. Tsukasa Sato, Ms. Kiyomi Kushida, Ms. Yiika
Inamoto, and Mr. Tomotaro Akizawa. Thanks to the trust and flexibility of the museum
staffat Tokyo National University ofFine Arts and Music, particularly that ofMr.
Satoshi Takayanagi and Mr. Hiroshi Kumazawa, several high-quality photographs ofa
relatively obscure artwork, Kano Sansetsu's "Cultivation Screens of the Four Seasons,"
are included here - images that playa vital role in this research. Many thanks also to the
members ofmy thesis committee, including Dr. Michiyo Morioka, Professor Patricia
Failing, and particularly to my advisor, Professor Cynthea Bogel, for offering me their
time, insight, and criticism as I developed my ideas. Above all, I would like to
acknowledge my mother, my father, and my wife, whose encouragement, patience, and
humor over the past several years have been an endless fount ofstrength for me.
x
Dedication
This research is dedicated to those artists who disregard tradition,
cast away inhibitions, defy taboos, and risk alienation in an attempt to
transcend the jolly ojcommon society.
Xl
1Introduction
In the wake ofseveral extraordinarily popular Japanese art exhibitions mounted at the
beginning ofthe 21 at century,l the artists known as "eccentrics" (Jpn: kijin ~A) and the
"eccentricity" (Jpn: kiso ~m) they allegedly embody have received critical attention by
art historians. The term "eccentricity" has been widely used alongside such synonyms as
"individualism" (Jpn: kojinshugi 1lIA:i:.) since the 1960s as a way ofdescribing in
general terms both the unconventional nature ofparticular Japanese artists, particularly
those active during the Edo period (1600-1868), and the work that they produced.
Scholars seem to strongly disagree about a precise definition of"eccentricity," however:
some focus upon the artists' use ofexotic art techniques, others emphasize the artists'
1 These include, among others, the Jakuchft exhibition at the Kyoto National Museum (Kyoto kokuritsu
hakubutsukan) in 2000, the Rosetsu exhibition held at both the Chiba City Museum (Chiba-shi bijutsukan)
and the Wakayama Prefectural Museum (Wakayama kenritsu hakubutsukan) in 2000, and the ShOhaku
exhibition at the Kyoto National Museum in 2005. Seethe following three sources: ItO Jakuchft -&t.~~.
Jakuchu: tokubetsu tenrankai botsugo 20()..nen: bunkazai hogohO 5()..nen kinenjigyo=JakuchUl W~~:
*"JjIJJi.~T3tfi 200 &:f : X{I:jl;t~.~ 50 &:ffB~.~ JakuchftlJ (Kyoto: Kyoto kokuritsu
hakubutsukan, 2000); NagasawaRosetsu ;!l~.'t Tsuji Nobuo, 00.. Nagasawa Rosetsu: botsugo 200­
nen kinen r!i:.iI~ : T3tfi 200 &:fta~J . (Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, 2000); and Soga ShOhaku
.;f.t.S. Burai to iuyuetsu: tolatbetsu tenrankai (ShOhalat Show) U~.~ 11' ?~II#. : *,JjIJJi.~
(ShOhaku Show)J . (Kyoto: Kyoto Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, 2(05). In addition, Murakami Takashi's
exhibitions from 2000 through 200l, held at various venues including the Los Angeles Museum of
Contemporary Art, the Walker Art Center, the Museum ofFine Arts in Boston, and the Henry Art Gallery
in Seattle, contained numerous references to Japanese eccentric art. See Murakami Takashi::ftJ:.1Si.
Supeiflat W.A~·I'~~7 '7 "Y 1-J . Translated by Ted Mack. (Tokyo: Madra Publishing Co., Ltd., 2(00).
2creative thought process, and still others discuss the bizarre social behavior that the artists
constantly display. This thesis critiques these definitions and attempts to identify the
underlying characteristics of"eccentric art" as a distinct art genre.
After decades of little more than a superficial, sensational understanding about
eccentricity, a number offundamental questions remain unresolved. What degree of
historical cachet do the term kiso and its synonyms possess? Since their earliest known
usage, how have these terms been defined, and what alternative definition might more
accurately reflect the goals ofthe artists? Perhaps the question that vexes art historians
the most is whether "eccentric artists" may be grouped according to an aesthetic or
ideology. This thesis addresses such questions and proposes a new interpretation of
Japanese eccentric art. Although the current art historical literature defines the genre of
Japanese eccentric art in myriad ways, early East Asian writings on eccentricity in
tandem with the imagery produced by eccentric artists reveal an underlying glorification
of idiosyncratic behavior based upon the teachings of religious Daoism, thereby
indicating that the artists freely chose and actively fostered their reputations as
"eccentrics.,,2
The first two chapters of this study challenge several assumptions underlying the
current literature about the established art historical genre ofeccentric art. Chapter One
will introduce some ofthe most influential writings on the subject since the late 18th
2 The use of the term "religious Oaoism" is standard in the fields of art history, religion and East Asian
studies, and is typically meant to distinguish the earliest centuries ofOaoist practices in China from Oaoism
after ca. fifth century, when Oaoists fU'St used the term daojiao ()lif(, lit, "Oaoist teaching" or "Oaoist
religion") to describe their tradition. See Little, Stephen. Taoism and the Arts o/China (Chicago: Art
Institute ofChicago; Berkeley: In association with University of Califomia Press, 2000), 16-17; as well as
my discussion in Chapter Three.
3century, with particular attention to Tsuji Nobuo's landmark study Kiso no keifu W~~
Q)*mu (The Lineage ofEccentricity) and the six artists with whom it deals: Iwasa
Matabei (~~J<.~. , 1578 -1650), Kano Sansetsu (f;f!lfI1t~ , 1590 -1651), Ito
Jakuchu ({jt.iJitr~ , 1716-1800), Soga Shohaku (1t~~f13 , 1730-1781), Nagasawa
Rosetsu (!t~~~ , 1754-1799), and Utagawa Kuniyoshi (IXJIlOO;r, 1797-1861).
Tsuji and other contemporary authors have implied that the artists were motivated by no
common ideology; as a direct refutation ofthis claim, Chapter Two focuses upon visual
evidence that these artists were both aware ofand inspired by the accomplishments of
their eccentric predecessors and contemporaries in both China and Japan. This chapter
will not only address the six artists in Tsuji's study but also two Chinese painters, Bada
Shanren (JI...* I1t A; 1625-ca. 1705) and Shangguan Zhou (J:'i!}i!ij; 1665-1750), whose
work indicates that the Japanese tradition of eccentricity originated in continental Asia.
The appendix ofthis thesis provides a full translation ofTsuji's study, which may be of
interest to art historians, cultural theorists, and historians.
The next three chapters ofthis thesis explore an ideology that influenced the pre­
modern concept ofeccentricity, the teachings associated during various historical periods
with religious Daoism. Chapter Three explores the earliest known Japanese text on
eccentricity, Kinsei kijin-den rilI1it~A~~ (Biographies ofEccentrics from the Early
Modem Era), written in 1790 by Ban Kokei ({-*Ili.l; 1733-1806) and Mikuma Katen (.::.
tm1EM; 1730-1794), and focuses upon its many references to the Daoist glorification of
eccentric individuals and their behavior. Among the various Daoist texts that may have
4inspired Kokei and Katen, Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas (Ch: Xianfo qizong,
WfUJfk.i*~ ), an enormous, three-volume book written and illustrated in 1602 by
Hong Yingming (rJtJJjijfj; late 16th c. - early 17th c.), must have been readily available to
the authors since several of the eccentric artists discussed by Tsuji appropriated images
from it.
Chapter Four further investigates the many works with Daoist subject matter that
were produced by these artists and proposes that the artists subscribed to a definition of
eccentricity based upon ancient religious Daoist beliefs, according to which the artists'
own idiosyncratic personalities and artistic styles were celebrated as signs oftheir
spiritual enlightenment. Since Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas describes the
eccentric Chinese monk-poet Hanshan *U-l (Jpn: Kanzan) as not only a bodhisattva but
also an immortal, Chapter Five reviews the many portraits ofHanshan and his companion
Shide f€t~ (Jpn: Jittoku) produced by these artists, positing that such images are further
evidence that the artists embraced a Daoist interpretation ofeccentricity.
The final chapter and conclusion ofthis thesis assert that, long after the end ofthe
Edo period and contrary to the assertions ofcertain contemporary scholars, the concept of
eccentricity continued to thrive among Japanese artists. Among them was one who
succeeded to some extent in articulating the Daoist basis for the genre ofeccentric art.
Chapter Six features the Taisho painter and art historian Kishida Ryftsei (W: a:J"J1:.,
1891-1929), who not only produced images ofHanshan, Shide, and more widely
recognized Daoist immortals but also wrote extensively about lwasa Matabei, Bada
Shanren, and the aesthetics underlying the genre of eccentric art. In closing, several
contemporary Japanese artists who have found the history ofeccentric art to be a source
ofartistic inspiration are introduced, leaving the reader to ponder whether these artists
ought to be recognized as heirs to the lineage ofDaoist eccentricity.
5
6Chapter One:
Current Literature on Japanese Eccentric Art
The genre known as kijin-den (biographies about eccentrics) in the field ofJapanese
literature is commonly believed to have originated with Kinsei kijin-den, written by Ban
Kokei (1733-1806), illustrated by Mikuma Katen (1730-94), and originally published in
Kyoto in 1790.1 The five-volumes ofthe book offer portraits of roughly one hundred
historical figures representing a wide range ofsocio-economic ranks and occupations.
Though only a small handful ofartists are included, such as the painters Ike no Taiga
(1723-76) and Yanagisawa Kien (1704-58), they are also, at least to modem readers,
among the most well-known.
The designation ofKinsei kijin-den as the earliest collection ofbiographies about
eccentrics regretfully overlooks the literary sources upon which Kokei and Katen so
heavily relied. The most influential ofthese sources was Okinagusa, a text by Kanzawa
Toko (1710-95) that, although undated, is believed to have preceded Kokei's work. Mori
Senzo (~~:::::, 1895-1985) has identified several biographical sketches in Okinagusa,
including those ofIshino Gonbei and his younger brother Ichibei, that he believes Kokei
1 Ban K6kei #1i~ and Mori Senz6 ~!lrk:=:. Kinsei kijin den Wiatt.A.=~ .(Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten,
1973),3.
7appropriated with little or no alteration.2 As discussed in Chapter Three, the themes, .
illustrations, and layout design ofKinsei kijin-den further display the clear influence of
the Chinese text Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas.
The characters ofKinsei kijin-den are often believed to embody what shall be
described in this thesis as "intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity:" social behavior that
fundamentally deviates from established norms in ways that transcend the understanding
ofordinary people. As indicated by the term "intrinsic," those who subscribe to this view
of eccentricity assume that such behavior is the result ofbiological or otherwise
uncontrollable factors and that the individual's awareness ofhis or her deviancy is
extremely limited. One biography that seems to clearly encourage an interpretation of
"intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity" is that ofthe couple Ike no Taiga and Gyokuran.
(Figure 1.) The vast majority ofTaiga's biography is a collection ofanecdotes that
illustrate bizarre and comical aspects ofthe artist's personality. On one occasion, he
neglected to bring his brush on a journey to Nanba Province, so his wife Gyokuran
followed after him with the forgotten item. When she eventually caught up with him,
however, her husband appeared not to recognize her and, addressing her as a stranger,
thanked her for the brush and walked away. In another instance, Taiga visited the
residence ofa lord in Edo. The artist lamented missing the mikoshi-arai festival that was
being held on that day in the Gion district ofKyoto and decided to reenact the event for
the benefit ofhis companions. He crudely constructed a doll out ofscrap paper, lit a
torch, and marched throughout the manor with the torch, singing boisterously. When
2 Ibid, S.
8Taiga refused to stop such wild behavior, the lord immediately banished him from the
manor, a punishment that the artist accepted cheerfully.3
Kokei was not the first to immortalize these stories and thereby label Taiga as an .
eccentric. When the artist died of illness in 1776, Daiten (1719.1801), the abbot of
Shokokuji temple, inscribed the following risshi poem on his gravestone at Jokoji temple
cemetery, which Kokei quotes in his biography ofTaiga:
His kimonofell into tatters, and he was satisfied with his disheveled hair.
The things he said approached Zen [enlightenment], and in his appearance,
he resembled a mountain hermit. He abandoned the world, but he sincerely
wanted to rescue it, and he was extremely content with poverty. His room
wasfilled with calligraphy andpaintings,. and there was only a small
amount ofspace in which to sit down, but when he hada good view, he
played the shamisen and enjoyed himsel.f. No one understood his
unfathomable soul. Only his name was passed on to the world of
calligraphy andpainting.4
Although these anecdotes and testimonials indeed seem to support the
understanding ofTaiga's "eccentricity" as intrinsic and behavioral, doubts remain about
whether Ban Kokei and Mikuma Katen themselves interpreted his "eccentricity" in this
way. In Chapter Three, Kinsei kijin-den will be reinterpreted according to·a Daoist
methodology, which evidence suggests is quite consistent with Kokei's and Katen's
personal views on eccentricity. Nevertheless, the phenomenal commercial success of
3 Murakami Mamon! ftJ:ii. Ban K6kei sen autosaidQ 119-nin kinsei kijinden W{*It'ftt1Jtr? l' -lj-.{ -Y
---119 Aili:1it$f)v~J . Tokyo: Hanbai ky6ikusha Shuppan SAbisu, 1981), 293·300.
4 Ibid, 300.
9Kinsei kijin-den soon prompted a veritable flood ofother kijin-den that further
perpetuated the popular view of"intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity."s
Modem Artistic Interpretations ofKlnsei Kijin-den
and the Development ofTenninology about Eccentricity
From the beginning ofthe Meiji period (1868-1912) through the first half ofthe
20lh century, K6kei's enduring popularity gave rise to several collaborative art projects
that paid tribute to eccentrics. In April 1893, a group of literati in Nagoya held an
exhibition ofquotes from the Kinsei kijin-den that they themselves had written by hand.
Among the participating artists was Tomioka Tessai (1836-1924), who submitted several
works, such as the hanging scroll "Henmts and Eccentrics," a menagerie ofcharacters
including Ike no Taiga and Gyokuran (Figures 2-3). In addition to these paintings, Tessai
also assisted in the production ofthe exhibition catalog, designing the table ofcontents
and title page, writing the introduction, and drawing the illustrations.
Numerous dramas regarding K6kei's eccentrics were produced around this time
as well,6 including "Kinsei kijin-den," a light comedy by Tsubo'uchi Sh6y6 (1859-1935)
sK6kei and Katen published a sequel, Continued Biographies ofEccentrics in the Early Modem Era (Zoku
kinsei kijin-den,), 1798). Satires of their original worlc include Origin ofthe Tea ofVengeance (Kataki-uchi
sencha no hajimari, 1805) and Biographies ofBeauties and the Sound ofthe Koto (Kinsei bijin-den ~J!lf~
Afzi, 1816) both by Sant6 KyMen (1761-1816). Kijin-den written in hentai !canbun (a Japanese variation
ofclassical Chinese) include Biographies ofThree Famous Masters (Sanmei shiten, 1828) by Nagano
HOzan (1783·1837), Kinsei Sago (1838) and Zoku Kinsei SOgo (1845) by Tsunoda Kyillca (1783·1855),
Yashi (n.d.) by lida Tadahiko (1799-1860), K6koku Meiiden (1851) by Asada SOhaku (1813.94), and
Kinsei Ijinden (1877) by Gamd Keitei (1833-1901). In the field ofpoetry, works inspired by Kdkei's and
Katen's publication include Songs ofthe Eccentrics (Kijin 'ei, 1798) by Okada Shinsen (1737-99), One
Hundred Wa!ca Poems about Eccentrics (Hyakunin isshu kijin, 1852) by Ryokutei SenryO (1787-1858), and
Shinobu Noya!cashO (n.d.) TachibanaAkemi (1812-1868). See Mon, 5-7.
10
that focuses upon Yanagisawa Kien and Ike no Taiga. The casual air of this piece that
Sh8y8 finally staged in July 1929 belies the author's initial, ambitious goals, the period of
ten years over which he intermittently revised the.script, and the efforts ofhis colleague,
the historian Mitamura Engy8 (1870-1952), to research the character's lifestyles and
domestic circumstances.7
Shoyo is cited in the Nihon kokugo daijiten dictionary for the earliest known
usage and possible coinage ofthe tenn kiso ~~, which since the late 20th century has
become extremely prevalent in literature on Japanese eccentric art.8 Though the word is
now commonly translated as "eccentricity," an analysis of these early usages indicates a
slightly different meaning. In his celebrated exposition on modem literature, The
Essence ofthe Novel (Shosetsu shinzui, 1885-6), the author states:
... the heart ofa novel is entirely its emotional resonance. The novel must
skillfUlly weave together human emotions with a thread ofprofound kiso. It
bears the responsibility ofbeautifully weaving together limitless, unusual
sources in order to create equally infinite effects, to paintan image, and to
reveal what the reader longs to !mow, such as the mysteries ofcausation in
this world.9
The next known appearance ofthe tenn is in a work by Takahama Kyoshi (1874-1959),
one ofthe Meiji-era novelists towards whom Shoyo's book was directed. In Haikai Poet
6 Ibid, 6. These dramas include "GionHyakug6," (n.d) by Takayasu Gekk6 (1868-1944), which portrayed
Gyokuran and her mother, "The Individual Izenb6" ("Kojin Izenb6," n.d.) by Nunami Keion (1877-1927),
and "Ike no Taiga the Eccentric" ("Kijin Taigad6," 1927) by Tsumura Ky6son (1893-1937).
7 Tsubo'uchi Sh6y6 Pl'Ji'J~'ii, Kinsel kijin-den sono ta Irilriit.A{t.:t(J)ft!!.J . (Tokyo: Tokyodo, 1931),
194-200.
8 Nihonkokugodaijiten nl*IEHf*~AJ .VolumeS. (Sh6gakukan, 1976),595.
9 Tsubo'uchi Sh6yo, ShOsetsu shinzui Ir,Nli*'f:1IU . (Tokyo: Iwanami bunk6, 1936), 31-2.
11
(Haikai-shi, 1909), Kyoshi describes the interaction between the protagonist and his
students:
As always, when our conversation comes to a halt, he writes another verse.
Today Mizuki struggles with unusualdiligence, but he nevertheless seems
unable to compose smoothly. It takes him about two hours, and upon
looking at the finished products, they'rejust terrible, as ifsomeone else had
written them. When Mikura asks me which 0/them are good, I indicate a
few, saying, "Among all, these are the best." Actually, though, the poems
lack thekiso they usually have, and they become mired in places that
ordinarily would notpresentdifficult to [Mizuki].10
Particularly noteworthy aspects ofthese two quotes are their literary contexts and the fact
that kiso is defined as a stylistic quality rather than a personality trait. Accordingly, the
kiso ofShoyo and Kyoshi can be glossed specifically as odd, whimsical ingenuity
displayed in the production o/prose orpoetry.
By the interwar period, the term kiso had transcended the context of literature and
was being used in the discussion ofvisual art. History 0/Japanese Painting in the Early
Modem Era (Nihon kaiga kinsei-shi, 1944) by Wakita Hidetaro (1906-81) discusses a
painting by Nagasawa Rosetsu (1754-1799) in the following way:
"Mount Horai" in the coOection o/Morikawa Yusho o/Hiroshima: Some
paintings by Rosetsu,filled with brilliant kiso, are slightly too wildand
fierce, but this picture has a witty composition and brushwork as well as a
refreshing lightheartedness. This is particularly evident in such elements as
his Peculiar depiction o/waves at the bottom that disp~"i' his manual
dexterity yetmaintain an eternally stylish appearance.}
10 Takahama Kyoshi ifliMJiI.:r. Haikai-shi r~~fieijjJ In Teihon Takahama Kyoshi zenshU r~*jfj71Jil
-=f~~IU .Volume 5. (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbunsha, 1974),235.
11 Wakita Hidetar6 11S3~*~~. Nihon kaiga kinseishi rI=l *~iIi)[filt5t:.J . (Osaka: 5Mbunkan, 1944),
261.
12
Wakita's use ofthe term kiso seems generally consistent with that ofShoyo and Kyoshi;
it again describes odd, whimsical ingenuity. Ironically, this quote appears in a chapter
about the Maruyama-Shijo school ofpainting. While an earlier chapter entitled "Three
Unusual Geniuses of the Mid-Edo Period" discusses the work ofSoga Shohaku (1730­
1781) and It6 Jakuchii (1716-1800), they are referred to with other expressions connoting
eccentricity such as kiheki ~. and kishu~•.12 Not until the 1960s, it seems, was kiso
used to demarcate eccentric art as a distinct genre, a phenomenon similar to the
appearance ofthe term "Zen art" in Europe and the United States a few decades earlier.
"The Eccentricity ofKuniyoshi"
Suzuki Jtizo's (b. 1919) article "The Eccentricity ofKuniyoshi" ("Kuniyoshi no
kiso"), published in the art journal Hoshun in August 1965, played a significant role in
reviving the discussion ofJapanese eccentric art in the era following the Pacific War.
Suzuki proposes an understanding ofeccentricity quite unlike that ofBan K6kei.
Denoted here as "technical eccentricity," Suzuki's use ofthe term kiso is strictly limited
to the field of fine art and focuses upon the adoption ofunconventional and exotic art
techniques that later enjoyed popularity among practitioners ofyoga (western-style oil
painting) halfa century later.
According to Suzuki's article, one indication ofKuniyoshi's "technical
eccentricity" is his experimentation and ultimate command of linear perspective. As an
early example ofone ofthe artist's earliest attempts to employ it, Suzuki presents
12 Ibid. 246-252.
13
"Dmiya Akihiko" (Figure 4), which depicts a courtesan relaxing in an interior setting and
bathing in the moonlight that streams in through a latticed window. 13 The shadow ofthe
figure cast upon the tatami has an ordinary shape, but the shadow ofthe window lattice
behind her radiates dramatically as ifthe moon were mere meters away. In contrast to
this ambitious yet awkwardly constructed image, Suzuki next describes "Chushingura,
Scene 11: the Night Raid" (Figure 5), which, though produced only a few years later,
displays a much more thorough understanding ofthe rules ofwestern perspective. The
horizon line has been lowered, and architectural structures are convincingly shown
receding towards a single vanishing point on the horizon. "The combination offigures
portrayed in the conventional Utagawa ukiyo-e style with a western-style draftsmanship,"
Suzuki notes, "displays a bizarre fusion and radiates a particular exoticism.,,14 As an
artist trained in the Utagawa school, one might argue, Kuniyoshi's use of "an ukiyo-e
style" is inevitable; what Suzuki is primarily concerned with is the artist's interest in
western methods ofart production.
Another aspect that Suzuki finds indicative ofKuniyoshi's "bountiful
eccentricity" was the artist's revolutionary approach to pictorial format. From the K6ka
era (1844-48) through the early Kaei era (1848-54), Kuniyoshi produced 6ban triptychs,
but rather than dividing the imagery so that each sheet could be appreciated as an
independent image, as print artists had customarily done up until that time, he stretched a
single, panoramic scene across all three sheets. To further accentuate the dramatic
13 The following six paragraphs are a summary of Suzuki Jftz() ~*:I:'=:, "Kuniyoshi no kis6," r~~(J)*
mJ ,Hoshun W'ilJiJfJ 145 (August 1965): 1-6.
14 Ibid, 2.
14
grandeur ofthese works, Kuniyoshi included within that scene an enormous·object that
by itselfspanned multiple sheets. In "The Rescue ofMinamoto no Tametomo by
Goblins" (Figure 6), for example, Kuniyoshi extends the image ofa monstrous alligator­
shark (Jpn: wanizane) across the entire picture plane. Suzuki refers to this format as
"wide-screen" (Jpn: waido sukuriin), making obvious reference to a dominant art form in
modem western culture.
In his constant search for novel imagery that he could incorporate into his works
and shock his viewers, Kuniyoshi drew upon various visual sources from both Europe
and Japan. The silhouettes ofvengeful ghosts that fill the night sky in the background of
"The Ghosts ofthe Heike at Daimotsu-no-ura" ("Daimotsu no Ura Heike no bOrei,"
Figure 7) were derived from "Twilight," a scene in The Illustrated Night Parade 0/
Demons (Hyakki YaM, Figure 8), designed by Toriyama Sekien (1712-1788) and
originally published sometime in the late 18th century. Nevertheless, Suzuki maintains,
Kuniyoshi's depiction, bolstered by his command ofwestern art techniques, far surpassed
the imagination ofhis predecessors.
The Lineage ofEccentricity
In late 1968, upon the heels ofSuzuki's "The Eccentricity ofKuniyoshi" came a
series ofarticles by Tsuji Nobuo (b. 1932) entitled The Lineage o/Eccentricity (Jpn: Kiso
no keifu). Expanded and published as a single volume the following year, this work.
15
quickly developed its reputation as a seminal study ofJaPanese eccentric art. 1S In the
book's conclusion, the author lists several artists who he believes share a similar artistic
sensibility: Sesson (b. 1504), Kano Eitoku (1543-1590), Tawaraya Sotatsu (active ca.
1602-30), Ogata Korin (1658-1716), Hakuin Ekaku (1685-1768), Ike Taiga (1723-76),
Uragami Gyokudo (1745-1820), Okada Beisanjin (1744-1820), Toshusai Sharaku (act. ca.
1794), and Katsushika Hokusai (1760-1849).16 As archetypical kijin representative of
these various artists, Tsuji mainly focuses upon six individuals: the painters Iwasa
Matabei (1578 -1650), Kano Sansetsu (1590 -1651), Ito Jakuchu, Soga Shohaku, and
Nagasawa Rosetsu (1754-1799), as well as the print artist Utagawa Kuniyoshi (1797-
1861).
Regarding his definition ofthe term kiso, Tsuji states:
... after searching here and therefor a precise term that would accurately
throw into reliefthe personality trait commonly shared by [the artists
discussed in this book], I stumbled upon the work kiso which, regardless of
the degree ofeccentricity [Jpn: ekisentorikku], encompasses all ofthosejree,
original ideas that tear away at the huskofartistic convention.17
Though "free, original ideas that tear away at the husk ofartistic convention" closely
parallels the odd, whimsical ingenuity about which Shoyo, Kyoshi, and Wakita wrote,
and though Tsuji's focus upon Edo pictorial art further brings to mind the theory of
technical eccentricity discussed in Suzuki's essay, Tsuji's reference to personality traits
undeniably evokes an"intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity" similar to that posited by Ban
IS Tsuji Nobuo lli1Ulli. Kiso no keijU: Matabei - Kuniyoshi r1lfl!O)~1f : J(.A'-~';:J (Tokyo:
Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 137.
16 Ibid, 137-8.
17 Ibid, 137.
16
Kokei's Kinsei kijin-den, an interpretation that Tsuji forcefully emphasized in a statement
he added to the 1988 Pelican reprinting ofhis book:
I have now become interested in regarding whatwe call kisO... as a major
characteristic o/the timeless ability o/the Japanese people to artistically
express themselves.18
Accordingly, although the author reveals a multi-faceted understanding ofthe tenn kis6.
he seems most interested in exploring the fundamentally deviant, mysterious social
behavior displayed by the artists he discusses. A briefexamination of each ofthe
monographs devoted to the six artists featured in his book highlights his tack.
Iwasa Matabei
Signs ofMatabei•s social deviance are immediately apparent in his attraction to
scenes ofgrotesque violence. One such scene is the climax of"The Tale ofHorie"
(Figure 9). in which a young warrior seeks revenge against those responsible for the
death ofhis parents. His assault is depicted as a chaotic frenzy in which soldiers are
18 Yajima Arata *"tT, Yamashita Ydji IlJrm=, Tsuji Nobuo 3±I1Ut, Nihon bijutsu no hakkenshatachi
rI=l *~mO)~;e.#1t i;,J (Tokyo: Daigaku shuppankai, 2(03), 43. This revision by Tsuji, like other
20th century writings on Japanese aesthetics, such as Kuki Shiiz6's 1930 essay, now published as Kuki
Shiiz6, Matsui Sakuko; John Clark. Reflections on Japanese Taste: The Structure oflki. (Sydney: Power
Publications, 1997), stresses Japanese uniqueness and cultural traits in a mode ofdiscourse that has come to
be known as nihonjin-ron I=l *AIii ("discourse on the Japanese" or "Japanese essentialism"). To varying
degrees, nihonjin-ron excludes the notion of socio-historical diversity and promotes akind ofcultural
nationalism. Dale, Peter N.. The Myth ofJapanese Uniqueness. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986), Befu,
Hanuni and Kazufumi Manabe. An Empirical Study ofNihonjinron: How Real is the Myth? (Nishinomiya,
Japan: Kwansei Gakuin University, 1987), and Yoshino,Kosaku. Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary
Japan: A Sociological Enquiry. (London, New York: Routledge, 1992) discuss nihonjin-ron specific to its
effect on social and political conformity, but their analyses are entirely applicable to the art historical
.discussion presented in this thesis. Since it would be tangential to the objectives of this thesis, a thorough
discussion ofnihonjin-ron is not possible here, but it is important to identify the fact that Tsuji and other
scholars have promoted this ideology through their description of"eccentricity" as a uniquely Japanese trait.
17
being decapitated and body parts lie scattered upon the battlefield.19 Scenes ofbloodshed
such as the murder ofTokiwa and her lady chamberlain in "Tokiwa in the Mountains"
(Figure 10) are further accentuated by the preposterously slow, moment-by-moment pace
at which Matabei leads the viewer through the events.20 Tsuji implies a direct connection
between such brutal imagery and the artist's own tragic childhood. Matabei's father,
Governor Araki Murashige, had plotted a revolt against Lord Nobunaga, and in
retaliation, Nobunaga ordered the public execution of Araki's wife and more than thirty
children, a fate from which the infant Matabei narrowly escaped?l Therefore, the reader
is led to assume, Matabei did not consciously decide to depict violent scenes; rather, a
psychological obsession about violence that plagued the artist since his infkncy
compelled him to paint such images.
Kana Sansetsu
The author represents Sansetsu as a social recluse, stating, "He detested having to
deal with the common world; he was the type ofperson who would shut himselfaway in
his house and think only about painting.,,22 Tsuji emphasizes this personality trait by
focusing upon a letter written by the aged Sansetsu from prison to his son Eino. The
content ofthe letter is relatively unimportant; the author is more concerned with the
reasons for Sansetsu's incarceration, speculating that the artist may have been innocent of
any crime and had met such a fate merely because ofhis unusual personality:
19 Tsuji. Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha. 1970). 15.
20 Ibid. 11.
21 Ibid, 25.
22 Ibid. 50.
18
It is thought to be a rather ironic conclusion that his unworldly nature might
have led him to get tripped up in some worldly situation. Not only that, but he
may also have had a narrow-mindedness that caused others to misunderstand
and despise him. One thing that causes me to presume this is the imagery in
his artwork.25
Tsuji proceeds to analyze three stages in the evolution ofSansetsu's work, implying
that, as the artist becomes more socially withdrawn, his imagery, symbolizing his own
psychological state, becomes increasingly idiosyncratic. The pair of folding screens
"Dragon and Tiger," which are thought to have been painted around the 1620s, is
indicative ofthe initial stage. Tsuji focuses primarily upon the left screen (Figure 11),
commenting upon the "stiff, eccentric drawing style" and the "slimy, fantastic form" of
the tiger. Indeed, the posture ofthe animal is rather unnatural: its front legs are locked
together as ifthey have merged to become a single limb, and its spine bends sharply at its
shoulders, so that the viewer sees its face in a three-quarter view from the left while
simultaneously seeing its trunk and hind legs in profile from the right. The slimy quality
to which Tsuji refers is largely due to the clarity of the tiger's stripes, as if the tiger was
perfectly smooth rather than covered with hair. The serpentine shape ofthose stripes is
echoed by the animal's contour, particularly that of its dramatically arched back and its
wildly twisting, preposterously long tai1.24
The second phase ofSansetsu's stylistic development is seen in two sets ofsliding
door paintings located at TenkyUin temple and dated to around 1631. One set, a section
of"Tiger amidst Bamboo" (Figure 12), was revealed by Minamoto Yoshihiro to be based
23 Ibid, 53.
24 Ibid, 55.
19
upon surprisingly formalist concerns. The three right panels, he explains, form a square,
and ninety-degree diagonals stretching from comer to comer define the boundaries of
most of the imagery. The other work, "Pheasant in a Plum Tree" (Figure 13), similarly
displays what Tsuji refers to as "a monomaniacal force ... intent upon enforcing a
geometric order" upon the titular tree, forcing it into an awkward posture as ifit were an
enormous bonzai.2S Although the objects depicted are from nature, Tsuji stresses, the
artist denies their natural appearance and instead infuses them with a strange, reptilian
feeling.
The development ofSansetsu's eccentricity culminates in "Old Plum Tree"
(Figure 14), a sliding-door painting at Tenshoin dated to circa 1646. Here the artist
revises the imagery from "Pheasant in a Plum Tree," dramatically stretching and
distorting it in a way that Tsuji considers expressionistic and angst-ridden. In the
author's eyes, "the tree's ash-green trunk rises and falls, bends and convulses amidst the
brilliance ofthe gilding just like an enormous flightless dragon writhing and tossing
about. ,,26 Later, he compares this prunus to a body flailing in the throes ofdeath, as ifto
imply that the artist's stylistic development as well as his psychological deterioration has
reached a terminal state. 27
2' Ibid, 56.
26 Ibid, 58..
27 Ibid, 60.
20
Ito Jakuchu
Like Sansetsu, Ito Jakuchl1's reputation as an eccentric is largely based upon his
introversion. As the eldest son in his family, Jakuchl1 had inherited the greengrocery that
his parents had managed, but he expressed little interest in such work, focusing his
attentions instead upon his·personal spiritual development and painting. In his thirties, he
passed responsibility for the business to his younger brother and, financially supported by
his family, devoted himself thereafter to religion and fine art.28
Tsuji offers an interpretation ofJakuchl1's artwork that is very reminiscent of the
Kana painter, implying that his unconventional imagery indicates the degree to which his
self-isolation distorted his visual perception. Though the artist has been hailed as a
pioneer ofshaseiga (paintings made from direct observation), when compared to the
bird-and-flower paintings ofMaruyama Okyo, Jakuchl1's are surprisingly lacking in
anatomical accuracy. An extreme example ofthis defonnation is "Cacti and Fowl"
(Figure 15) at Saifukuji temple, in which the artist incorporated images ofexotic cacti
that he had seen in the botanical collection ofthe wealthy merchant Yoshino Kansei V.
The strange, amorphous structure of the cacti is echoed by the bodies ofthe chickens,
each ofwhich has, with the exception ofits head and legs, been simplified into a collage
ofabstract patterns.29
In the negative space surrounding Jakuchu's chickens and other subjects, the
viewer can often detect the presence ofan invisible yet physically palpable ether not
entirely unlike what Tsuji described as a "monomaniacal force" contorting the trees in
28 Ibid, 65.
29 Ibid, 72.
21
Sansetsu's paintings. In Jakuchu's works, however, this ether is often quite serene and
merely functions as a medium in which objects leisurely float. "Shellfish" (Figure 16), a
still-life from the artist's well-known Dashoku Sai-e series, for example, displays a
myriad of crustaceans and other forms ofaquatic life, but the fairly even distribution of
these objects throughout the composition as well as the simple, monochromatic
description ofthe background strips the image ofa sense ofgravity. Accordingly, it is
impossible to determine whether the organisms are lying on the sea floor below the
viewer orwhether they are shown from the side being tossed about in the unseen ocean
current30
Soga Sh&haku
Quoting various sources, Tsuji portrays Shohaku as a derelict and misanthrope
who took constant delight in shocking and offending those around him. While in !se, he
was supposedly drunk all the time, and he aimlessly traveled throughout the city by
hitching rides on the back ofpalanquins. Tales ofthe Hareki Era, published by Mori
Kosen (1743-1848), claims that his general behavior was so unacceptable that he was
occasionally denied service when visiting shops.31
Echoing the judgment by Nakabayashi Chikudo (1776-1853), who concluded that
Shohaku's work established "perversion" as a new category ofpainting,32 Tsuji proposes
that the artist felt compelled to offend viewers through his paintings. One means by
30 Ibid, 67-8.
31 Ibid, 88.9.
32 Ibid, 99.100.
22
which the artist accomplishes this task, Tsuji contends, was his disturbingly garish palette
ofcolors. "Sessan Doji Offering his Life to an Ogre" (Figure 17) exemplifies this
provocative style: the cobalt blue of the demon's skin and the scarlet red ofSessan Doji's
skirt convey the dramatic significance ofSessan's impending decision to leap down and
sacrifice himselfto the beast. Moreover, the vulgarity ofthese colors allude to the horror
of Sessan's imminent slaughter.33 Even in monochromatic ink paintings such as
"Hanshan and Shide" (Figure 18), Tsuji implies that the artist's brushwork conveys
intense contempt for the viewer. "In terms ofgrotesquerie," the author remarks, "these
works cannot be compared to any others in the history ofJapanese figurative
painting... ,,34
Nagasawa Rosetsu
Nagasawa Rosetsu's reputation as an eccentric seems to be based primarily upon
a small body of literature produced in the Taisho and early Showa period. Of chief
importance among these documents is "The Tale ofRosetsu" (Rosetsu monogatari), an
article published by Aimi Koti (fIUf.Wm, 1874 - 1970) in 1918 and based upon
interviews with the painter Takegawa Tomohiro (active ca. 1867), a relative ofRosetsu.
According to "The Tale ofRosetsu," Rosetsu possessed distain for authority figures and a
deep need for personal attention, and both ofthese factors often incited him to commit
pranks and provoke fights with his fellow artists. While studying under Maruyama 6kyo
33 Ibid, 91.
34 Ibid, 94.
23
as a youth, Rosetsu was apparently expelled from his teacher's workshop three times for
incidents of insolent behavior. In one ofthese incidents, Rosetsu took a tehon (sample
sketch) drawn by the teacher and, falsely stating that he had produced it himself,
submitted it to Okyo and asked him to critique it The deceived master then preceded to
unwittingly criticize the drawing and indicate several problematic areas.35 Summing up
his impression ofthese incidents, Tsuji judges Rosetsu to be "a slightly more vulgar
version ofShohaku.,,36
Aimi, as quoted by Tsuji, argues that Rosetsu's mischievous behavior may have
led to various personal tragedies, including his death at the young age of45. Aimi
presents various theories on why Rosetsu died, including the possibilities that he was
poisoned or committed suicide.37 None ofthe explanations proposed have considerable
historical merit, but at the very least, when considered together, they clearly convey
Rosetsu's reputation as a self-destructive anti-hero.
The subtle humor found in many ofRosetsu's images expresses the artist's
penchant for mischief. "Tiger" (Figure 19) at Muryoji temple, undoubtedly Rosetsu's
most famous work, exemplifies this wit. The creature is shown in the act ofpouncing
upon its prey, and the enormous scale ofthe work imbues it with a ferocious, threatening
presence. Tsuji notes, however, that if its size were disregarded, the viewer would
immediately realize that the painting depicts nothing more than a common housecat. 38
3~ Ibid, 108.
36 Ibid, 111.
37 Ibid, 110.
38 Ibid, 112-3.
24
Towards the end ofhis life, Rosetsu developed a strong interest in the paintings of
Sh6haku, and either because ofhis interest in Sh6haku's grotesque sensibility or because
he hoped to achieve the same degree of fiune, Rosetsu began to produce works such as
"Yamauba, the Mountain Woman" (Figure 20) that capture the expressionistic style of
his predecessor.39 Never abandoning the techniques he had acquired under Maruyama
Oky6, however, he distorts the figure's appearance in an entirely naturalistic way and
creates an unsettling mood by emphasizing signs ofher advanced age, notably her
wrinkled skin and withered facial features (Figure 21).
Utagawa Kuniyosbi
Most ofTsuji's comments about Kuniyoshi's work were appropriated from
Suzuki JOzo's "The Eccentricity ofKuniyoshi.,,40 The original scholarship with which
Tsuji supplements Suzuki's ideas regards the subversive nature ofKuniyoshi's imagery
and the artist's activity as a political satirist. In the twelfth year ofthe Tenpo era (1841 ),
Mizuno Tadakuni, an assistant to shogun Tokugawa Ieyoshi, developed the infiunous
TenpO Refonns which, among other social regulations, strictly regulated the production
ofukiy<?-e and prohibited print artists from depicting or mentioning any historical
character since the Tensho era (1573-92). At the time oftheir production, some of
Kuniyoshi's works were believed to flagrantly disregard this law.41
39 Ibid, 116-7.
40 Tsuji's debt to Suzuki is apparent when comparing Tsuji, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo:
Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970),121-129 and Ibid, 133-135 to Suzuki, "KWliyoshi no kisd."
41 Tsuji, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 131.
25
Although the impetus for political art is naturally found in its social context, Tsuji
again focuses upon the artist's personality. While determining whether Kuniyoshi ought
to be charged with sedition for political references in his prints, a group of investigators
(inmitsu Ii-'@) produced the following sketch ofhis personality:
... despite being an importantfigure in the world ofukiyo-e, he maintains a
vulgarappearance. He has afrank temperament, and ifhe is interested in a
request by a publisher, he will undertake the project regardless ofthe
amount ofthe pay, but ifhe is not interested, no matter how enticing the
conditions may be, he will tum the offerdown. He has relativelyfew
worldly desires.42
Curiously, Tsuji compares the artist's personality to that ofthe many cats that he
raised and portrayed in his prints. At the beginning ofthe monograph, Tsuji quotes
Uchida Roan's (P'J lB.", 1868-1929) description ofcats as amoral, playful, and
unattached to worldly possessions.43 In the conclusion, Tsuji reiterates:
Kuniyoshi dearly lovedhis cats' self-centered impudence and their complete
disregardfor humans. I believe thisfact offers many insights into his
personality and artwork. Perhaps his admiration for the obstinacy ofcats
was also reflected in his attitude about the satire prints that caused him so
much trouble with the military govemment.44
One such print was "The Earth Spider Manifesting Demons in the Mansion of
Minamoto no Yorimitsu" (Figure 22), which depicts general Minamoto no Yorimitsu
(948-1021) watched over by the Four Heavenly Guardians and surrounded by an
innumerable legion ofthreatening goblins. Many viewers interpreted the work as a subtle
42 Ibid, 133.
43 Ibid, 121.
44 Ibid, 135.
26
criticism of the current censorship, seeing Yorimitsu as Ieyoshi, one ofthe Heavenly
Guardians as Tadakuni, and the goblins as furious Edo print dealers. In reaction to this
work, Kuniyoshi was interrogated and harassed by government officials for several
years.4S Nevertheless, the artist continued to produce such images, and in Tsuji's opinion,
the almost inhuman degree ofobstinacy that underlay and motivated this dangerous
conduct was an expression ofeccentricity. Furthermore, much like that expressed
through Matabei's obsession with violence, Sansetsu's and Jakuchu's introversion,
Sh&haku's compulsion to offend his viewers, and Rosetsu's mischievous nature, Tsuji
forcefully emphasized that this eccentricity ofKuniyoshi was "intrinsic, behavioral
eccentricity."
Summary
The literature that has been presented in this chapter can be organized
chronologically in order to offer a rough idea ofhow the concept ofeccentricity may
have evolved within Japan:
45 Ibid, 13 1.
27
.. "Table 1: Aspects of "Eccentricity:
Authir :Publication Qdail).al
])efinitiC)nor
Date TeI'IIl Cbaraeterization
ofTerm
Kinsei /djin den (Biographies of "Intrinsic,
1790 Ban Kokei Eccentrics from the Early Ki behavioral
Modem Era) eccentricity"
1885-6 Tsubo'uchi SMsetsu no shinzui (The EssenceShOyo ofthe Novel)
1909 Takahama Haikai-shi (Haikai Poet) Odd, whimsicalKyoshi ingenuity
Wakita Nihon kaiga kinsei-shi (History1944 Hidetaro ofJapanese Painting in the EarlyModem Era)
Kis6
1965 Suzuki JftzO "Kuniyoshi no kisO" ("The "TechnicalEccentricity ofKuniyoshi") eccentricity"
Tsuji Kis6 no keifit (The Lineage of "Intrinsic,1968 behavioralNobuo Eccentricity)
eccentricity"
An unfortunate omission in much ofthe literature presented in this chapter regards
the art historical awareness ofJapanese eccentric artists. The theory of"intrinsic,
behavioral eccentricity" posits that the artists were motivated almost entirely by their own
individual personality traits and assumes that the artists were unaware or unconcemed
with the existence of their eccentric contemporaries and predecessors. As discussed in
Chapter Two, these beliefs are contradicted by a surprisingly vast amount ofart historical
evidence, thereby demanding an alternative definition for the term "eccentricity."
Figure 1. Mikuma Katen, lllustration of Ike no
Taiga and Gyokuran. From Kinsei kijin-den,
1790, ink on paper.
Figure 3. Tomioka Tessai, "Hermits and
Eccentrics," detail: Ike no Taiga and
Gyokuran; n.d., ink and color on paper,
Tekkai Museum of Art, Takarazuka City,
Japan.
28
Al~
.
Figure 2. Tomioka Tessai, "Hermits and
Eccentrics," n.d., ink and color on
paper, Tekkai Museum of Art,
Takarazuka City, Japan.
Figure 4. Utapwa
Kuniyoshi, "Omiya
Monhiko:' ca. 1825-30, ink
and color on paper, oban
(37.8 x 25.8 cm), private
collection.
29
Figure 5. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Night Raid," Scene
11 of the Chushingura series, ca. 1830-5, ink and color
on paper, oban (25.8 x 37.8 em), Kobe Municipal Art
Museum.
Figure 6. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Rescue ofMinamoto no Tametomo by Goblins,"
1851, ink and color on paper, oban triptych (37.8 x 77.4 cm), Suzuki JilzO collection.
30
Figure 7. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Ghosts ofthe Heike at Daimotsu-no-ura," ca. 1853,
ink and color on paper, ohan triptych (38 x 76.5 cm), private collection.
Figure 8. Copy ofToriyama Sekien, The Illustrated Night Parade ofDemons (Hyakki
yaM), detail: twilight (omagatoki), ink on paper, original: ca. late 18th century.
31
Figure 9. Iwasa Matabei, "The Tale ofHorie," detail: Taro's assault; late 16th - early 17th
century, color and ink on paper, handscroll, 33.5 x ca. 1350 cm, Furumori collection.
Figure 10. Iwasa Matabei, "Tokiwa in the Mountains," detail: Tokiwa and her lady
chamberlain assaulted by thieves, late 16th - early 17th century, ink and color on paper,
34.2 x 1260 cm, MOA Atami.
32
Figure 11. Kana Sansetsu, "Dragon and Tiger," detail: left screen; ink and color on paper,
Yoshimura collection.
Figure 12. Kana Sansetsu, "Tiger amidst Bamboo," detail of the north side of the
installation, ink, color and gold on paper, TenkyUin temple.
33
Figure 13. Kano Sansetsu, "Pheasant in a Plum Tree," ink, color and gold on paper,
TenkyUin temple.
Figure 14. Kano Sansetsu, "Old Plum Tree," ink, color and gold on paper, Tenshoin
temple.
Figure 15. Ito Jakuchft, "Fowl and Cacti," detail: left half, 1790, ink, color and gold on
paper, 177.2 x 92.2 cm each, Saifukuji temple, Osaka Prefecture.
"
---.; ~... ("1;:- ...,;
Figure 16. Ito Jakuchft, "Shellfish," from Doshoku Sai-e series; ink and color on paper,
Imperial Household Collection.
34
Figure 17. Soga Shohaku, "Sessan Doji
Offering his Life to an Ogre," detail:
right screen; ca. 1764, ink and color on
paper, 169.8 x 124.8 em, Keishoji
temple, Matsusaka City.
35
Figure 18. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," detail: right scroll (Shide); ca. 1761­
2, ink on paper, 197.0 x 115.0 em each,
Koshoji temple.
Figure 19. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Tiger," ink on paper, Muryoji Temple.
Figure 20. Nagasawa Rosetsu,
"Yamauba, the Mountain Woman," 1797,
ink and color on paper, 150 x 83 em,
Itsukushima Shrine Museum, Hiroshima
Prefecture.
36
Figure 21. Nagasawa Rosetsu, detail of
Figure 20.
Figure 22. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Earth Spider Manifesting Demons in the Mansion
ofMinamoto no Yorimitsu," 1843, ink and color on paper, 6ban triptych, Victoria and
Albert Museum, London.
37
Chapter Two:
Evidence of Formal Influence
upon the Works ofJapanese Eccentric Artists
Though the current literature on Japanese eccentricity has provided works by artists such
as Its Jakuchu with a convenient theoretical framework, the historical inaccuracies ofthat
scholarship, particularly the way in which eccentric art is defined, demand attention.
Among the various definitions ofeccentricity presented in the previous chapter, the one
that has come to be most widely accepted by scholars comprises the traits that
characterize "intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity:" social behavior that noticeably deviates
from established norms as a result ofbiological abnormalities or similarly uncontrollable
factors of which the individual himself is at best only dimly aware. In addition, several
of the aforementioned scholars have limited the geographic scope oftheir research to the
Japanese archipelago, and Tsuji Nobuo has even declared that kiso is a fundamentally
Japanese trait. l These interpretations ofeccentricity are inconsistent with information
about the art historical awareness of those individuals who Tsuji portrays in Kiso no keifu.
Soga Sh8haku, Its Jakuchu, Nagasawa Rosetsu and Utagawa Kuniyoshi have all imitated
the works ofother Japanese eccentrics, and among them, Jakuchu and Shohaku indicate
that these artists were additionally inspired by the work ofChinese eccentric artists.
1 See the discussion ofnihonjin-ron in Chapter One, footnote 18.
38
Evidence of Influence among the Japanese Eccentrics
A comparative visual analysis ofworks by the artists discussed in Kis6 no keifU
offers surprisingly strong support for the claim that, beginning with Soga Shohaku, the
artists were indeed aware ofthe accomplishments oftheir eccentric contemporaries and
predecessors. Shohaku's portrait ofHitomaro, a relatively late work in his oeuvre
painted around 1767, is clearly based upon an image ofthe same poet by Matabei
(Figures 23-24). In both works, the figure is shown in three-quarter view in the lower
right comer ofthe scroll, tilting his head slightly back, gazing upwards, and smiling
comically. Though Shohaku has added more realistic detail to the face, the figures, both
of whose top-heavy hats and white robes are described with brief:· calligraphic
brushstrokes, are essentially identical.
In other works, Shohaku also demonstrates his deep familiarity with the paintings
ofKano Sansetsu. In his "Immortals" screens, one ofthe daughters ofXiwangmu
(Japanese: SeiobO), Queen Mother ofthe East, is depicted in profile standing beside her
and holding in both hands a tray at chest height. Upon the tray lie a cluster ofpeaches,
still attached to a bit ofbranch covered with healthy, green leaves. The tips ofthe leaves
radiate like flames around each peach. The woman's outfit is a simple robe with the ends
ofher belt tied together in a bow behind her knees. In these ways, the figure is the mirror
, 39
image ofthe same character found in Sansetsu's ''Xiwangmu, the Queen Mother ofthe
West and Mu Wang Screen..,2 (Figures 25-26.)
Shohaku's "Lion Dog and Tiger" is a veritable homage to his eccentric foremthers.
The creature in the right screen, because ofthe angle ofits mce, the manic expression in
its bulging eyes, the particular arrangement of its·protruding fangs, and its exaggerated
whiskers, has also been described as an appropriation ofMatabei's "Tiger..,3 (Figures 27-
28.) The tiger depicted in Shohaku's left screen, meanwhile, undeniably originated from
the previously mentioned left screen ofSansetsu's "Dragon and Tiger." (Figures 29-30.)
Though Kano Hiroyuki is most likely correct in claiming that the origin ofShohaku's
image was a hanging scroll by Zheng Dianxian _flU (16th cent.) now possessed by
Kokushoji temple near Kyoto (Figure 31),4 a simple comparison between the three works
shows stronger similarities between the Japanese images. Shohaku has adjusted the
animal's head and tail, but otherwise his tiger strikes the same pose as Sansetsu's, with its
front paws placed side-by-side, and its shoulder blades protruding. Common elements in
their work that are not found in the Zheng painting are the tiger's dramatically arched
back and the placement ofits right rear leg, raised and barely visible behind the opposing
one.'
2 To my knowledge, this connection between SMhaku's and Sansetsu's depictions ofXiwangrnu has never
been noted in the literature before.
3 Kyoto National Museum, Tolalbetsu tenrankai: Soga ShOhaku -ShOhaku Show. W*,JJIJ.Jt~: 'i!i'a.
S - SMhaku Show~ . (Kyoto: Kyoto National Museum, 2005),334.
4 Ibid, 334. .
S To my knowledge, this connection between SMhaku's and Sansetsu's tigers has never been noted in the
literature before.
40
Though paintings by Ito Jakuchu that emulate those ofMatabei or Sansetsu have
yet to be identified, Money Hickman has proposed that Jakuchu's "Rain Dragon" may
have been partly inspired by "Ogress under Willow Tree," a work ofhis contemporary,
Shohaku (Figures 32-33). The two pictures may be entirely different in format, painting
style, and subject matter, but Hickman notes important similarities in the open mouth, the
curled tongue, the pug nose, and the heavenward gaze ofboth the ogress and dragon
(Figures 34-35). "It seems likely that Jakuchu, recognizing the amusing quality of the
ugly and strange characters first drawn by Shohaku, wanted to add that element to his
own pictures," ventures the author.6
As previously mentioned, Tsuji asserts that the late paintings ofNagasawa
Rosetsu indicate that the artist had developed an interest in the grotesquerie ofSoga
Shohaku.7 Rosetsu's "Yamauba, the Mountain Woman" indeed shows strong similarities
with certain portraits by Shohaku, particularly that ofthe unidentified figure in
"Immortals" who is surrounded by children (Figures 36-37). In Rosetsu's depiction, the
young Kintaro, appealing Yamauba to embrace him, leans against her left leg, raises his
left arm to grab hold ofher belt, and raises his left leg in such a way that his thigh is
perpendicular to his torso, his knee is cocked at an acute angle, and his foot points
horizontally towards the woman's shin. In "Immortals," the unidentified figure is
surrounded by several juvenile ogres, but the foremost' one wearing a red tunic assumes
6 Hickman, Money 1. and Yasuhiro SaM. The Paintings ofJakuchu. (New York: Asia Society Galleries in
association with Harry N. Abrams, 1989), 144.
7 Tsuji Nobuo ilit., Kiso no keifU: Matabei - Kuniyoshi Witmq)*Mf :X~__IiI;;rJ (Tokyo:
Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 117.
41
precisely the same pose. Rosetsu's painting style, on the other hand, seems to be more
closely tied to works ofShohaku such as Hanshan and Shide (Figure 38).
Despite the gap oftwo and a half centuries that exists between the two artists,
several portraits ofMatabei designed by Utagawa Kuniyoshi further testify to an
interconnection between eccentric artists. Several explanations can be offered for
Kuniyoshi's interest in his subject. Matabei was recognized as the originator ofOtsu-e
and perhaps ofukiyo-e in general. Furthermore, "Keisei Hangonko" and other plays by
Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653-1725) that incorporated the character pf"Stammering
Matahei" had been performing in Edo over the previous fifty years. In "Keisei
Hangonko," which was written as a puppet performance in 1708 and adapted for Kabuki
in 1719,8 Matahei struggles in vain to gain public acceptance as an artist trained in the
Tosa school. Overwhelmed by despair, he decides to commit suicide with his wife, and
as a final memento, paints a self-portrait on a stone water basin (Figure 39). When the
image magically appears on the opposite side of the basin as well, his teacher Mitsunobu
realizes his artistic genius and bestows upon him the name ofTosa.9 In keeping with the
image ofMatabei conveyed through performances such as this, Kuniyoshi's 1853 portrait
focuses explicitly upon the abnormality ofMatabei's work, as is evident in the title, "The
Strange PicturesofUkiyo Matabei" (UkiyoMatabei meiga kidoku; Figure 40).
Among Kuniyoshi's works, ironically, can also be found a series based upon
literature about eccentrics. The title ofStories ofRemarkable Persons ofLoyalty and
8TorigoeBun.z6,litfcil,ed.,KabukiOnstage W~"~;ty· A'T~~J. Vol. 12. (Tokyo:
Shiromizusha, 1989): 222.
\) Ibid, 6-7.
42
High Reputation (ChakO meiyo kijin den), which was produced around 1845, was derived
from the biographies about eccentrics (kijin-den) written by Ban Kokei and his followers.
Kuniyoshi's series portrays a variety ofwarriors with bizarre abilities, including the
elderly fencing master Tsukahara Bokuden (1489-1571), who the artist here depicts in an
imaginary duel with the eminent swordsman Miyamoto Musashi (ca. 1584-1645).
Evident here is the wit for which Kuniyoshi is so well remembered. Though weakened
by advanced age, debilitated by osteoporosis, and armed with nothing more than wooden
pot-lids, Bokuden is able to not only defend himself but seriously threaten the doubly
armed Musashi without leaving his warm, comfortable seatnext to the fire (Figure 41).
The Yipin Style and Eccentricity in Chinese Painting
In addition to perpetuating the beliefthat the aforementioned artists were oblivious
to the existence oftheir eccentric contemporaries and predecessors, a great deal ofthe
current literature on Japanese eccentric art ignores the way in which this genre mirrors
and quite possibly originated from similar artistic traditions in China. One such tradition
is the yipin style ofpainting that Tsuji mentions only incidentally during his discussion of
Jakuchu's works at Kinkakuji temple.10
Shimada Shujiro's 1950 essay "On I-p'in, the 'Extraordinary' Style ofChinese
Painting" discusses the evolution ofthe system by which Chinese poetry, calligraphy and
10 Tsuji, Kis6 no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 73.
43
painting were qualitatively classified since the Six Dynasties (265-589 CE).l1 Works
were critically divided into the three classes ofdivine, excellent, and competent and
further subdivided into the three grades ofupper, middle, and lower. By the mid-Tang
(ca. 750 CE), this system was expanded with the addition ofa fourth class; Li Sizhen $IiI. (fl. 689-696) had coined the termyipin ~J1 to refer to "untrammelled" workS. 12
The meaning ofthe term itselfunderwent further modification by subsequent scholars;
while Li Sizhen used yipin to refer to a superlative, innate talent, in his The Famous
Painters ofthe Tang Dynasty (Tang zhao ming hoo lu), the critic Zhu Jingxuan *J:jz;:
(9th c.) uses the term quite differently, as Shimada describes:
Yi (untrammelled) refers to an expedient which releases one from orthodoxy,
a permissible exception; it is an aberrant method not bound to the usual
rules, a novelty. The establishmentofthe term in this meaning indicates a
recognition that a non-eonformist method ofpainting may exist in
opposition to the orthodox methods, and that it cannot be excluded simply
because it is thus unorthodox, but must be recognized to have its own
special values. Therefore, the four classes, divine, excellent, competent, and
untrammelled, were not arranged in order as degrees ofa single, common
matter; instead, the yipin, as afree and individual method ofpainting, was
set in opp(Jsition to the three which adhered to the orthodoxpainting
methods.13
Since the Tang dynasty, the meaning ofyipin has undergone radical transformation.
As Susan E. Nelson explains in her essay "I-p'in in Later Painting Criticism," gestural
11 Shimada Shtljiro, "On I-p 'in, the 'Extraordinary' Style of Chinese Painting," in OrientalArl, vol. 7, no. 2
(Summer 1961): 66. Translation by James Cahill.
12 In his treatise on painting Famous Painters ofYi Province (Yi zhou ming hua lu ~~i'l~ iiie) circa 1005,
Huang Xiufu Jift-f*tl (late 10tll c. - early 11 til c.) attempted to revise the Four Classes system of grading,
and in doing so, he proposed the labelyige )!~ (Japanese: ikkaku) in place ofyipin. Since then, the two
terms have been used more or less interchangeably. See Ibid, 72-3.
13 Ibid, 67.
44
brushwork was highly praised in Tang art circles as a tangible signifier ofyipin, yet
perhaps due to the popularization of literati works in the late Yuan, the use of
spontaneous brush strokes and "flying white" eventually came to be appropriated by
professional artists as well.14 As a result, by the Ming dynasty (1368 -1644), critics had
discarded the fonnal meaning ofyipin and reserved the term only for an extremely small
number oftruly exceptional painters whose styles shared little in common. The writings
ofDong Qichang (1555 -1636) in the early 17tft century were highly influential in this
process of selection:
[Ni zan's] painting at the time ofthe last dynasty can be calledofthe
untrammelled class .... Among Song men, [Mi Fu] was beyond the beaten
path; the others an came out ofa mold. There were many able Yuan men,
but they carried on the dictates ofthe Song methods, merely adding a little
solitary and relaxed.feeling. [WU Zhen] had an abundance ofinsPiration,'
[Huang GongwangJ, an eSPecially marvelous quality; [Wang MengJ
mastered theformerways. But these three allhad a conventional, practiced
air to their brushwork. [Ni Zan] alone was old-fashioned, unassertive, and
natural. He was the only one afterMadMi. 1.5
Considering their painting methods, Mi Fu *fFf (1051-1107) and Ni zan -(;lJl
(1301-1374) indeed form an unlikely pair. "Mountains and Pines in Spring" (Figure 42),
displaying the wet, overlapping dots that became Mi Fu's hallmark motif: communicates
to the viewer a vastly different sensibility than the parched, delicately painted landscape
of"The Rongxi Studio" (Figure 43). What Dong Qichang seems to appreciate about
these artists, however, is the radical unconventionality oftheir respective styles, a quality
that various critics, like Dong, described it in psychoanalytic terms. Ni Zan's
14 Nelson, Susan E., "I-p'in in Later Painting Criticism." In Bush, Susan and Christian Murck, Theories of
the Arls in China (princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983),339.
l' Ibid, 339.
45
contemporaryYuan Hua (1316 - after 1376), for example, inscribed one ofNi's
paintings with the phrase, "Ni Yu is like Mad Mi," elaborating in the following way:
... [Mi Fu] had a passion for cleanliness, and a11 his paintings and .
ca/Jigraphy were scroUs ofsmaJ/ size,. in recent times, [Ni zan} is the only
one who closely resembles him. Mi ca11ed himselfmad [dian -..} so [will
ca/J Ni eccentric [yu if). Today, looking at his survivingpaintings, they a11
equal [Mi}.16
The termyiren (:ii.A.; Japanese: itsujin), meaning an "untrammelled person," someone
unencumbered by social conventions, seems to have originated from this time period.
The mind ofthe artist, rather than the brush, came to be the object to which yi referred.
The term was known to have appeared in Chinese literature soon thereafter, in the 1455
publication Zhuju qingshi r1t~m.~ .17
The profound influence that both the earlier and later manifestations ofyipin
painting had upon Japanese art in the Edo period should not be overlooked. In Rustic
Talks onPainting (Kaiji higen), published in 1799, Kuwayarna Gyokushu (1746-99), an
advocate of Japanese literati painting, discusses the concept of"yipin" at length (though,
according to Melinda Takeuch~ he seems not to recognize the evolution ofthe term,
confuses the two meanings). 18 Gyokushu claims that the secrets of the untrammelled
style had been passed down through several generations ofChinese artists and that Yi
Fujiu (1698- after 1747), a Chinese literatus who resided intermittently in Japan from
16 Ibid, 402,
17 NihonKokugoDaijiten, volume 1, 1167.
18 Takeuchi, Melinda. "'Troe' Views: Taiga's Shinkeizu and the Evolution of Literati Painting Theory in
Japan." In The Journal ofAsian Studies, vol. 48, no. 1 (February 1989): 4.
46
1720-47, ultimately transmitted the knowledge to Ike no Taiga. Melinda Takeuchi
expresses serious doubt about Gyokushu's statements, but she admits that Ike no Taiga
was undoubtedly well familiar with yipin and even used the seal "lofty
untrammelledness" (kOitsu iiiji) on paintings such as "On the Way to a Friend's House"
~.!Jjtt~.19 (Figures 44-45.) Moreover, she states, Gyokushu's essay lent itself
perfectly to the public fascination about eccentric and unusual people, a topic that deeply
permeated the culture ofeighteenth-century Japan.20 If the concept ofyipin indeed
appeared and gained popularity within Japan by the late eighteenth century, then such
knowledge, particularly tales about "Mad Mi and Eccentric Ni," may very well have
inspired Ban Kokei's Kinsei kijin-den. Among the many similar biographies that
appeared soon thereafter and rode on the coattails ofKokei's success was the 1824 text
Kinsei Itsujin Gashi Wilfilt:ii.AiOO.9;!.~ (A History ofPaintings by Eccentric Persons of
Recent Times), featuring Ito Jakuchu and Soga Shohaku.21
19 While Hoan Kosugi, Ichimatsu Tanaka, and Rankei Yamanaka, the scholars who authenticated the
artworlcs presented in Ike no Taiga Gafu, note that this painting was made when the artist was in his early
thirties, Takeuchi describes it as being from his early twenties. According to the fonner, more conservative
estimate, the termyipin was known in Japan by 1758, thirty years before Ban KBkei wrote Kinsei kijin-den.
Ike no Taiga Gafu ~*BJi!iiJL. (Tokyo: ChM K6ron Bijutsu Shuppan, 1957), vol. 1. (5 volumes.) See
also Takeuchi, Melinda, Taiga's True Views: the Language ofLandscape Painting in Eighteenth-Century
Japan (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992), 161.
20 Takeuchi, '''True' Views: Taiga'sShinkeizu and the Evolution ofLiterati Painting Theory in Japan," 4-7.
21 Kobayashi Tadashi IJ'*,~, K6no Motoaki fiiIJ15CBB, ed.. "Kinsei Itsujin Gashi." ria1lt• .A.IIi£J .
Teihon Nihon kaigaron taisei W~* 8 *_IIiIt:*Rt.II . Tokyo: Perikansha, 1996. Vol. 10. As
discussed in Rosenfield, John M. and Fumiko E. Cranston. Extraordinarypersons: Works by Eccentric,
Nonconformist Japanese Artists ofthe EarlyModern Era (1580-1868) in the Collection ofKimiko andJohn
Powers. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Art Museums, 1999),31.
47
References to Chinese Eccentric Art in Ito Jakuchu's Bird Paintings
The Great Tenmei Fire that destroyed the central area ofKyoto in 1788 radically
changed Ito Jakuchu's living conditions as well as his artistic style. The three studios in
which the artist worked and resided were all destroyed, and perhaps due to injuries
sustained in the fire, Jakuchu contracted a serious illness the following year. Although he
had been comfortably supported by his family's greengrocery throughout most ofhis life,
the artist suddenly seemed to become desperate for money. He began selling quickly
produced, improvisational ink paintings for one to (approximately 18 liters) ofrice, and
the artist names Tobeian ("one-to-of-rice hermitage") and Beito-o ("one-to-of-rice old
man") that Jakuchu assumed around this time reflected this new custom. While the
artist's work for the remaining twelve years ofhis life are commonly appreciated in light
of this immense tragedy, several stylistic and iconographic similarities between these late
paintings and those by the Qing dynasty painter Bada Shanren (J\.*- u.r A, ca. 1625-oa.
1705) indicate that Jakuchu may well have developed a strong interest and understanding
ofChinese eccentric art around this time.
The belief in a connection between these two artists is not without precedent.
Tsuji Nobuo has noticed a similarity between Jakuchu's late, monochromatic works and
the paintings ofBada?2 Money Hickman has expressed doubt in Tsuji's assertion,23 but
almost in the same breath, he states that:
The depiction in monochrome ink ofvarious sorts ofnatural subjects ...
has a venerable history in China. Such depictions may be seen in the
22 Tsuji Nobuo. Jalalcha W~NrJ .(Tokyo: Bijutsu Shuppansha, 1974), 195.
23 Ibid, 161.
48
work of .. such Ming and Ch 'ing artists as... Pa-ta Shan-jen {also known
as Chu Taj ... 24
Little biographical information about the Chinese artistis known except for the
report that, at a certain point in his life, he seemed to be overcome by a severe mental
disturbance. From this time onward, he was overwhelmed by violent mood swings, and
eventually he stopped speaking entirely, communicating with others only through
gesticulations, writing, and his artwork.2S Various comments by his contemporaries
emphasize the artist's troubled behavior,26 and today "the madness ofBada Shanren's
paintings" is a dominant theme ofany art historical discussion about him.27 As additional
information about the artist has surfaced in recent years, however, scholars now favor a
new interpretation: Bada, as a descendant ofthe Ming imperial family, assumed a posture
of insanity in order to escape persecution during the politically tumultuous Qing Dynasty
(1644-1911). The artist originally took sanctuary in the Buddhist priesthood and took the
tonsure around 1645, the year in which Manchu forces conquered Nanching. Thirty-three
years later, however, the.Qing government revived the boxue hongci examination system
to recruit accomplished scholars such as Bada for government positions. Scholars now
acknowledge the likelihood that the artist's "madness," which began at precisely this time,
24 Ibid, 134.
25 Cahill, James. Treasures ofAsia: Chinese Painting (Cleveland, Ohio: The World Publishing Company,
1960),174-5.
26 Ibid, 175. '''When he felt inclined to write,' recounts one of his contemporaries who composed a brief
biography ofhim, 'he would bare his ann and grasp the brush, at the same time emitting loud cries like a
madman.' ... The same biographer, writing without the benefit ofmodem psychology, expresses
bewildennent that works of such power could be accomplished under these conditions. 'Alas and alas,' he
exclaims, 'one can get drunk as he did, but not crazy as he was! '"
27 Cahill, James. "The 'Madness' in Bada Shamen's Paintings.' In Ajia Bunka Kenkyu (March 1989) 17:
119-43.
49
was a strategy by which Bada could avoid the examination and preserve his loyalty to the
Ming government28 In his article, "The Toleration ofEccentrics," Nelson I. Wu explains
how feigned insanity was used in the 17th century as a effective escape from political
oppression:
It is characteristic and important that an eccentric [could] renounce the
ordinary status he once had... by being mildly odd in everyday behavior
and thus eSC4ping the petty criticisms ofnot living up to obligations, or by
going completely insane and thus renouncing all socialprivileges and
eSC4ping into another worldfree ofresponsibilities.29
Though neither erratic personal behavior nor political defiance are evident in
accounts of Jakuchii's life, nevertheless his paintings show striking thematic and formal
similarities to this Chinese predecessor. Bada Shanren's paintings are filled with images
ofanimals, mostly birds, which are isolated against a plain background and occasionally
surrounded by gestural indications oftrees or rocks (Figures 46-47). In a comment which
brings to mind the chickens from Jakuchii's third stylistic phase, James Cahill muses:
Are the misshapen birds that inhabit so many ofhis pictures, usually
balancing unsteadily on one leg, symbols that hadfor the painter some
definite meaning, orwas this simply a privatejoke ofwhich he never
tired? Some ofhis birds and other creatures have square or lozenge­
shaped eyes, the signifiC4nce ofwhich, ifany, is equally unfathomable.
He seems to endow them, at times, with human attributes: a crow, or afish,
will glower malevolentlyfrom the picture, and smallfluffy birds... display
more self-satisfaction than one would expect to encounter in the animal
kingdom. so
28 Wang Fangyu and Richard M. Barnhart. Master ofthe Lotus Garden: The Life andArt ofBada Shanren,
1626-1705. Judith G. Smith, ed. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Art Gallery: Yale University
Press, 1990., 13-14.
29WU, Nelson I.. "The Toleration of Eccentrics." In Art News 56 (May 1957) 3: 27.
30 Cahill, James. Treasures ofAsia: Chinese Painting, 175.
50
The most prevalent emotion that Bacia's animals depict, however, is apprehension.
With the same binocular vision which many of Jakuchu's birds possess, they glance
upwards, as ifpreparing to dodge some object above them which they expect might
suddenly come crashing down. In a detail ofthe "Anwan Album," 1694 (Figure 47), the
shape and posture ofthe bird on the right begs a comparison with Jakuchu's "Hen and
Rooster with Grapevine" (Figure 48-49). The contour ofboth birds are almost perfectly
circular and, standing on one leg, they are both shown focusing their eyes on the upper
left comer ofthe composition. Though depicting different species ofbirds, a section of
Bacia's "Duck" (Figure 50) seems to be almost a mirror image ofJakuchu's "Rooster,
Hen, and Horsefly" (Figure 51) for the same reasons. Moreover, both paintings blend
easily identifiable imagery - namely, the birds - with slightly abstract objects in their
environment. The amorphous line arcing above the duck's tail describes a boulder, while
a similar line above the chicken's tail represents its mate.
Information about the provenance ofBacia Shanren's paintings suggests the strong
likelihood that Jakuchu knew ofand had personally seen the Chinese artist's work.
Along with Wen Cheng's "Cranes," the Shokokuji monastery collection contains a
dramatic landscape painting by Bacia (Figure 52).31 Considering the direction in which
Jakuchu's artwork eventually headed, ifhe had seen this scroll at the time he copied
31 Suzuki Kei. Comprehensive Illustrated Catalog ofChinese Paintings 5. (Tokyo: University of Tokyo
Press, 1983),327,349. Another version of the Shokokuji scroll (labeled JT3-Q14 in Suzuki) is in the
collection ofJish6in, a subtemple of Sh6kokuji (JT118.o19 in Suzuki). Although Wang has assumed that
both scrolls were painted by Bada (see Wang, 214), the accuracy with which the b11lshstrokes in the earlier
work, whichever that may be, were copied suggests the hand of a skillful admirer rather than the original
artist. Bada occasionally repeated motifs, such as a particularly successful figure but he was notknown to
reproduce works with such meticulous precision as is found in this duplication. The provenance of these
two works requires further investigation.
51
Cheng's works, he most likely would have been impressed by them for the reasons which
Cahill outlines:
The hanging scroll... [hasJan air ofimprovisation. Evidences ofchange
ofplan are visible here and there, and ambiguous passages which are
likely to have been onlypartially intentional. ... The twisting, rising
progression ofrocks and ridges cannot be understood logically at every
point.... Yet the landscape has the organic unity ofa natural growth ... .32
Even though Jakuchu himselfadopted a distinctly different style - his figures are
characterized by geometric division more than organic unity - he certainly held the belief
that an image need not necessarily conform to the logical order ofvisible nature.
If, as deduced earlier, Jakuchu had seen the works in the Shokokuji collection
sometime in the late 1750s or early 17608, then his introduction to the works ofBada at
that time would explain why his paintings ofchickens and cranes from this time begin to
employ the same poses, emotional tone, and human-like eyes. However, since the
Shokokuji landscape has none ofthis imagery itself, Jakuchu would have to had seen
other works by Bada Shanren, such as the "Anwan Album" itself. This opportunity may
have indeed existed: the album has for years been included in the Sumitomo collection of
the Sen'oku Hakko-kan museum in Kyoto. As with the hanging scroll in the Shokokuji
collection, further research on the provenance ofthis work is currently being undertaken
in order to determine whether more definite links can be established. The present
evidence, nonetheless, is intriguing and encouraging.
32 Ibid, 175.
52
References to Chinese Eccentric Art in Soga Shohaku's "Immortals"
As with Jakuchu's bird paintings, a visual analysis ofthe 1764 "Immortals"
screens by Soga Shohaku (Figures 53-54) indicates the artist's awareness ofChinese
eccentric art. In his discussion ofthe screen, Tsuji Nobuo mentions that other scholars
notice within it strong similarities to Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall (Ill ~1i!:iOOfW
Wanxiao tang huazhuan), an album ofwoodblock prints designed by Shangguan Zhou J:.
~,m] (1665-1750) and published in 1743. The author retorts:
From the fact that Painting Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall ... closely
resembles this screen in terms ofthe artist's style and thejigures'
clothing, it ispossible that Shohaku saw and used as a source an
illustration bookofsimilar origin that was imported to Japan around
that time. However, one could not go to the extreme ofsaying that
"Immortals" was afaithjUl copy ofthis source.33
In his attempt to defend Shohaku's individuality by dismissing the idea that the painter
appropriated imagery from other sources, Tsuji inadvertently brushes aside significant
information about Shohaku's art historical awareness. A visual comparison between
figures in the "Immortals" screen and those in Shangguan's Painting Record ofthe
Wanxiao Hall suggests that Shohaku was knowledgeable about the Chinese eccentric
artists with whom Shangguan was associated, thereby throwing into question the
"intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity" theory through which Shohaku's work has been
interpreted.
In the right screen ofShohaku's work, the figure ofLu Dongbin (Japanese:
Ryodohin; Figure 55), perches dramatically upon the head an enormous flying dragon,
33 Tsuji Nobuo, Kiso no lreifu: Matahei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970),81.
53
and his cerulean blue robe billows in the wind. To indicate the ferocity of the wind,
Shohaku depicts the robe flaring away from Lu's forearms and calves and curling into
tight spirals like wisps ofsmoke. A series ofundulating·lines ripple throughout the
interior ofhis robe, completely obscuring the figure's physique. Shangguan's depiction
ofGu Kaizhi Oilmz, also known as Gu Hutou JijJJErlj, 344 405 CE) utilizes the same
organic line-work to emphasize the graceful, flowing garments ofthe Six Dynasties
painter.34 (Figure 56.) Shangguan most likely portrayed the painter's clothing in this way
as a subtle reference to the ethereal costumes found in Gu's own works, such as
"Admonitions ofthe Instructress to the Ladies of the Palace" (Figure 57).
In Shohaku's screen, Lu Dongbin and his dragon are greeted by Li Tieguai
(Japanese: Tekkai), on whose back hangs a large hat (Figure 58). On the brim of the hat
as well as on the top ofthe crown, the woven bamboo forms lines that radiate out in a
sunburst pattern, and parallel lines similarly run up the sides ofthe crown. What appears
to be the prototype for Tieguai's hat can be found in Shangguan's illustration ofTieguan
Daoren Mm:mA(b. 1294, fl. 1367), also known as Zhongzhang ~q:t, a Daoist hermit
who was said to have resided in Linchuan City in north-central Jiangxi Province.3S
(Figure 59.) The only noticeable differences between the two hats are that Zhongzhang's
has a slightly more shallow crown, is tilted at a more vertical angle, and seems to be
decorated with a flower or a iingzhi mushroom.
34 Xie He (fl. 6lh cent.) refers to Gu Kaizhi 11m2 as Gu Hutou II~~ in the third chapter ofRecords of
Ancient Paintings (Gu huapin /u rtl~J:l. J ), as recorded in Chen Chuanxi fl* it frttA. Liu chao hua jia
shi /iao W1'\~lIi~~Jl6tJ (Beijing: Wen wu chu ban she: Xin hua shu dianjing xiao, 1990),120.
35 Zhang Tingyu ijl~3i ei aI., ed. Ming shi OO~. Volume 9. (Shanghai: Han yu da ci dian chu ban she,
2(04),2105.
54
In Sh6haku's portrait ofLiu Haichan (Japanese: Gama)~ the immortal's head
seems to have originated from Shangguan's image ofZhou Dian )lIJ~(late 14th - early
15th century), an insane monk who possessed various supernatural powers and who was
therefore eventually employed as the Ming emperor's military advisor.36 (Figures 60-61.)
Shangguan expresses Zhou's mental instability through physical features such as his
spherical head and his flame-shaped eyes. Liu Haichan's head in Sh6haku~s painting is
an almost perfect mirror-image ofZhou Dian's: though their mouths~ chins and hairstyles
are quite different, the similar shapes of their heads~ eyes~ noses and ears are undeniable.
(Figures 62-63.)
The inspiration for Sh6haku's image ofXiwangmu (Japanese: Sei6bo), the
Mother Goddess ofthe West, appears to be Shangguan~s portrait of the Western Han
poetess Ban Jieyu (mPlFf; active 1at century BCE, Figures 64-65). Their hair is tied up
in elaborate buns decorated with fancifully shaped pins that evoke the image of spring
flowers. Their mces~ turned slightly to the viewer's right~ both display high foreheads~
noses simply indicated by one or two lines, mouths no wider than their noses, and a few
ripples of flesh beneath their chins (Figures 66-67). The immortal obscures her face
behind an uchiwa with an ornate frame and translucent silk~ and Ban holds a much
simpler mn at the level ofher waist Though the most distinctive attributes that they
share, the mns ofthese women convey ironically different meanings. While Xiwangmu's
is a decoration with which she frames her mce and coquettishly poses, Ban's is a
36 Ibid, vol. 9,6104-5.
55
reference to her poem about the way her former lover, the emperor Chengdi (31-6 BCE),
betrayed her for a younger, more physically attractive rival:
Newly cutfinewhite silk,
Clear andpure asfrost and snow.
Made into afanforjoyous trysts,
Round as the bright moon.
In and outofmy lord's cherished sleeve,
Waved backandforth to make a light breeze.
Often Ifear the arrival ofthe autumn season,
Cool winds overcoming the summer heat.
Discarded into a box,
Affection cut offbefore.fUlfillment.37
Sh6haku's appropriation of imagery by Shangguan Zhou raises compelling
questions about the extent to which the Japanese painter knew about Shangguan's student
Huang Shen (Ii., 1687-1772), an artist who shares many similarities with Sh6haku.38
In early works such as "The Eight Immortals" (Figure 68), Huang employed the gongbi
I~ style and delineated the contours ofhis subject with unmodulated, iron-wire line-
work. Displaying far more stylistic versatility than Shangguan, however, Huang later
abandoned this meticulous painting method and embraced a radically different, gestural
mode reminiscent ofuntrammelled Tang works. Describing these late paintings such as
"Landscape with Scholar and Servant" (Figure 69), one ofHuang's contemporaries wrote,
"his painting was like a rough draft, with only a very few strokes and forms difficult to
distinguish, but when viewed from a distance often feet or so, then the essential spirit
37 Watson, Burton. The Columbia BookofChinese Poetry: From Early Times to the Thirteenth Century.
(New York, N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 1984),75-8.
38 Huang Shen's apprenticeship Wlder Shangguan is discussed in Catalogue ofthe Exhibition of
Individualists and Eccentrics: The Mr. andMrs. R. W. Finlayson Collection ofChinese Paintings.
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1963),59.
56
and inner strength appeared.,,39 Such a description could be easily applied to works such
as "Hanshan and Shide" (Figure 38) that Sh6haku painted in the spontaneous mode.
Sh6haku is not known to have ever directly appropriated imagery by Huang Shen, but
considering the close stylistic similarities between Sh6haku and Huang, as well as the
fact that Huang's fame in China far surpassed that ofhis teacher, it seems very likely that
Sh6haku knew ofhim.
While in his thirties, Huang departed his home in Nanghua, Fujian Province and
traveled throughout the southern provinces until he arrived in Yangzhou in 1723. There,
he found the atmosphere there receptive for painting and so decided to stay for the next
eight years.40 Along with Li Shan ($_, 1686-ca. 1760), Wang Shishen (¥£±Ut, 1686-
1759), Jin Nong (~JI, 1687-1763), Gao Xiang (iilif:D, 1688-1753), Zheng Xie (.rs~,
1693-1765), Li Fangying ($J5JJff, 1695-1754), and Luo Ping (M_, 1733-1799), Huang
Shen eventually developed a reputation as one ofthe so-called Eight Eccentrics of
Yangzhou (~J~V\f:e, Ch: Yangzhou baguai).41
In light ofthe evidence that Soga Sh6haku, It6 Jakuchu, Nagasawa Rosetsu and
Utagawa Kuniyoshi have all imitated the works ofother Japanese eccentrics and that
Jakuchu and Sh6haku were furthermore inspired by the work ofChinese eccentric artists,
39 Ibid, 52.
40 Ibid, 59.
41 A particularly infurmative study in English on this group is Giacalone, Vito. The Eccentric Painters of
Yangzhou. New York City: China House Gallery, China Institute in America, 1990. Although only eight
members are traditionally recognized in the group, Giacolone lists discusses other Yangzhou eccentrics as
well, including Fang Shishu jj±it (1692-1751), Gao Fenghan iii.~ (1683-1748), Hua Yan.1!
(1682.1756), Min Zhen r!r3J{ (1730 -ca 1788), and shitao;pil (1642 -1707). Ibid, 85.
57
the pervasive concept of"intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity" seriously hinders scholars
who hope to further explore the genre ofJapanese eccentric art. In searching for an
alternative definition ofeccentricity, the earliest known Japanese references to kijin need
to be re-examined with particular attention paid to how they relate to Chinese concepts of
eccentricity. Chapter Three focuses upon Ban Kokei's and Mikuma Katen's Kinsei kijin­
den and reveals its theoretical basis in ancient teachings of religious and philosophical
Daoism.
Figure 23. Iwasa Matabei, "Hitomaro
Eigu," late 16th - early 1i h century, ink
on paper, 94.3 x 35.9 em, Atami Museum
of Art.
58
Figure 24. Soga Sh6haku, "Poet Kakinomoto
Hitomaro," ca. 1767, ink on paper, 125.5 x
56.2 em, Manpukuji Temple, Hyogo
Prefecture.
Figure 25. Kan6 Sansetsu, "Xiwangmu (Sei6b6), the
Queen Mother of the West and Mu Wang (Bokuo)
Screen," detail: Xiwangmu and attendants; early 17th
century, one of a pair of 6-fold screens, ink on paper,
152.5 x 350.6 em, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
59
Figure 26. Soga Sh6haku,
"Immortals," detail: attendant of
Xiwangmu; 1764, color and ink
on paper, 172.0 x 378.0 em
each, Ministry of Cultural
Affairs, Tokyo.
Figure 27. Iwasa Matabei, "Tiger,"
detail: face of tiger; late 16th - early
1i h century, ink on paper, hanging
scroll, 133.0 x 54.0 em, Tokyo National
Museum.
Figure 28. Soga Sh6haku, "Lion Dog and
Tiger," detail: face of lion dog; 18th century,
ink on paper, pair of 2-fold screens, 154.3 x
156.6 em, Chiba City Museum of Art.
i;", .• '.A'~'_~'.••
Figure 29. Kana Sansetsu, "Dragon and
Tiger," detail: tiger; ink and color on
paper, Yoshimura collection.
Figure 30. Soga Shahaku, "Lion Dog and
Tiger," detail: tiger; 18th century, ink on
paper, pair of 2-fold screens, 154.3 x 156.6
em, Chiba City Museum of Art.
60
Figure 31. Zheng Dianxian, "Tiger and Dragon," detail: left scroll, pair of hanging scrolls,
16th century, ink on paper, 179.2 X 105.9 em,; Kokushaji temple, Miyazu City, Japan.
Figure 32. Soga Shohaku, "Ogress under Willow
Tree," detail: ogress; ca. 1759, ink and light color
on paper, 2-fold screen, 154.0 x 152.6 em, Tokyo
National University of Fine Arts and Music
University Art Museum.
Figure 34. Soga Shohaku, detail of Figure 32.
61
Figure 33. Ito Jakuchu, "Rain
Dragon," early 1760s, ink on paper,
hanging scroll, 130.5 x 53 em,
private collection, Akita Prefecture.
Figure 35. Ito Jakuchu, detail of
Figure 33.
Figure 36. Soga Sh6haku, "Immortals,"
detail: unidentified figure; 1764, color and
ink on paper, 172.0 x 378.0 cm each,
Ministry of Cultural Affairs.
62
Figure 37. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Yamauba,
the Mountain Woman," 1797, ink and
color on paper, 150 x 83 cm, Itsukushima
Shrine Museum, Hiroshima Prefecture.
~ -£~
Figure 38. Soga Sh6haku, "Hanshan and Shide," detail: right scroll (Shide); ca. 1761-2,
ink on paper, 197.0 x 115.0 cm each, K6sh6ji temple.
63
Figure 39. Matahei and his wife Otoku beside a stone basin displaying his self-portrait in a
February 1956 production ofChikamatsu Monzaemon's "Keisei Hangonk6" at the
Kabukiza. Right: Ichikawa En'6 (1888-1963) as Matabei; left: Nakamura Tokiz6 III (d.
1959) as Otoku. Photograph from Chikamatsu Meisakushu.
Figure 40. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "The Strange Pictures of Ukiyo Matabei" (Ukiyo
Matabei meiga kidoku), 1853, ink and color on paper, 6ban diptych (37 x 50 em), Merlin
C. Dailey collection.
64
Figure 41. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "Miyamoto Musashi and the old master Tsukahara
Bokuden," from the series Stories ofRemarkable Persons ofLoyalty and High
Reputation (ChalcO meiyo !djm den), ca. 1845, ink and color on paper, cban (37.8 x 25.8
em), Museum ofFine Arts, Boston.
Figure 42. Attributed to Mi Fu, "Mountains
and Pines in Spring," ca. 1050, hanging
scroll, ink and slight color on paper, 62.5 x
44 em. National Palace Museum, Taipei,
Taiwan.
Figure 43. Ni Zan, "The Rongxi Studio,"
1372, hanging scroll, ink on paper, H: 74.6
em. National Palace Museum, Taipei,
Taiwan.
,~
.,
.
~; ,
',: ; .
.~ ~
I
'1
Figure 44. Ike no Taiga, "On the Way
to a Friend's House," circa 1753-1758,
ink and slight color on paper, 126.2 x
27 em. Collection ofMr. Yoshine Iida,
Tokyo.
Figure 46. Bada Shanren, "Anwan
Album," detail. Album of22 leaves,
ink on paper, 1694, Sumitomo
Collection, Sen-oku Hakko kan, Kyoto.
~
,d.·.. ~·
--_.... ,...
Figure 45. Detail, Taiga's seal: "Lofty
untrammelledness" (Koitsu).
Figure 47. Bada Shanren, "Anwan Album,"
detail.
65
Figure 48. Ito Jakuchu, "Hen and
Rooster with Grapevine," 1792,
hanging scroll, color on silk, 102.0 x
41.5 em.
66
Figure 49. Ito Jakuchu, "Hen and Rooster with
Grapevine," detail.
Figure 50. Bada Shanren, "Duck," undated, ink on
paper.
Figure 51. Ito Jakuchu, "Rooster, Hen, and
Horsefly," undated, hanging scroll, ink on paper,
36.9 x 52.6 cm, Hosomi Art Foundation.
67
Figure 52. Bada Shanren,
"Landscape with Sparse Trees
and Barren Mountains," ca.
1703-05, ink and light color on
paper, hanging scroll, 62 W' x 18
3/8". Shokokuji Jotenkaku
Museum, Kyoto.
68
Figure 53. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," detail: right screen; 1764, color and ink on paper,
172.0 x 378.0 cm each, Ministry ofCultural Affairs.
Figure 54. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," detail: left screen; 1764, color and ink on paper,
172.0 x 378.0 cm each, Ministry ofCultural Affairs.
69
Figure 55. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," right
screen, detail: Lu Dongbin (Japanese:
Ryodohin
Figure 57. Attributed to Gu Kaizhi, "Admonitions of the Instructress to the Ladies of the
Palace," detail. Late 4th century, early 5th century CE, handscroll, ink and color on silk.
H: 24.8 em. British Museum, London, England.
Figure 58. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals,"
right screen, detail: Li Tiesuai (Japanese:
Tekkai Sennin)
Figure 59. Shangguan Zhou, Painting
Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall, page 175,
illustration ofZhongzhang.
70
Figure 60. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left Figure 61. Shangguan Zhou, Painting
screen, detail: Liu Haichan (Japanese: Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall, page 197,
Gama Sennin) illustration ofZhou Dian.
Figure 62. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left
screen, detail: Liu's head.
71
Figure 64. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left Figure 65. Shangguan Zhou, Painting
screen, detail: Xiwangmu (Japanese: Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall, page 19,
Seiobo), Mother Goddess ofthe West. illustration ofBan Jieyu.
Figure 66. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left
screen, detail: Xiwangmu's head.
Figure 68. Huang Shen, "The Eight Immortals," 18 century, 228.5 x 164 em, Taizhou
City Museum ofArt, Taizhou City, Jiangsu Province, China.
72
73
Figure 69. Huang Shen, "Landscape with Scholar and Servant," 18 century, hanging
scroll, ink and color on paper, 42 x 54 % in., Berkeley Art Museum, Berkeley, California.
74
Chapter Three:
Textual Evidence of Daoist Influence upon
the Japanese Definition of Eccentricity
Among the least understood facets ofthe eccentricity genre in both China and Japan has
been its religious underpinnings, particularly its connection to Daoism. The complex
meaning ofthe tenn Daoism has been a barrier in itself, and while a thorough discussion
ofthe topic lies beyond the scope ofthis thesis, a few crucial facets demand attention.
While philosophical Daoism (Ch: daojia ••; Jpn: doka), based largely upon the Daode
Jing ofLaozi (570-490 RC.E.) and the writings ofZhuangzi (fl. ca 350-300 B.C.E.), has
received considerable attention outside ofAsia, religious Daoism (Ch: daojiao ••; Jpn:
dokyo) andits dominant concept ofimmortalism (Jpn: shinsen shiso *,f~,m-ttt) remain
relatively obscure. Popularized and integrated into religious Daoism during the Warring
States period (481-221 B.C.E.), immortalism maintains that an individual can attain
eternal youth through the consumption ofvarious divine substances as well as through
self-isolation (eremitism) in the forests or mountains. 1 A pantheon of legendary
immortals personifying this concept came to be worshipped, and though Daoism in Japan
1 Shimode Sekiyo r/:±H.-.9-. Shinsen shiso W**,111J}~,~j . (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1968), 1-4.
75
never developed into an institutionalized religion,2 historians agree that it profoundly
influenced the doctrine ofChanlZen Buddhism.3 Daoist thought rose to particularly
popularity during the Edo period,4 as can be detected in Ban K6kei's Kinsei kijin-den.
Within that literary work, references to Zhuangzi, the themes oferemitism and
immortality, and stylistic similarities to the Ming work Strange Traces ofImmortals and
Buddhas reveal a Daoist influence upon the Japanese definition ofeccentricity.
The clearest evidence that the subject ofeccentricity in Japan is imbued with
Daoist meaning is the fact that Ban K6kei appropriated the term kijin (eccentric person)
from Zhuangzi, one ofthe primary texts ofphilosophical Daoism. In "The Great and
Venerable Teacher," the sixth chapter ofZhuangzi, Confucius and his disciples attend a
funeral and notice that two guests are improperly dressed, playing music and singing
aloud. When Confucius' followers, shocked and puzzled by such a blatant disregard for
etiquette, ask the sage for an explanation, he states:
The singular man ($f).., Ch:ji ren; Jpn: kijin) is singular in
comparison to other men buta companion ofHeaven. So it is said, the
2 Although Kuroita Katsumi AM.i.~ (1874-1946) proposed that Futatsuki Palace in Nara Prefecture was
described in the Nihon Shoki as a Daoist temple, Shimode Sekiyo has shown this to be incorrect and has
offered strong evidence that, due to widely held suspicion about it, religious Daoism has never had an
opportunity to develop into a public organization in Japan. Ibid, 4-17.
3 Addiss, Stephen and Kwan S. Wong. Obaku: Zen Painting and Calligraphy. (Lawrence, Kansas: Helen
Foresman Spencer Museum ofArt, 1978),9. Also: Clunas, Craig. Art in China. (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1997), 101-2. Specific examples ofhow Daoism influenced the development of images
that later came to be thought ofas embodying Chan/Zen Buddhist concepts will be discussed in Chapter
Four.
4 It6 JakucM fjf'.~~. JakuchU: tokubetsu tenrankai botsugo 200-nen: bunkazai hogohO 50-nen kinen
jigy6=Jakuchu! r~~: *1}jIJ~.~~9:~ 200~ : )({~Mf*Ii~ 50~fB~*.JakucMIJ
(Kyoto: Kyoto kokuritsu hakubutsukan, 2000), 11; and Melinda Takeuchi. Taiga's True Views: The
Language ojLandscape Painting in Eighteenth-CenturyJapan. (Stanford, California: Stanford University
Press, 1992), 122.
76
petty man ofHeaven is a gentleman among men; the gentleman among
men is the petty man ofHeaven. 5
Though he admits that conventional morality is an expedient means to maintain
social harmony, Zhuangzi, through the voice ofConfucius, condemns it as unnatural and
lauds eccentrics as "companions ofHeaven" for having transcended it. Ironically, when
Ban Kokei wrote Kinsei kijin-den, this strict interpretation ofeccentricity led a peer who
had seen the manuscript and who was familiar with Daoism to criticize Kokei for
improper usage ofthe term kijin. Characters such as Nakae Toju (1608-48) and Kaibara
Ekiken (1630-1714), the author's friend argued, were labeled as eccentric yet were
simultaneously portrayed as respectful and virtuous. In his foreword to the book, Kokei
relates this conversation, in which he explained to the critic:
What I want to record is slightly differentfrom whatyou are thinking
about. I would like you to broaden your interpretation [of
eccentricity}. Some characters such as Baisao or Taigado [Ike no
Taiga}, for example, conform to the definition ofeccentrics thatyou
mentioned. [In addition, however,} various elders who act in
benevolent ways andpeoplefilled with filial piety, in comparison to
ordinary, worldlypeople, should be called eccentric [as well). (fI
were to use an allegory, it is like a group offriends who spend the
whole night drinking until they are so dnmk that they no longer know
the time or the date. (fone among them still remembered these things,
I imagine that he would be called eccentric. In the same way, in the
eyes ofa "drunkard" such as myself, individuals who take the proper
path seem eccentric. I have recorded their biographies here because
they might be helpfUl ifpeople like myselflmew about them. Even ifit
is said that the title ofmy book is deceiving, this is my only aim.6
$ Zhuangz~ Burton Watson (trans.). The Complete Works ofChuang Tzu. (Columbia University Press,
1970), 187. In Kinsei kijin-den. kijin "A is described as synonymous with kijin .,.A. Ban K6kei {*..~
and Mori Senz6 ~~.=.. Kinsei kijin den WilIilt.,.AfiiJ . (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973), 13.
6 Murakami Mamoru ftl:fi. Ban Kt5kei sen autosaida 119-nin kinsei kijinden W{*1I~.7 r7 }- ~-{ ,y
--119 AiE:1:lt$fAfziJ .Tokyo: Hanbai ky6ikusha Shuppan SAbisu, 1981),81-2.
77
Siding with the critic who Kokei describes in his foreword, some art historians have
recently judged that, in light ofKokei's subjective use ofthe term kijin, "we should not
assume that he had a profound understanding ofDaoism or a genuine commitment to its
values." 7 Nonetheless, it would be an equally egregious.mistake to overlook the interest
in Daoist concepts that Kokei clearly expresses, especially since that interest is a
recurrent theme throughout the Japanese genre ofeccentricity.
Some ofthe individuals who Kokei describes in Kinsei kijin-den were known to
be familiar with Zhuangzi as well. In his Chinese-style poems, Ishikawa Jozan ;p)11::t UJ
(1583-1672) makes explicit reference to various Daoist texts, including several to
Zhuangzi.8 The monk Gensei 7Gj§fc (1623-1668) also alludes to Zhuangzi through
several works,9 including the following:
Swellings boil up on my body likefires raging;
Why must these hundred ailments a.fl1ict me one after another?
I can barelyfold my legs to sit in dragon-eoil position;
My right side won't let me sleep in the lion's rest.
These peaks andpits in my skin, as though stones were wrapped in it;
Around my waist, these up and downs, like mountain ranges piled up.
7 Rosenfield, John M and Fumiko E. Cranston. Extraordinarypersons: Works by Eccentric, Nonconformist
Japanese Ar,tists ofthe Early Modern Era (1580-1868) in the Collection ofKimiko andJohn Powers.
(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Art Museums, 1999), 26.
8 Ishikawa J6zan is discussed by K6kei in his sequel, Continued Biographies ofEccentrics in the Early
Modem Period. Ban K6kei {¥'J:iJ. Kinsei kijin-den / Zoku kinsei kijin-den Iiiliiit$fA.fz!: •k\:;'!!iti:ilt$fA.
fz!:J .(Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1972),261-7. Regarding J6zan's references to Zhuangzi, see Watson, Burton.
Kanshi: The Poetry ofIshikawa Jozan andOther Edo-Period Poets. (San Francisco: North Point Press,
1990),24-25; Rimer, J. Thomas. Shisendo, Hall ofthe Poetry Immorla/s. (New York: Weatherhill, 1991),
50.
9 Gensei is also discussed by K6kei in his sequel, Continued Biographies ofEccentrics in the EarlyModem
Period. Ban K6kei, Kinsei kijin-den / Zoku kinsei kijin-den, 267-76. Regarding Gensei's references to
Zhuangzi, see Watson, Burton. Grass Hill: Poems and Prose by the Japanese Monk Gensei. (New Yorl,:
Columbia University Press, 1983),16,21,27,79,103.
78
In pain andgriefI pass my days, but why should I resent it?
These "swelling tumors, protruding wens" are all the workofHeaven. 10
The final line specifically alludes to the sixth chapter ofZhuangzi, in which Confucius
explains to his disciples that eccentrics "look upon life as a swelling tumor, a protruding
wen, and upon death as the draining ofa sore or the bursting ofa boil." 11 Due to the
autobiographical nature ofGensei's work and his own reputation as an eccentric, it is
tempting to interpret this poem not only as a bitter complaint about his physical ailments
but also as a subtle declaration that he aspires to be a "companion ofHeaven" who views
life with such disregard.
One clear difference between the Zhuangzi and Kinsei kijin-den regards the
subject of death and mortality. While the former maintains a relatively fatalistic view
about human existence,t2 Kokei's biographies make repeated reference to eremitism (Jpn:
sen 1UJ), the method by which Daoist practitioners are said to attain immortality.13 The
fact that many ofthe eccentrics who Kokei discusses identified themselves as Buddhists
10 Watson. Grass Hill, 27. Translation by Watson.
11 Ibid, 27.
12 The subject of immortality is discussed in Zhuangzi only once. In Chapter 12 ("Heaven and Earth"), a
border guard mentions it when discussing with Yao about the benefits ofprayer, but this comment appears
to be nothing more than an example of the guard's unenlightened state. "Long life means many shames,"
Yao reminds him. "[This is] ofno use in nourishing Virtue." Zhuangzi, 130.
13 Among the possible Japanese terms for eremitism, inton !Mil , in 'itsu !M)i, and yOin ~Ii. are used
broadly to refer to the lifestyles ofvarious kinds ofhermits, including Buddhists and those ofother faiths.
Sen {ill, however, has strong Daoist overtones. The Shinmeikoi Chinese-Japanese Dictionary defmes sen in
the following ways: 1.) A sennin {illA. A person who enters deep into the mountains and learns the divine
art of immortality. See also senko {ill*. 2.) Longevity. 3.) The act ofremoving oneself from vulgar
society. 4.) A virtuous person other than a Buddhist. 5.) Immortalism. Teachings about the art of
immortality, beginning with those of the Yellow Emperor and Loozi. 6.) A euphemism for the emperor.
7.) agility like that of a sennin. 8.) Cent, penny. Of these various definitions, the first three are by far the
most common. NagasawaKikuya -J:l$;j~JtH!2 (ed.). Shinmeikai kanwajiten W~fJ)j~71~8!FAJ. 19th
ed. (Tokyo: Sanseido, 1974),78.
79
may seem to contradict the existence ofa Daoist theme in Kinsei kijin-den. In light ofthe
extensive interaction between Buddhism and Daoism within China, a fact that historians
have come to widely accept,14 h<swever, the idea that Daoist concepts have been
translated into the context ofJapanese Buddhism demands serious consideration. IS Since
Daoism, particularly the goal ofliberating oneselffrom the corruption ofsociety, came to
be widely valued by Chinese literati, it was natural for Japanese literati ofthe Edo period,
including several individuals discussed in Kinsei kijin-den, to explore it as well,
regardless ofthe fact that Daoism never transferred to Japan as successfully as Buddhism
did.16 Though it is safe to presume that the extent to which such individuals placed their
faith in immortalism varied widely, their interest in the ideals of religious Daoism is
nonetheless obvious.
Murakami Mamoru (b. 1941) has observed that several of the individuals
described in the Kinsei kijin-den developed their reputations as eccentrics for having
forsaken prestigious positions in the military in order to become hermits. I7 Ishikawa
Jozan, one of the figures to whom Murakami refers, served Tokugawa Ieyasu {1542-
14 Hong Ge :lim. Bao-po-zi nei wai pian Wr&*rT~ ~.J . Shanghai: Han fen lou, 1922. As cited in De
Bary, William Theodore et. al.. Sources ofChinese Tradition, 1at Edition. (New York: Cohunbia University
Press, 1960), 302.
IS Although this interaction between two competing religions has come to be commonly described as
"syncretism," scholars such as Charles D. Orzech prefer the term "translation" for the following reason:
"To label a religion 'syncretic' or 'hybrid' (even with a hyphen, as in the term Buddho-Daoist) implies that
there are two sorts ofreligions: the pure-bred and the bastard. But since all culture and religion are
constituted in a continual process ofencounter and mixture, to go on using such terms seems to me
counterproductive.... At best, the language ofmixture, even when couched in the technical-sounding
terminology ofsyncretism, is sloppy and analytically useless. At worst, it is biased and pernicious."
Charles D. Orzech, "Fang Yankou and Pudu: Translation, Metaphor, and Religious Identity." In Livia
Kohn and Harold D. Roth, oos., Daoist Identity: History, Lineage andRitual. (Honolulu: University of
Hawai'i Press, 2002), 214.
16 TarO Odakane, Tessai: Master ofthe Literati Style. (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1965),38-9.
17 Besides Ishikawa JOzan, the other soldiers who became hermits are the monk Gensei, Kinoshita
CMshOshi *rilJl'T (1569-1649), and Sakawada Kiroku ~JIII±l.1'\ (1579-1643). Mmakami,31-6.
80
1616) in the so-called Summer Campaign ofOsaka in 1615, but soon thereafter he left
military service, became involved with the Rinzai sect ofZen Buddhism, and entered
Myoshinji temple.18 In 1641, at the age of 58, Jozan constructed &hisendo ~l1J~ ("Hall
of the Immortals ofPoetry") where he isolated himself from society and focused upon
writing poetry for over thirty years.19 In his poems, he indicates a variety of possible
reasons for having chosen such a lifestyle. Occasionally, he expresses his devotion to
Buddhism, while at other times, he echoes Yoshida Kenko's a I!l.~f (c. 1283 - c.
1350) enjoyment ofleisure. In addition, however, he also makes specific references to
Daoism and the Immortals, implying that his eremitism may have been partly motivated
by a beliefin immortalism:
"Self-Eulogy on His Birthday Portrait as Painted by Kano TanyU"
Bamboo scepter in hand, leaning on armrest,
Wearing dark robe and black cap.
Silent is his noble visage;
Brilliant is his sPirit.
He communicates with the Creator
And nurtures the Dao within.
A stubborn old man now eighty years old,
A hermitofthree-fold yang.
And who is this hermit, you may ask?
The Mountain Man ofthe Thirty-Six/ 2o
18 Ibid, 31.
19 Rimer, vii; Murakami, 32. Although the meaning of the term shisen ~l1J poetry immortals) is usually
more of an honorific title than a religious tenn, J6zan also hung above the entrance to his hennitage a
wooden plaque inscribed with the name "The Lesser Cave Paradise," (/J\;ffijiJ, Ch: Xiao yu dong, Jpn:
Shoyudo), a direct reference to a Daoist sacred cave in China. J6zan further adopted "Lesser Cave
Paradise.. as one ofhis pen names. Rimer, 56. The intensity ofJ6zan's eremitism also deserves clarification.
Although he indeed resided at Shisend6 for over three deCades, several historians have noted that he was
far from isolated from society and often received visitors. Rimer, 11-12.
20 r§ "f;f!llfa:~~i=_iii••J ~oifl\t.11_m" rtJ 0 ~~.fillBlIB~:t4'o ~t.8f)i~?lti*iI~o )\.
M;G, '::::OJ9!io ~J9!immt, :t'\jqlJAo Chinese version: Ogawa Takehiko/J\JII1i:t~. Ishikawa
JozannenpujUhen W~JII::tWJ&¥MIlfj'~J . (Musashimurayama-shi: Seish6d6, 1996),582. English
81
"Pomegranate Blossoms"
The Queen Mother ofthe West planted them in her garden,'
Zhang Qian transplanted them to the capital ofHan.
The blossoms bloom, burning likefieryflames;
The seeds ripen, scattered bits ofcoral.21
As its title suggests, the former poem, a self-portrait, was originally inscribed on Kan6
Tanyfi's painting ofthe author.22 After a briefvisual description, J6zan describes his
eremitism in Daoist terms, claiming that he has reached such a venerable age through the
bountiful accumulation ofyang (positive spiritual energy). The latter poem, one of
J6zan's many poems about immortalism,23 attests to the fact that he studied not only the
writings ofZhuangzi and Laozi but also tales ofreligious Daoism. As previously
mentioned in descriptions ofpaintings by Kan6 Sansetsu and Soga Sh6haku, Xiwangmu
W::E-aJ: (Jpn: Sei6b6), Queen Mother ofthe West, stands as the ruler ofthe pantheon of
immortals. Though she is usually depicted with a cluster ofdivine peaches as her
attribute, J6zan's fanciful description ofthe pomegranate demonstrates how this fruit
eventually came to be similarly prized as a source ofeternal sustenance.
If the order in which K6kei arranged the biographies in Kinsei kijin-den reflects in
some waythe development ofa theme regarding the Daoist nature ofeccentricity, then it
is not surprising that the concluding biography portrays an individual who is described
version: Rimer, 57. Translation by Jonathan Chaves. The term nyoi in Chaves' translation has been
changed to "bamboo scepter" for the sake ofclarification.
21 r1iWlJ E-aJ:••~it~~Q:mIJR~m*.:;.;g1i!Fq.lij:m.Chinese version: Ogawa, 532.
English version: Rimer, 52. Translation by Jonathan Chaves.
22 Rimer, 57.
23 The other poems by J~zan that refer to immortalism can be fOWld in Rimer, 18, 35,47,54, 55, 56. This
list does not include his many references to the Poetry Immortals.
82
not as capriciously entertaining Daoist ideas but as an ardent practitioner of religious
Daoism who has achieved the ultimate goal ofimmortality. Hakuyftshi S ~-=f is
described as a hermit who was at the time more than two hundred years old and who
resided in a cave along the Shirogawa river in a deeply secluded section ofRakut&
district, Kyoto.24 The primary source for this biography, ironically, were Buddhist texts:
Yasen Kanna ~i{}M~ (Quiet Conversations on an Evening Boat) and Sendai Kibun IIII
~1288 by the Zen priest and painter Hakuin Ekaku (1685-1768).2S According to the
biography, in approximately 1710, Hakuin was afflicted with serious mental illness that
resulted in hallucinations, erratic mood swings and chills. When standard medical
treatments proved to be ineffective, a doctor advised him to seek and consult Hakuyftshi.
After searching for several days, Hakuin finally succeeded in locating the hermit's cave
(Figure 70), which K&kei describes in the following way:
When [Hakuin] peaked into the cavefrom a gap in the blinds, he saw
HakuyUshi sitting with legs folded together and his eyes closed. His black
hair hung down to his knees, and his skin was glossy like that ofa jujube
fruit. He wore a thick, cotton robe, and he sat upon a mat ofsoft grass
that he had spread on the floor. Upon his desk there were only copies of
Zhongyong rftJl [The Doctrine ofthe Mean], Zhuangz~ and Jingangjing
~I¥dIJ~ [The Diamond Sutra], andHakuin saw nothing that could be used
for eating, drinking, or sleeping. From what he could see, the cave looked
so clean andpure that he wondered ifthis person was human. 26
24 Murakami, 413. Evidence such as Hakuyllshi's gravestone in a Kyoto cemetery north of ShinnyodO •
tm~ temple indicates that he did in fact exist. He was also known as Jishun ~~, and his actual dates
were 1646·1709. Though Hakuin records that his meeting with Hakuyllshi took place in 1710, Murakami
considers several possible reasons for this discrepancy, including the possibility that Hakuin mistook the
date and that the meeting actually took place shortly before Hakuyllshi's death. Ibid,420.
2' Ibid, 418.
26 Ibid, 414.
83
While the texts on Hakuyftshi's desk, which deal with Confucianism, philosophical
Daoism, and Buddhism, respectively, may display the breadth ofthe hermit's religious
and philosophical studies, the blackness ofhis hair and the smooth texture ofhis skin-
clear indications ofhis enduring youth - as well as the lack of items used for the most
fundamental of human activities - implying his inexhaustible vitality - convey meanings
unmistakably associated with religious Daoism.
When Hakuin intrudes upon the hermit's meditation and, describing his malady,
implores the hermit for help, the advice that Hakuyftshi offers reiterates his image as a
Daoist master. He consults a variety ofBuddhist sutras and other books, but the source
from which he draws a diagnosis is the 8th century BCE Zhouyi )I!fJ~ (The Changes of
Zhou, also known as the Yijing~~ or The Classic ofChanges). Quoting extensively
from this text, Hakuyushi explains that Hakuin's ailment has been caused by excessive
spiritual training, and he warns that if the Zen priest were to continue such meditations,
his health would be permanently destroyed.27 Historically, the Zhouyi has been utilized
by practitioners ofboth Daoism and Confucianism,28 but during the reign ofEmperor Qin
Shi Huang (ca. 259 BCE - 210 BCE), it came to be primarily interpreted as a Daoist
text.29
Hakuyilshi teaches Hakuin a technique with which the Zen priest can heal himself:
and the way the hermit describes the cure confirms his identity as a Daoist master. Based
upon concepts from the Zhouyi, the technique involves distributing the positive and
27 Ibid, 414.
28 Wilhelm, Richard, 1rans. The I Ching, or BookofChanges. (princeton University Press, 1950), xlvii.
29 Ibid, lx.
84
negative forces evenly throughout one's body. IfHakuin earnestly perseveres in
achieving this state ofinternal harmony, HakuyUshi assures, the priest "can become an
eternally young and healthy immortal.,,3o Should Hakuin ignore this advice, the hermit
further warns, "your illness will not be cured, ofcourse you will not become an immortal,
you will become unable to achieve any kind ofvirtue, and spiritual development ofany
sort will become impossible.'.31
Ban K8kei concludes the biography as well as the book in general by celebrating
the efficacy ofHakuyUshi's medical knowledge. As a result ofobediently following the
sage's instructions, Hakuin apparently recovered from his illness within the following
three years. In addition, he developed such an ability to mentally regulate his own health
that, in his old age, even without the aid ofa heater or warm clothes, he did not :&11 sick.
K8kei leaves the reader with this image ofthe priest's renewed health and longevity,
making no mention ofHakuin's eventual death in 1768.32 It is difficult to deny the way
in which K8kei focuses here upon the concept of immortalism. Just as the author
highlights the individual accomplishments ofeccentrics and thereby attempts to promote
public acceptance of them, he similarly argues for the validity of religious Daoism within
the primarily Buddhist society oflate eighteenth century Japan.
It is perhaps needless to say that the interest Ban K8kei and Mikuma Katen
express in both eccentrics who discussed immortalism, such as Ishikawa J8zan, as well as
30 Murakami, 416.
31 Ibid, 416-8.
32 Ibid, 418.
85
those who were said to have attained immortality, such as HakuyUshi, was likely fueled
by their own exposure to literature about religious Daoism. As an artist who specialized
in depictions ofBuddhist and Daoist characters,33 Katen would certainly have been
familiar with such texts ifthey existed in Kyoto, particularly ifthe texts had illustrations
that could be used for visual reference. The authors had at least one such literary work at
their disposal. As indicated by Japanese artworks that appropriated its imagery, Strange
Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas (flllf'&~,*Ch: Xianfo qizong; Jpn: Senbutsu kiso; also
known as fllli.&~2ffE Ch: Xianfo qizong; Jpn: Senbutsu kisho), an illustrated anthology of
Daoist immortals, bodhisattvas, and Buddhist patriarchs compiled by the scholar and
hermit Hong Yingming mJllIJl (Jpn: Ko Yomei) in 1602,34 was available in Japan during
the early seventeenth century, and stylistic similarities suggest that Kokei and Katen had
used it to some extent as a literary model for Kinsei kijin-den.3S
The artists whose visual quotations ofStrange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas
help to establish the time period by which the text had reached Japan are, not
33 Ibid, 421. This genre of art, known in Japanese as doshaku jinbutsu-ga )I~A~liJii, will be discussed in
further detail in Chapter Five.
34 William Scott Wilson describes Hong Yingming, also known as Hong Zicheng~ 13 ~(Jpn: Kd Jisei),
as a scholar who "lived as a recluse ornear recluse, probably in the mO\U1tains of southeastern China near
the lower Yangtze River." Hong Zicheng. The Roots ofWisdom: Saikontan. (Tokyo, New York: Kodansha
International, 1984), 7.
35 The images and biographies ofvarious characters from Strange Traces ofImmorlals andBuddhas, such
as that of Laozi (Figure 2), were appropriated by Wang Qi::E:l:)T (b. 1565) and Wang Siyi ::E,I.. in 1607
for their encyclopedia Collected I//ustrations ofthe Three Realms (Sanaai Tuhui .=.::t~~), which was
published in 1609. These biographies were similarly copied by TerajimaRyOan ii!f:".Il~ in his 1712
publication Collected Illustrations ofthe Three Realms ofChina andJapan (Wakan Sansai Zue nn• .=.
::t~~J ). While either Sanaa; Tuhui or Wakan Sansai Zue may have had an influence upon the format of
Ban K6kei's collection ofbiographies, Terajima's biographies of immortals lack illustrations, and his
illustrations ofBuddhist figmes are too crudely rendered to have had much influence upon artists such as
Matabe~ Sansetsu and Sh6haku. Little, Stephen. Realm ofthe Immorla/s: Daoism in the Arts ofChina: The
ClevelandMuseum ofArl, Febroary 10-April 10,1988. (Cleveland, Ohio: Cleveland Museum ofArt in
Cooperation with Indiana University Press, 1988),26.
86
coincidentally, some ofthe eccentrics who Tsuji Nobuo discusses in Kist5 no keifu and
other works. Perhaps the image that was first appropriated was that ofLaozi astride a
water buffalo.36 Although this motif later enjoyed overwhelming popularity in the
context ofDaoist art, the portrait ofthe philosopher in Strange Traces ofImmortals and
Buddhas (Figure 71) appears to have been one ofthe earliest examples. lwasa Matabei's
"Laozi Crossing the River (Rt5shi Shuklran-zu ~-1-/:f:HI~)" (Figure 72), a hanging scroll
that was previously a part ofthe so-called "Kanedani Folding Screen ~~MJit," retains
only a few elements ofHong Yingming's image.37 The road slopes precipitously down
to the left, and vegetation - a pine tree in the original and stalks ofbamboo in Matabei's -
borders the right edge. In other respects, the two pictures are distinctly different. With
ink washes, Matabei darkens the body ofthe water buffalo as well as the background,
thereby accentuating the sage's pristine robe, a symbol ofhis spiritual purity. Matabei's
use ofStrange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas in the development ofhis painting is
further substantiated by a letter written by the merchant, literatus, and book publisher
Sumi no Kura Soan fiJ:k*Jil (1571-1633) in which he mentions that he had given the
36 Though Laozi is usually associated with philosophical Daoism, he appears in Yingming's text as an
immortal with the alternate name of Supreme Venerable Sovereign (;teJ::=!;& Ch: Taishang Laojun; Jpn:
Taij6 R6kun). Hong Yingming iJt.~. Xianfo qizong r{llJ~~llfU .Vol. 1. 3 volumes. (Kyoto: Kyoto
University Library, 2(01), 2. Regarding Laozi's dual persona, see Shimode, 7.
37 Tsuji Nobuo has speculated that Matabei's image was derived from Strange Traces ofImmortals and
Buddhas. Iwasa Matabei and Tsuji Nobuo. Iwasa Matabei. (Tokyo: Shlleisha, 1980), 106.
87
book to Matabei.38 Soan's death in 1633 proves that the Daoist text had been imported to
Japan more than one hundred and fifty years before the publication ofKinsei kijin-den.39
"Laozi and Landscapes (Roshi sansui-zu ::f!.:r u.t 71<~)," a reinterpretation of
Laozi's image by Soga Shohaku more than a century after Matabei's, attests to the
enduring popularity ofStrange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas throughout the Edo
period. (Figure 73) Though drawing from Matabei's precedent, Shohaku makes several
revisions. While maintaining the sharp diagonal that divides the background, he raises it
and transforms it into the edge ofa distant mountain. Furthermore, he inverts the value
contrast that defines this diagonal, throwing the mountainside into shadow and creating a
refreshing sense ofsunlight at the top ofthe scroll. Other details indicate that Shohaku
was intimately familiar with Yingming's original image as well. The water buffalo's left
forehoof is drawn back, a gesture mirrored by the forward sweep of its tail. In addition,
Laozi holds a scroll in his right hand and rests it in the crook ofhis opposing arm.
Shohaku's modification ofthe vegetation to the sage's right is a clear example ofthe
artist's wit and creative brilliance: in place ofYingming's pine tree and Matabei's
bamboo stalks, he paints the branch ofa prunus. Thereby, the three images form a kind
of triptych in which Laozi's portrait is decorated with the "three·friends ofwinter,"
38 Miyajima Shin'ich~ Sat6 Yasuhiro, George Kuwayama. Japanese Ink Painting. (Los Angeles,
California: The Museum, 1985), 90. .
39 Sandy Kita has proposed that, since Soan was a close friend ofTawaraya Sdtatsu, who was also known
to have used images from Strange Traces ofImmorlals andBuddhas, it is very likely that Soan gave
8e>tatsu a copy of the text as well. Certainly, Soan's role in the dissemination ofDaoist literature in Japan
is a topic that deserves further research. Kits, Sandy. The Last Tosa: Iwasa KatsumochiMatabei, bridge to
Ukiyo-e. (Honolulu: University ofHawaii Press, 1999), 134.
88
symbols oflongevity that aptly reflect religious Daoism's pervasive theme of
immortalism.
Kano Sansetsu (1590-1651) is also known to have utilized the images ofDaoist
masters from Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas in his paintings, but he translated
them into surprisingly different contexts, thereby obscuring the religious meaning ofthe
image. His depiction ofZhongli Quan (Jpn: Shorlken) in "Cultivation in the Four
Seasons (Shiki kOsaku-zu by6bu Im~Mff'F~MJI.)" (Figures 74-75) is an interesting
example ofthis tendency, for the work, in faithful adherence to the traditions of this
painting theme, is nothing more than a detailed description offarming techniques.4o
Using the technique ofmulti-temporal depiction (iji dazu JU~IfiJ~), Sansetsu leads the
viewer from right to left through the annual tasks ofa rice farmer, particularly those
during the months of April through October. On the far right of the right screen, a
farmer's modest home stands surrounded by a small grove oftrees, and a few family
members can be seen standing close to the main entrance. (Figure 76) Slightly further to
the left, a middle-aged man wades through a paddy, scattering the seeds that he carries in
a basket slung over his arm. (Figure 77) The rice seedlings that develop in the following
weeks are then gathered (Figure 78) and transplanted in a neighboring field. (Figure 79)
The field is periodically irrigated with a manually operated water-wheel (Figure 80), and
in the autumn, the rice is harvested, bundled, threshed, and milled. (Figures 81-82)
40 The painting theme ofrice cultivation through the four seasons (shih kOshoku-zu) originated in China
with paintings ofrice cultivation and sericulture(~.~ Ch: gengzhi tu; Jpn: kOshoku-zu) and became
popular among Japanese artists of the Kan6 school during the Muromachi period (1392-1573). The extent
to which Sansetsu followed the imagery, composition, and style ofhis predecessors is obvious when
comparing this work with "Rice Cultivation in the Four Seasons," a pair of six-fold screens in the John C.
Weber Collection attributed to kan6 Motonobu (1476-1559).
89
In the right screen ofSansetsu's work, in the third panel from the left, a half­
naked, bearded man is shown walking along a path between two ofthe rice fields. (Figure
83) Okudaira Shunroku (b. 1953) has recognized that this figure is meant to depict
Zhongli Quan (Jpn: Shoriken), and he maintains that Sansetsu borrowed the image from
Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas. 41 A comparison with the image ofZhongli
Quan in the text reveals several minor discrepancies, but the general characteristics of the
figure, including his receded hairline, his beard, his naked torso, and his protruding belly
are indeed consistent. (Figure 84) Sansetsu has even retained the figure's attribute, a fan
with which he is able to revive the dead. In the pair of folding screens, Zhongli uses the
fan to shade his head, while in Yingming's print, he holds the fan at his waist. (Figure 85)
The angle ofthe immortal's body and head as seen in Sansetsu's screens is undeniably a
mirror image ofthe portrait in Strange Traces ofImmorta/s and Buddhas, and so to the
extent that one can trust Okudaira's presumption that no other images ofZhongli Quan
were available to Sansetsu, the artist may indeed have used Strange Traces ofImmortals
and Buddhas as a visual reference.
When considering Okudaira's claim that Sansetsu also appropriated Yingming's
illustration ofZhang Daoling (Jpn: ChOdoryo), at first glance,the only obvious similarity
linking the two figures is their sweeping arm gesture.42 (Figures 86-87.) Closer
inspection, however, reveals various, identical details in the portraits. These features
41 Okudaira Shunroku.~~~. "Visual Quotations by St')tatsu: Focusing upon Sumi Painting." In, Kant')
Hiroyuki ~Jttf* et al.. Sotatsu to Rinpa no GenryO r~H! <!:: _~(7)~mcJ . (Tokyt'): Shueisha, 1993),
114.
42 Ibid, 114. Daoling (active ca. 142 CE) established the Wudou Mi Dao 3i.it-*:il ("Way of Five Bushels
ofRice," Jpn: Gotobeido) sect ofreligious Daoism and, like Laozi, ultimately came to be revered as an
immortal. Shimode,5.
90
include the three-quarter view ofthe head, the contour ofthe nose, the shape of the left
ear, and the wrinkle delineating the bottom ofthe left cheek. (Figures 88-89.)
In both ofthese examples ofappropriation, Sansetsu translates the image ofa
character from religious Daoism into a distinctly different context, and as a result, the
identity ofthe figure in the final painting becomes obscure. In "Cultivation in the Four
Seasons," Zhongli Quan seems to become little more than a common furmhand, and with
a hossu (fly swatter) in his right hand, Zhang Daoling is transformed to some extent into
Vimalakirti (Jpn: Yuima), the contemporary ofShakyamuni who, as described in the
"Vimalakirti Sutra," debates the doctrine ofHinayana Buddhism with Bodhisattva
Manjusri (Jpn: Manjii bosatsu). Okudaira maintains that painters such as Sansetsu are in
general fur more concemed about the shape and composition ofa portrait than its
essential theological meaning. However, he also concedes that, according to History of
Japanese Painting (Honcho Gashi), Sansetsu was extremely particular about his pictorial
sources,43 and Tsuji Nobuo has further mentioned that the artist was an extremely well-
versed and enthusiastic scholar ofChinese classical literature.44 For these reasons, it
would be hasty to assume that the artist would casually discard the original theological
interpretation ofthe images. At the very least, a viewer should remain conscious ofthe
way in which these figures were originally used as symbols ofthe Daoist concept of
immortalism.
The popularity ofStrange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas throughout the
Edo period, as indicated by the appropriation of its imagery not only by the artists
43 Ibid, S.
44 Tsuji Nobuo, Kiso no keifu: Matabei -lumiyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970),50.
91
described above but also by Kano Sanraku (1559-1635), Ike no Taiga (1723-76),
Tawaraya Sotatsu (active ca 1794), Yamamoto Bai'itsu (1783-1856), Tanomura
Chikuden (1777-1835), and Tomioka Tessai (1836-1924), leaves little doubt that Mikuma
Katen, a professional painter ofBuddhist and Daoist imagery, and Ban Kokei were
familiar with it.45 Moreover, a comparison ofStrange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas
and Kinsei kijin-den in tenns ofwriting style, fonnat, and theme suggests that Katen and
Kokei may well have used the Chinese text as a literary model. The sequence of ideas in
each of Kokei's biographies conspicuously adhere to a structure found in Strange Traces
ofImmortals and Buddhas. In the latter work, the author first lists a character's various
names and indicates his or her social position by mentioning his or her occupation.or
well-known relatives. He then mentions an unusual talent or skill that the character
possesses, relates the circumstances responsible for the character's fame, and concludes
with a word about the .character's death or disappearance. The following biography of
the immortal Wangzi Qiao ::ET~ (Jpn: Oshikyo) offers an example (Figure 90):
Wangzi Qiao was the heir apparent, namedJin, ofKing Ling ofthe Zhou
(r. 571-545 B.C.E.). An adept at imitating the song ofthe phoenix on a
reed-pipe organ, he wandered between the Yin andLuo rivers [in
Henan). The Daoist master Lord Fuqu introduced him to Mount
Songgao [Songshan, Henan). When thirty years later he was being
sought out on the mountain, he metwith Bo Liang andsaid to him, UTe 11
myfamily to expect me on the seventh day ofthe seventh month on the
peak ofMount Goushi [in the Songshan range}." On the appointed day,
he did indeed alight on the mountain peak, riding a white crane. They
saw himfrom afar butwere unable to reach him. He raised his hand to
take leave ofthe men ofhis time. Afew days later, he disappeared.
4' Okudaira, 110.
92
Thereupon shrines were erected beneath Mount Goushi and on top of
Songgao.46
Biographies in Kinsei kijin-den closely follow this structure as well. The chapter
on Inshi Sekiga Wi±::P~ (1616-1686), for example, begins by mentioning that his
pseudonym was Nagano Uneme, describing his service to Governor Sanda Nobuyuki of
the Izu islands, and praising his abilities in kendo and calligraphy. Kokei then discusses
at length Sekiga's poetry, which had so profoundly affected some ofhis admirers that
they were able to recite his works from memory years later. It concludes by stating that
in 1713, after a period oferemitism, he died at the age ofseventy at Numazu Station
along the Takaida road.47
Another noticeable similarity between Kinsei kijin-denand Strange Traces of
Immortals and Buddhas is their format. They are both anthologies ofseveral dozen short
biographies, each ofwhich ranges in length from a single paragraph to several pages.48
Slightly less than halfofthe characters in both texts are illustrated, and these images are
usually full-page portraits that depict the subject in full figure in a simply described
46 Hong Yingming,Xianfo qizong, vol. 1,24. Translated by William Theodore deBary and quoted in De
Bary, William Theodore and Irene Bloom, Sources ofChinese Tradition, 2nd Edition. (New York:
Columbia University Press, 2000),394-5.
47 Murakami, 184-5.
48 Kinsei kijin-den is a compilation of 88 biographies arranged into five categories: benevolence and filial
piety, faith and blessings, enlightened poets, disregard of public taste, and eccentrics ofvarious talents.
Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas is a collection of 305 biographies divided into four volumes,
each with a particular theme. "Traces ofHermits" ( rtl!4l11;tj ,Ch: Xiaoyaoxu, Jpn: ShOyO-kyo) describes
the pantheon ofDaoist immortals, "A Selection ofElders" ( rIt1:.~j ,Ch: Zhangshengquan, Jpn:
CMsei-sen) discusses the lives ofnoteworthy Daoist hermits, "The Silent and Brilliant Realm" ( r~1t
~J ,Ch: Jiguangjing, Jpn: JaklW-kyo) portrays various Buddhist exemplars, and "Secrets ofNonbeing"
( r1JW1:.~j ,Ch: Wushengjue, Jpn: MushOketsu) honors the founders ofBuddhism. This last volume is
further subdivided into two sections that deal with the founders of Indian Buddhism and Chinese Buddhism,
respectively.
93
environment Some ofKaten's illustrations, in mct, are almost identical to Yingming's.
(Figures 91-92.)
Perhaps the most striking characteristic that the two texts share is their
glorification oferemitism and abnormality. Without exception, the characters described
in Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas achieve their state ofdivine status and
fantastic powers by retreating from society, as if the very act of reclusion were a form of
spiritual training. The bizarre nature of the powers they thereby develop demands their
further separation from ordinary people. However, this isolation the characters
experience is described in both books not as social alienation but as a sort ofspiritual
transcendence. In this way, the topic ofeccentricity, as expressed in both artwork and
biographical sketches, is inextricably bound together with concepts of religious Daoism,
particularly immortalism. This Daoist interpretation ofeccentricity, furthermore, is not
merely limited to the writings ofBan Kokei and Mikuma Katen. Rather, as will be
discussed in·the following chapter, it applies to all of the visual artists who have been
discussed thus far.
94
95
Figure 71. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail: illustration
ofLaozi (Jpn: Roshi); 1602, ink on paper, woodblock print, Kyoto University Library,
Kyoto, Japan.
Figure 72. lwasa Matabei, "La.ozi Crossing the
River (Rosh; Shukkan-zu)," formerlY.faIt ofthe
"Kanedani Folding Screen," early 17 century,
ink on paper, hanging scroll, Tokyo National
Museum.
96
Figure 73. Soga Shohaku, "Laozi and
Landscapes (Rosh; sansui-zu)," set of
three hanging scrolls; detail: Laozi
(center scroll). 1770-81, ink on paper,
96.7 x 33.1 cm,
97
Figure 74. Kano Sansetsu, "Cultivation through the Four Seasons (Shiki kosaku-zu
byobu)", detail: right screen; early 17th century, pair of8-fold screens, color on paper,
101.1 x 363.6 cm each, Tokyo University ofArts and Music University Museum.
Figure 75. Kano Sansetsu, "Cultivation through the Four Seasons (Shiki kosaku-zu
byobu)", detail: left screen; early 17th century, pair of8-fold screens, color on paper,
101.1 x 363.6 cm each, Tokyo University ofArts and Music University Museum.
Figure 76. Kano Sansetsu, "Cultivation in
the Four Seasons," right screen, detail:
elder in front ofhis home.
98
Figure 77. Kano Sansetsu, "Cultivation in
the Four Seasons," right screen, detail: man
sowing seeds.
Figure 78. Kano Sansetsu, "Cultivation in the Four Seasons," right screen, detail:
gathering rice seedlings
Figure 79. Kana Sansetsu, "Cultivation in the Four Seasons," right screen, detail:
transplanting the rice seedlings.
Figure 80. Kana Sansetsu, "Cultivation in the Four Seasons," right screen, detail: men
and young boy irrigating the rice field by pedalling a water wheel.
99
100
Figure 81. Kano Sansetsu, "Cultivation in the Four Seasons," left screen, detail: men
reapin and bundlin the rice.
Figure 82. Kano Sansetsu, "Cultivation in the Four Seasons," left screen, detail: women
milling some ofthe rice with a millstone.
Figure 83. Kano Sansetsu, "Cultivation in
the Four Seasons," right screen, detail:
Zhongli Quan (Jpn: Shoriken) walking
between the rice fields.
101
Figure 84. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces
ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail:
illustration ofZhongli Quan (Jpn:
Shoriken); 1602, ink on paper, woodblock
print, Kyoto University Library, Kyoto,
Japan.
",----- ­
'---
··-r ~.;
Figure 86. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces of
Immortals and Buddhas, detail: illustration of
Zhang Daoling (Jpn: Chodoryo)~ 1602, ink on
paper, woodblock print, Kyoto University
Library, Kyoto, Japan.
102
Figure 87. Kano Sansetsu, "Vimalakirti
(Jpn: Yuima koji-zu)," early 17th
century, ink on paper, hanging scroll,
117.0 x 45.5 em, private collection.
103
y), ~." .; ~. y
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Figure 90. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail: illustration
ofWangzi Qiao (Jpn: Oshikyo); 1602, ink on paper, woodblock print, Kyoto University
Library, Kyoto, Japan.
Figure 91. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail:
illustration ofBodhidharma (Jpn:
Bodaidaruma); 1602, ink on paper,
woodblock print, Kyoto University
Library, Kyoto, Japan.
104
Figure 92. Mikuma Katen, Kinsei kijin-den,
detail: illustration ofMonk Yoren, 1790, ink
on paper, woodblock print.
105
Chapter Four:
Visual Evidence of Daoist Influence
upon the Japanese Definition of Eccentricity
Fanciful imagery, elaborate iconography, and an ever-present sense oftheatricality made
the tales of religious Daoism particularly suitable for visual depiction. It is not surprising,
therefore, that while immortalism was a prominent theme in literary works of the Edo
period such as the Kinsei kijin-den, it was all the more passionately investigated by
painters and printmakers ofthe time. As motifs ofclassical Chinese origin, portraits of
Daoist transcendents quickly developed a reputation within Japan as products ofthe Kano
school ofpainting. Opulent works commissioned by military rulers and installed in
public spaces such as Ryoanji temple (Figure 93) reminded viewers ofthe government's
cultural ties to China and functioned as visual metaphors for the shogunate, implying that
extraordinary power, manifested in the form of either military strength or supernatural
talent, was an indisputable sign ofspiritual enlightenment. In contrast to these state-
sponsored artworks, Daoist imagery that was privately produced by independent painters
and printmakers appear to have been motivated far more by an interest in its fundamental
theological meaning. The works ofBada Shanren, Iwasa Matabei, Kano Sansetsu, Ito
Jakuchu, Soga Shohaku, Nagasawa Rosetsu, and Utagawa Kuniyoshi, once
iconographically identified, reveal distinct attitudes regarding the subject of immortalism,
106
and when considered collectively, these works encourage an interpretation of eccentricity
based upon this tenet ofreligious Daoism.
Bada Shanren: Immortalism and Social Liberation
Since both religious Daoism and the discussion of eccentricity originated from
China, the fact that Chinese eccentric artists displayed great interest in the transcendents
may not be surprising, but the inclusion ofBada Shanren, a former Buddhist monk who
completely eschewed figuration, within this group ofartists dramatically illustrates the
extent of immortalism's pervasive influence upon the genre ofeccentric art. In addition
to his paintings ofwildlife, Bada's works ofcalligraphy, including several that deal with
Daoist themes, have recently come to public attention. "Transcription ofthe 'Holy
Mother Manuscript' with Colophon" (Figures 94-95) is based upon an essay attributed to
the monk and calligrapher Huaisu (ca. 725 - ca. 799) that was preserved as a stone
carving after the author's death. It is believed that Bada himself made a rubbing ofthis
carving and thereby transcribed the text in the winter of 1698.1 Huaisu's text is a
hagiography ofXiwangmu W::Efft:(Jpn: SeiobO), Queen Mother of the East:
The Holy Mother in her heart approved the ultimate instructions ofthe
sages... . Whereupon, the perfected one, Lord Liu... provided her with
magicalformulas andfed her on perfected elixirs, so that herdivine
appearance was instantly transformed, herflesh and bones grew slender and
lovely, and setting herselfapartfrom the common masses, she distanced
herselffrom carnal affections. Atfirst, her husbandMister Du was greatly
enragedand reprimanded herfor neglecting her wifely duties, but the Holy
I Chang, Joseph. In Pursuit ofHeavenly Harmony: Paintings and Calligraphy by Bada Shanrenfrom the
Estate ofWang Fangyu andSum Wai (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery ofArt: Smithsonian Institution in
association with Weatherhill, Inc., 2(03),88,154.
107
Mother went on as she was andpaid him no heed, until in time he brought
suit against her, which led to her confinement. While detained in prison, all
ofa sudden she was arrayed in rainbows, andan immortal's carriage
descendedfrom the air, inquiringfor her as itapproached the door. Looking
back, she called to her two daughters and together they ascended, climbing
into the void.2
Bada's transcription has been interpreted by some art historians as an example of
his pious devotion to religious Daoism. Joseph Chang's comments about another Daoist
text that the artist transcribed fourteen years earlier are entirely applicable to this work as
well. Though religious texts are customarily transcribed in regular script, which is
considered to be more dignified, Chang nonetheless detects in Bada's writing a sense of
solemnity: few ofhis characters interconnect, and it is fairly easy to read, as if the artist
transcribed the text for pedagogical as well as aesthetic purposes.3 (Figure 94) This
interpretation is further supported by the artist's use of the seal "Immortality is
achievable" (Ke de shenxian; Figure 96) to mark this scroll as well as by the short
colophon following the transcription, in which the artist exclaims, "The writing of
Lutian'an [Huaisu], how can one not treasure it!,,4
Among the various aspects and interpretations of immortalism, the concept ofan
individual's social liberation seemed particularly appealing to the artist. When
comparing Huaisu's text to Hong Yingming's description ofXiwangmu in Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, for example, one finds a much heavier emphasis upon
the protagonist's escape from both prison and her domineering husband via her
2 Ibid, 88.
3 Ibid, 18.
4 Ibid, 89. Bada used the seal on several works from 1686 until his death circa 1705. Ibid, 24.
108
transformation into an immortal.' This theme ofliberation is echoed in several other
calligraphic works by Bada, including "Congratulating Pei Tingyu on Passing the Exams
in Shu" (Figure 97). The text upon which this artwork was based is the first halfofan 8
line poem in which the author, Li Bo (active 8708-8808), congratulates a close friend on
his successful completion ofthe civil service examination, comparing this academic
accomplishment to a Daoist hermit's long-awaited spiritual transcendence:
At Tongliang, a thousand leagues, the clouds ofdawn disperse,
For the list ofthe immortals has comefrom the Purple Palace.
In heaven above you already spreadyour newlyfeathered win~s,
Andshall not return to the dust and grime ofthe world before.
The list ofnewly deified immortals that has been announced from the Celestial
Emperor's Purple Palace, Chang explains, symbolizes an announcement posted by
emperor Li Yen (reigned 873-888) that lists those scholars who have successfully
completed the civil service examination.' Of particular interest is the final line, which
implies that Pei Tingyu has succeeded in not only securing prestigious employment but
also in escaping from the wretched social conditions that he endured while preparing for
the exam. Considering the political turmoil that the artist witnessed during his lifetime,
Bada Shanren's use ofDaoist imagery as a means ofmeditating upon the goal ofsocial
liberation seems entirely fitting.
5 Hong Yingrning~1!~.X;anfo qizong W1l1J1i$~J . Vol. 1. 3 volumes. (Kyoto: Kyoto University
Library, 2(01), 12-13.
6 Chang, 128.
7 Ibid, 161.
109 .
Iwasa Matabei: Immortatism and the Sarcastic Glorification ofNobility
In comparison to Bada Shanren, most ofthe Japanese eccentrics discussed by
Tsuji Nobuo referred to Daoist concepts through far more visually expressive works of
figurative art. Iwasa Matabei contributed several such paintings in which all ofthe
immortals portrayed are presented as members ofthe noble class, but this fact becomes
apparent only after the iconography ofthe images is sufficiently decoded. "The
Transcendent Lady Nongyu" (Figure 98), a work formerly displayed as part ofthe so-
called Kanedani screens, a pair ofsix-panel folding screens held by the Kanedani family
ofFukui City,S is based upon Hong Yingming's hagiography ofXiaoshi (II~, Jpn:
Shoshi; Figure 99). In the Period of Spring and Autumn Annals (772-481 BCE), Nongyu
(3'f:li, Jpn: Rogyoku), daughter ofLord Mu ofthe Qin, and her husband Xiaoshi learned
to play the flute (II, Ch: xiao; Jpn: sho) and became skillful enough to imitate the cry of
a phoenix. When they played, supernatural creatures would come flying down to greet
them. One day, Lady Nongyu mounted a phoenix, her husband mounted a dragon, and
they ascended into the sky, never to be seen again.9 In Matabei's version ofthe story,
Lady Nongyu is calling a phoenix with her pan pipes (fil:., Ch: paixiao; Jpn: paisho),
and compositional similarities with Hong's illustration, particularly the appearance ofthe
phoenix, suggest that the Japanese artist may have used Strange Traces ofImmortals and
Buddhas as a model for this painting. (Figures 99-100.)
8 Iwasa Matabei ~{;:.X~. and Tsuji Nobuo i±1t1t.lwasaMatabei W~{;:.X~IiJ (Tokyo: Shfteisha,
1980), 128.
9 Ibid, 128.
110
The depiction ofZhang Liang ~!il:(Jpn: Choryo; 168-137 BCE) returning Huang
Shigong .:.E~ (Jpn: Ko Sekiko) his shoe (Figure 101), as found in Matabei's "Scrolls
ofLegendary Chinese and Japanese Figures," is based upon a Chinese fable found in
Sima Qian's 1It century BCE text Records ofthe Grand Historian (Ch: Shiji). Sima's
entry discusses how Zhang, the Marquis ofLiu, encountered the hermit Huang while
strolling along an embankment in Xiapei. Huang's shoe has just fallen offand rolled
down the hill, and after Zhang fetches it, Huang rewards the marquis with a magical book
on military strategy that guarantees success in any military campaign. After using the
text to assist Liu Bang (Jpn: Ryuuhou .~) in the overthrow ofthe Qin emperor and the
foundation ofthe Han Dynasty (206 BCE - 220 CE), Zhang decides to abandon his
worldly ties and study Daoist magic from the immortal Chisongzi dftt.k-1- (Jpn: Seki
Shoshi; Figure 102).10
From its literary origin in the 1!It century BCE, the tale ofZhang Liang and Huang
Shigong gradually evolved as it was transmitted to Japan. During the Muromachi era
(1392 -1573 CE), Nobumitsu (d. 1516 CE) adapted this story for the Noh stage and in
doing so dramatically altered the circumstances surrounding Zhang's and Huang's initial
encounter. In his play "Choryo," the hermit is presented riding across a bridge on
horseback when his shoe falls off, and upon descending into the river below to retrieve it,
the marquis is suddenly confronted by an enormous dragon. Zhang succeeds in driving
off the beast, which the hermit later describes as an incarnation ofbodhisattva
10 Sima Qian. Records ofthe GrandHistorian: Han Dynasty, vol. 1 (Hong Kong; New York: Renditions­
Columbia University Press, 1993), 100-112.
111
Avalokitesvara sent to test Zhang's courage.ll Matabei's image closely resembles
Nobumitsu's interpretation ofthe scene with the single exception ofZhang's relationship
with the dragon. (Figure 101.) The marquis calmly stands on its head, and the beast
obediently raises him up beside the bridge so that he can return the hermit's shoe. Rather
than as a mortal who strikes at supernatural beings out of fear, Zhang is presented as a
self-assured adept ofDaoist sorcery strikingly similar to Sesson Shukei's (circa 1504-
1583) depiction ofthe transcendentLu Dongbin. (Figure 103.)
"Luofu Xian" (Jpn: Rafusen; literally, "The Immortal ofMount Luofu;" Figure
104), also formerly exhibited as part ofthe Kanedani Folding Screen,12 portrays a
character that can be traced back to a short story in "Longcheng lu" ft~~, written by
the Tang Dynasty author Liu Zongyuan MJ*JG (773-819 CE).13 The tale takes place
during the Sui dynasty (581-619) when Zhao Shixiong (mlillit, Jpn: Cho Shiyft) traveled
to Mount Luofu 111$ (Jpn: Rafu). He was about to enter a liquor shop to warm himself
when a woman dressed in white clothes and wearing light makeup came out ofthe shop
to welcome him. A fragrance wafted about her, and she spoke eloquently. While they
drank sake together and chatted, Zhao became drunk and fell asleep, and when he
11 Fenollosa, Ernest Francisco and Ezra Pound. The Classic Noh Theatre ofJapan (Westport, Connecticut:
Greenwood Press, 1977), 131-34.
12Iwasa, 128.
13 r~1I~l:j:I@mJjU.~-1=l ;R.I=l.i'£lJ$gfln~Mm.nN~~*flnm.!;ff* ~-*T~tt*HIH!:l
~mJj!ftIf;fjtB~M~Jt J:3 fS.~l1iIi!ft.z~zl!{§.jt~~.AI!~.m.~.z3'IJm*~~~g~ff]
.~~~~-.~t*~~ ••$S~.~~.mJj!ft$M~{§.jt~.ff].~zlf;fjt.~BSmJj.~m
.7?1i'£*m:tt~ffJ:.~.5P1~Pfff]IU~~_~f.El.'tJlj1lffij.J . "Liu xian sheng long cheng lujuan shang"
r~;t1::ft~.~J:.J ,5. In Liu Zongyuan ~*:7C. Wu baijia zhu liu xian shengji ~:E13*fi;WiJ;t1::
.~ vol. 10 (Shanghai: Shang wu yin shu guan, 1934).
112
awakened in the cold wind ofdawn, he found himselfbeneath a large plum tree. The
beautiful woman that he had met was the spirit ofthe plum blossoms.14
The immortal ofLuofuxian does not appear in any ofthe collections oforthodox
.Daoist hagiographies such as Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas,!' but
nevertheless, the story ofLuofuxian came to be a revered motifofartists ranging from
the late Qing painter Su Liupeng ~ AJlIJ(1791 - ca. 1862) to the nihonga pioneers
Yokoyama Taikan Wi11I:k_ (1868-1956) and Hishida Shunw~ IE ~1jt (1874-1911).16
The theme's popularity seems to have been largely due to Matabei's work, in which the
artist presents Luofu Xian as if she truly were a member ofthe Daoist pantheon. Just as
Hong Yingming had posed Chisongzi (literally, "Master ofthe Red Pine") beside the
transcendent's namesake tree, a symbol oflongevity (Figure 102), in much the same way,
Matabei depicting the immortal ofLuofu in three-quarter view standing in front ofa
blossoming prunus, another of the "three friends ofwinter" symbolizing long life.
Another aspect ofLuofu Xian's reinvention by Matabei is her apparent identity as
a member ofthe royal court. Her appeamnce, particularly that ofher head, is almost
identical to that ofLady Nongyu: her hair, parted in the center, is partly tied up in a bun,
and the remainder hangs down to slightly below her shoulders. At the crown ofher head
and at her nape, her hair is decorated with gorgeous, golden ornaments. Her eyebrows
are carefully plucked into thin arches as well. (Figures 105-106.) In light ofthe
14Iwasa, 128.
l' Jo-shui Chen, Liu Tsung-yilan and Intellectual Change in T 'ang China, 773-819 (Cambridge; New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1992), 103.
16 Su Liupeng's work is in the collection of the Guangzhou Museum ofArt, Taikan's portrait is in the
Adachi Museum ofArt in Shimane Prefecture, and ShunS(')' s, dated 1901, is in the Nagano Prefectural
Shinano Art Museum.
113
customary depiction of immortals such as Li Tieguai as destitute outcasts in tattered
clothes, this transformation ofLuofu Xian is particularly conspicuous.
Though Matabei was employed by relatives ofthe shogun from 1637, at which
time he was approximately 59 years old, until the end of his life,l7 at least two ofthese
three paintings are believed to have been produced before then. The relatively subdued
coloration ofall three ofthese works as well as what Tsuji Nobuo has described as the
comically vulgar appearance ofthe figures they depict are further reasons to assume that
they were not commissioned by high-ranking members ofthe government. lS While the .
homage that Matabei's works pay to rulers and particularly members ofthe noble class
liken them to the aforementioned Daoist paintings by the Kano school, the way in which
he subtly yet consistently distorts the figures completely subverts the ideological function
that the works may otherwise have possessed. Underlying the.apparent glorification of
Matabei's subjects is an acknowledgement ofthe grotesque physicality ofall individuals,
be they mortal or transcendent.
Kana Sansetsu: Immortalism and Social Detachment
As with the Daoist portraits by Matabei, Kano Sansetsu's depictions oftranscendents,
particularly members ofthe Eight Eccentrics/9 display not only the influence ofStrange
17 Tsuji Nobuo, Kist) no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 26-27.
18 Ibid, 30-31.
19 The evolution and irregularities of the term "the Eight Immortals" (J\.fUt; Ch: baxian; Jpn: hassen)
demand acknowledgement, as Anning Jing explains: "Among the several extant versions of the junior
group ofEight Immortals in literature, drama, and the visual arts, the earliest dates to the early Yuan. The
individuals in the different versions vary. Some appear in all versions, [and these 'regulars' include
Zhongli Quan••*t, Lu Dongbin g·7fiBlf, Li Tieguai $ilm, Han Xiangzi .mJ.:r, and Lan Came_*
114
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas but a great deal ofpersonal reinterpretation as well,
and as a result, some are challenging to identify, but upon doing so, one can easily
appreciate the way in which these portraits reflect particular aspects ofthe artist's
personality. Sansetsu's images ofLi Tieguai $fJ(fj3 (Jpn: Tekkai fJ(m) and Liu Haichan
'J~t.t (Jpn: RyUkaisen; also known in Japanese as Gama -Ii), though intended as a
diptych, display two, dramatically different degrees offidelity to visual sources. Since
the main attribute ofLi Tieguai (Figure 107), his cane, is a quite commonplace object and
therefore perhaps insufficient by itselfto infonn viewers ofthe character's identity,
Sansetsu reverently adheres to several aspects ofHong's depiction. (Figure 108.) The
strangely contorted tree in the background has been preserved and now borders the
opposite edge ofthe image, and Li's head, though redrawn with less hair and facing in
the opposite direction, is identical. Though Sansetsu has readjusted the position ofthe
figure's arms and re-imagined his attire, the angle ofLi's torso and the position ofhis
bare left foot have likewise remained unchanged. By contrast, since Liu Haichan (Figure
109) is easily identified by his unusual attribute, a toad, Sansetsu' has disregarded
portraits ofhim by earlier artists (Figure 110) and instead utilizes his own, distinctive
;fP]; others are present in only some versions, [and these 'irregulars' include Cao Guoqiu ..~., Zhang
Guolao U;g, He Xiangu fiiJ'{tlJMi, Helan Xian, Xuan Huzi, Hsu Shenweng, and Zhang Silang]. The total
number of individuals is twelve, but [when shown as a group] ... only eight figures from [this] larger pool
ofcandidates were selected at one time." Hearn, Maxwell K. and Judith K. Smith, ed.. Arts ofthe Sung and
YUan: Papers Preparedfor an International Symposium Organized by the Metropolitan Museum ofArt in
Conjunction with the Exhibition Splendors ofImperial China: Treasures from the National Palace Museum,
Taipei (New York: Department ofAsian Art, Metropolitan Museum ofArt, 1996): 215. In visual
depictions ofthe Eight Immortals, the appearance of any of the final four immortals in Jing's list seems to
be relatively rare.
115
visual vocabulary, giving the character an expression of demented ecstasy and filling the
upper half of the scroll with jagged rocks.
In Screens with Paintings ofChinese Immortals, Sansetsu portrays four other
members ofthe Eight Eccentrics. The task of identifying these characters, however, is
far more challenging, because some ofthese individuals possess several interchangeable
attributes, and also because the artist has either taken immense creative liberty with these
portraits, as he did with that ofLiu Haichan, or has consulted other visual sources. Some
ofthe artist's alterations to the iconography ofthe figures are relatively minor. Han
Xiangzi .mtT(Jpn: Kanshoshi), for example, appears playing a small traverse flute fii
T, Ch: dizi) instead ofthe fish-drum (~!lt, Ch: yugu) that he is shown holding in
Hong's depiction.20 (Figures 111-112.) Similarly, in Sansetsu's image ofCao Guoqiu ..
lE Ji (Jpn: So Kokkyil), the transcendent stands holding a set ofclappers :/$~(Ch: yun
yang ban), while in Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, he is shown with a fly
whisk and studying a taiji :;tfli diagram; the only common characteristic linking these
two images is the willow tree beneath the drooping branches ofwhich the figure poses.21
(Figures 113-114.)
Since all ofthe figures portrayed in this pair of folding screens by Sansetsu are
most likely limited to members of the Eight Immortals, the remaining two portraits
should, at least by process ofelimination, be relatively easy to identify. Nevertheless, the
artist's omission or alteration ofcrucial iconographic features has made this task
20 Little. Stephen. Taoism and the Arts ofChina (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago; Berkeley: In
association with University ofCalifomia Press. 20(0).321.
21 Ibid. 321.
116
surprisingly difficult. Regarding the image ofa man crouching beside a basket of flowers
(Figure 115), since an image ofHan Xiangzi, who is known for his abilities to make
flowers bloom instantly,22 has already been included in these folding screens, is most
likely not another portrait of this immortal. Instead, it was probably intended to depict
Lan Caihe _*fJ:t(Jpn: Ransaiwa) who was known for carrying a basket of flowers,23 as
he is shown doing in an illustration from the encyclopedia Collected Illustrations ofthe
Three Realms (Sancai Tuhui .::.:t~~) compiled in 1607 by Wang Qi and Wang Siyi.
(Figure 116.) As briefly mentioned in the previous chapter, several ofthe illustrations in
this encyclopedia were copied from Strange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas, and
though Hong's depiction ofLan Caihe shows him holding a set ofcastanetsM~ (Ch:
paiban; Jpn: hakubani4 and a string ofcoins,25 (Figure 117) this is unmistakably the
origin ofthe Wangs' illustration. Unfortunately, Sansetsu shows the transcendent with
both feet bare although, as seen in the Hong and Wang illustrations, Lan Caihe was
known for wearing a boot on one ofhis feet.26
Sansetsu's image ofthe mustachioed immortal standing upon a pier and leaning
what appears to be a long bamboo pole against his left shoulder (Figure 118) displays the
extent to which the artist's conception ofthe Eight Eccentrics diverged from accepted
iconography. The same figure (Figure 119) also appears in "Immortals," Sansetsu's set
ofpolychromaticjUsuma paintings, alongside eight other characters who can be readily
22 Hearn, 218.
23 Lai, T. Coo The Eight Immortals (Hong Kong: Swindon Book Company, 1972),5.
24 Little, Taoism and the Arts afChina, 321.
2S Lai, 7.
26 Ibid, 5.
117
identified as Liu Haichan, Lan Caihe, Li Tieguai, Han Xiangzi, Zhongli Quan, Zhang
Guolao, Lii Dongbin, and Cao Guoqiu. Ifthis remaining figure is indeed a well-known
transcendent, then considering both Anning Jing's observation about alternate members
ofthis group as well as the iconography ofthese mem.bers, Sansetsu's figure may well be
a male incarnation ofHe Xiangu fiiffW1J5(Jpn: Kasenko). Though this sole female
member ofthe Eight Immortals is depicted in Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas
with some peaches and a basket oflingzhi (Ganoderma lucidum), a fungus that was
believed to offer immortality to anyone who ate it (Figure 120),27 a modified copy ofthis
illustration found in Collected illustrations ofthe Three Realms shows her holding
another ofher attributes, a lotus plant, from its root.28 (Figure 121.) The similarity of
these figures' poses further infers that Sansetsu may have consulted one or both ofthese
texts when painting his portraits: the immortal is shown with his or her body pointing
slightly to the viewer's right, his or her head turned ninety degrees in the opposite
direction, and his or her back arched. Even common elements in the attire of the figures,
such as the shape oftheir collars and the seams running down the center oftheir chests,
are difficult to ignore.
In Sansetsu's portraits ofDaoist transcendents one can possibly detect what Tsuji
Nobuo has described as a distain for social interaction?9 Despite the fact that they are
known as members ofthe Eight Immortals, each ofthe figures is presented individually
within his or her own unique environment. Although the compositional decision for
27 Little, Taoism and the Arts o/China, 321.
28 Ibid, 321.
29 Tsuji, Kis6 no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), SO-51.
118
these portraits was certainly dictated by visual sources such as Hong's illustrations, even
in a painting in which the immortals are shown gathered together, the characters seem
oblivious to one another's existence, and even their clothes seem to be affected in
dissimilar ways by the blowing wind.30 (Figure 122.) While Tsuji is compelled to
interpret these characteristics from a psychoanalytical standpoint,·in the context of
religious Daoism, a willingness to escape from the spiritually unhealthy influence of
society and to behave as ifalone even among the presence ofothers is considered a
laudable virtue. Ifa full appreciation ofthe artist's work depends upon an understanding
ofhis personality, then considering that the artist himselflived before the development of
modern science, the most appropriate lens through which to evaluate him seems to be the
beliefsystem in which he was known to express personal interest
Ita Jakuchu: Abstract Contemplation of Immortalism
Within Jakuchu's oeuvre, the set ofworks whose Daoist meaning is most obvious
is a pair ofhanging scrolls in which the immortals Liu Haichan (Jpn: Gama) and Li
Tieguai (Jpn: Tekkai) are presented as whimsical caricatures that teeter upon the verge of
abstraction. (Figures 123-124.) In the right scroll, a three-legged frog dances upon the
balding head ofLiu Haichan, who stands holding a peach with his back turned to the
viewer. The opposing scroll offers a frontal portrait of Tieguai, who clutches his staff in
both hands, leans his head back, and blows a gust ofair towards the sky, thereby
expelling his own spirit, which is represented by a small, flying figure. The artist invited
30Doi Tsugiyoshi, 00.. KanOSanrakulSansetsu ~~;hl.I~· I1l~J (Tokyo: Shfteisha, 1976),189.
119
two acquaintances, the Shingon priest Sessan Jakusho and the Obaku priestGessen Jotan .
(d. 1769), to write the inscriptions on the scrolls. In the left scroll, Jotan subtly refers to
Tieguai and ponders the irony ofhow his pathetic physique belies his true identity as a
powerful immortal:
Having lost his body, he wasforced to inhabit the corpse ofone who had died
ofstarvation. This was not his original body, ofcourse. [But} how could
people be aware ofthisr1
In the right scroll, which depicts Haichan, Sennan Jakusho also discusses Tieguai but
offers a strikingly different image ofthe transcendent, describing his supernatural ability
as a metaphor for the solitary meditation upon which all Daoist practitioners base their
spiritual training:
His flesh exposed to the elementsfor many long years, he has entered the
worlds ofinaction and quietude. Blowing his spirit out into sPQce, his days
are spentpleasantly in diversions in the immortal realm where no one grows
0Id.3~
In contrast to many ofthe other Japanese eccentric artists, a great deal of
information about how Jakuchu may have developed an interest in religious Daoism has
risen to public attention in recent years. One important influence upon the artist seems to
have been his relationship with Baisao~~~ (1675-1763), a well-known Buddhist
priest ofthe Obaku sect and a literatus ofthe Edo era. Baisao's own name derived from
his business as a tea merchant and proprietor ofthe tea store "Pathway to the Immortals"
31 Hickman, Money 1. and Yasuhiro Sat6. The Paintings ofJakucha. (New York: Asia Society Galleries in
association with Harry N. Abrams, 1989), 148. Translation by Money 1. Hickman.
32 Ibid, 148. Translation by Money 1. Hickman.
120
(Tsusentei ii1l1J~.33 He was furthermore one ofthe eccentrics profiled in Kinsei kijin-
den, in which Kokei offered samples ofthe priest's poetry, much ofwhich alludes to the
Daoist pantheon:
Everyday, the water boils, and I hear the kettle whistle.
Atthatpoint, I understand the pleasure afimmortals.
Ifyou want to learn the pleasure oftea as well,
First drink this cup oftea with earnestness.54
One example ofthe extent to which Jakuchu admired and emulated this figure can
be found in records about Baisa6's visit to Jakuchu's studio at the end ofthe year 1760,
when theDOshoku sae series was still in the process ofbeing completed. Baisao later
expressed his admiration ofJakuchu's work in a seven-character poem, and the artist felt
so honored to receive this praise that he carved the poem into a seal and used that seal on
several paintings.35 Jakuchu also paid tribute to the priest in several posthumous portraits
that he painted decades later. (Figure 125.)
33Itl) JakuchQ ~.~{I:j:l. Jalalchu: Tolalbetsu Tenrankai Botsugo 200-nen: Bunkazai HogohO 50-nen Kinen
JigyO =Jakuchu! r~{l:p: %"~tl §i.~¥~~ 200 &f. :)({~M1*Ii~ 50 &f.1a~*. =Jakucht1IJ
~yoto: Kyoto kokuritsu hakubutsukan, 2000), 24.
4Jm~ I=l ,l( ~~J!t UjltAOO{l1li!:ii ~.lI~JU:P ~ {~.1'eA••tlj, Murakami Mamoru ;ft1:
Ii. Ban Kokei sen autosaida 119-nin kinsei kijinden ~{,*JIU7 rj J-~ -1~-119 Ailiiit-.AfjiJ .
Tokyo: Hanbai kyOikusha Shuppan SAbisu, 1981), 188. Several other poems by BaisaO referring to
immortals are translated into English in Waddell, Norman. "The Old Tea Seller: The Life and Poetry of
BaisaO." In The Eastern Buddhist 17 (Autwnil1984) 2: 93-123.
35 ItO, 31. The original poem is: H1rffl~tf:P:ii*,.
121
Baisao is believed to have encouraged this artist, commonly known throughout
his early life as Masuya Gensaeimon, to chose the artist name Jakuchu, a word that
resonates with Daoist significance. Meaning "like a void," the name originates from a
list ofparadoxes found in the forty-fifth chapter ofthe Dao De Jingm~~:
Great success seems to be lacking, but it will never run out.
Great.fiJllness seems to be like a void, but its usage is limitless.
Great straightness seems bent, ~reat skill seems clumsy, and great
eloquence sounds awkward. 6
The belief that Masuya Gensaeimon began to use the name Jakuchu around 1747 is based
upon the evidence of a water ladle (mizusashi) that Baisao owned throughout the latter
half ofhis life and used when conducting tea ceremonies. On the inside ofthe ladle is
written a poem that quotes the phrase, "Things that lack nothing seem to be like a void.'>37
The inscription beneath it reads, "On a summer day in the fourth year of the Enkyo era
(1747), Toko Sanjin wrote this poem on this water ladle while at the riverside near the
Tadasu forest.,,38
Toko Sanjin JR#1h1.JA was a pseudonym for Daiten Kenjo :kAIP:1it (1717-
1801), the chiefabbot of Shokokuji temple as well as an accomplished poet and a close
friend ofthe painter. In comparison to BaisaO, Daiten was undeniably a far greater
36*px:~1tiJ.;, ;itJf.l/f'~o *ji~?Jtl, ;itJf.l:iF~o *it~JHl, *t5~~, *#~~o The Japanese
i'tHt~' n> ... ~ ..s. U., r.:~':tl' ~t.i: ...~ ..s.
reading for this is: *PX: IJ:~ It t=. Q~~¥ '@: t, ~q)ffll±~ '@: i"0 *ji I± itP 1.., '@: ~~¥ '@: t, :J!I(q)
U '!t.> i't1't:>.:J <., ... ~ i'tl':::~ . 1:2 ...~ i't1'.....1v ...~
ffll±R,£ e, i"o * Wi I± JHl t"Q iI~ lo <, *t51±Jl:tP~~ Q iI~}O <, *# I±t~ Q iI~ lo 1..,0 Ibid,l1.
The latter character in Jakuchtl's name, ?J:P, is the common fonn ofthe character Nt (void) that is found in
this quote. Ibid, 12.
37 Ibid, 23, 26-27. -*¥lfmM IU~.~ *ji~?Jtl ~=rmfJ Consistent with his theory is the fact
that the earliest known work by the artist that bears the name of Jakuchtl is the 1752 painting "White
Chicken among Pine Trees" ("SMjuban Keizu"). Ibid, 23.
38 Ibid, 27. TBPzI f:l Jf(mlJ1lAeT-*L*7k~.
122
.influence on Jakuchu's artistic production and the development of ideas underlying his
works. He first met the artist around 1750,39 and soon thereafter he became what some
historians have referred to as Jakuchu's "spiritual patron,,,40 helping the artist to explore
in his works spiritual meanings based upon both Buddhism and Daoism.
Having learned poetry from Daicho Genko, the spiritual disciple ofBaisao, Daiten
soon began to compose works that dealt with the themes ofimmortality and eremitism.41
One such work, dated to 1760, approximately one decade after the abbot had first met
Jakuchu, offers a montage ofimagery that conveys both the melancholy and inevitability
ofhis self-isolation:
I did notdecide to become a hermit.
From the beginning, my spirit was removedfrom worldly society.
An abandoned gate closed all day long
Only the resonance ofa settled chime disappears into the forest.
In the window, the summer rainfalls.
Beside a thicket ofvividly green bamboo, the garden is dark.
While I am sheltered by a home,
The lack ofvisitors becomes increasingly clear.42
In contrast to this somber work, another, undated poem by Daiten discusses a similarly
isolated setting but emphasizes instead the wonders that a life ofmeditation in such an
environment can produce:
The forested mountains, stretchingforforty kilometers,
Are entirelyfilled with bloomingflowers.
This place is troly another world
Farfrom the grime ofcorrupt society.
39 Ibid, 27.
40 Ibid, 24.
41 Ibid, 24.
42 Sueki Fumihiko **)(~±. Somon : Dokuan GenkO, Baisa-o, DaichO GenkO, Daiten Kenjo r{'i!ir~
~lMl1~1t, 1e~~, :ki4'l5f:tll!f, :kAm-m-J (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1996),249-50. ~~.JI(~ S3
*ilt?}JL' Mr~~71< a ~••~* ~m.~ffi d**1'J~ lm~A~m: 1ttjUMB~.
123
Who is this lone, thousand-year-old immortal
By means ofwhose energy the mist-likeflowers
On the countless branches blowing in the spring wind
Have ·opened?43
Many ofJakuchu's works echo Baisa8's and Daiten's enthusiasm about eremitism
and immortalism, but they do so in an abstract, indirect way that often escapes the
attention ofviewers. As Daiten explained in Jakuchu Koji ShunzoKetsumei ~iJPJ8±~
itU, in his attempt to produce grand works rivaling those ofthe Song and Yuan
dynasties, the artist could not afford to bother with portraits of imaginary transcendents.44
Beyond this rationalization, Jakuchu may have merely followed the example ofBaisa6
and Daiten, both of whom wrote poems that offer nothing more than mere glimpses of
anonymous Daoist characters. Through his many bird paintings, the painter made similar
allusions to immortalism. The cranes that Jakuchu depicted throughout his career (Figure
126) bring to mind the mounts oftranscendents such as Wangzi Qiao (Jpn: Oshiky6).
Other bird paintings seem to be subtle metaphors for eremitism. In The Lineage of
Eccentricity, Tsuji Nobuo pondered the possible reasons why Jakuchu often depicted
birds within a dense curtain of foliage riddled with holes that disorients the viewer and
effectively camouflages the birds.4s (Figure 127.) A satisfactory understanding ofthese
paintings does not necessarily require, as the author implies, "the tool ofpsychoanalysis"
but rather an awareness ofthe extent to which the artist, like his spiritual patron, pursued
the lifestyle ofa Daoist hennit.
43 Ibid, 274. +m*f!~~{t iI~~~4.~ at~Ttt.A~ (ffl11:i.J1,:Jj~ •.
44 Itfl, 20.
4S Tsuji, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 70-71.
124
Soga Sh6haku: The Visual Spectacle ofImmortalism
As much as one-fifth ofSoga Shohaku's known oeuvre consists of images based
upon Daoist themes, and ofthese works, "Immortals," the pair offolding screens painted
by Shohaku in 1764, is undoubtedly the most famous. Ofeven greater art historical
importance than a determination ofthe visual sources for the figures in this painting, a
topic discussed at length in Chapter Two, is an accurate identification of'those figures. In
the following iconographic analysis, the right screen (Figure 128) will be addressed first,
but since the figure whose identification presents the most challenge appears at the right
edge ofthis screen, the characters here will be discussed from left to right, contrary to the
order in which they would normally be viewed.
Several scholars have recognized the robed man riding upon a dragon (Figure
129) to be Lu Dongbin 8ffiiJW (Jpn: Ryodohin), the leader ofthe Eight Immortals who is
frequently depicted subduing a mythical beast (Figure 130),46 but in fact the identity of
this figure is not quite so simple. The image is a mitate (parody) that makes subtle
reference to the aforementioned tale ofZhang Liang (Jpn: Choryo) that Iwasa Matabei
depicted in his undated "Scrolls ofLegendary Chinese and Japanese Figures." (Figure
131) As stated in Chapter Two, the heads ofthe dragons and the pose oftheir riders are
almost identical. Equally noticeable in both images are the fanciful representations ofthe
46 Ibid. 82; Tanaka YQko S3 ~fI-T. Edo no sozoryoku WrIJ~ O)mfAtiJJ (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1992),
166.
125
waves surrounding the dragons and indicating the creatures' sudden movement through
the water.
The figure standing on the nearby shore and hailing LulZhang (Figure 132) holds
a cane in his left hand and has for this reason been labeled by some scholars as Li Tieguai
(Jpn: Tekkai).47 He also participates in the mitate, however, playing the role ofHuang
Shigong (Jpn: Kosekiko). Shohaku's attempt to conflate Li and Huang is ironic, since Li,
as a bedraggled hermit, owns no shoes that he could possibly lose, so instead LulZhang is
shown returning a bowl (Figure 129), probably one that Li uses for begging.
Because ofthe presence ofthe bird next to him, the regally dressed figure
standing to the left ofLi/Huang has been identified by scholars as Wangzi Qiao (Jpn:
Oshikyo; Figures 133-134).48 While he is in fact a prince and plays a set ofpan pipes
similar to those ofWangzi, the bird's splayed plumage, particularly the feathers on the
top of its head, indicates that it is not a stork but rather a phoenix. Accordingly, the
transcendent must be Xiaoshi.£ (Jpn: Shoshi). Shohaku had painted a portrait of
Xiaoshi five years earlier (Figure 135), several aspects ofwhich, including the figure's
black beard and headdress, are identical.
In light ofthe complete absence of information about Shohaku's own appearance,
Tsuji's statement that the figure on the far right side ofthis screen (Figure 136) is perhaps
a self-portrait ofthe artist is difficult to judge.49 Since Shohaku was known to have used
Strange Traces o/Immortals and Buddhas as a source for his portraits oftranscendents,
47 Tsuji, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 82; Tanaka, 166.
48 Tsuji, Kiso no keifu: Matabei -Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970),82; Tanaka, 166.
49 Tsuji, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 82.
126
and since all but one ofthe other characters represented in this pair of folding screens can
be found in the volume ofthis text entitled "Traces ofHermits" tJ!iii:!i.t (Ch: Xiaoyaoxu,
Jpn: ShoyOkyo), the identity of this figure can be reasonably limited to the sixty-three
hagiographies from that volume.
Tsuji and other scholars have considered the possibility that the figure may be the
transcendent Mayizi ~:tR-r(Jpn: Maiko; Figure 137),50 but upon the basis ofpurely
superficial appearance, the two have little in common other than their clothing and the
medicine gourds they carry at their waists. An immortal who was known to be
accompanied by a tiger would certainly be a far more fitting match. Although hermits
accompanied by tigers are well known in both Buddhist and Korean Daoist legendry (the
Tang dynasty monk Fenggan B:T and the sanshin, respectively), they are far less
common in the context ofChineseDaoism. Among the illustrations in "Traces of
Hermits," only that ofXuanyuan Ii iPf•• (Jpn: Ken'enshu; Figure 138) includes a tiger.
The corresponding text may not specify that the immortal was accompanied by this
precise animal, but nevertheless various details are nevertheless consistent with
Sh8haku's illustration:
According to legend, [Xuanyuan Ji] is several hundredyears old, but hisface
has not aged. While sitting in a dark room, his sharp eyes can see at a
distance ofseveral meters. He always gets medicinefrom rocky valleys. For
this reason, terrible creatures (lit., "a poisonous dragon'') and brave,
powerful beasts obey him so dutifully that he has them protect him.51
50Thid, 82.
51 Hong, vol. 1, 214. rfl:lfzilti3~~e/f~~,*~ I§l JIt:*It::ta1*~1ib!€f~ll)J.ft~~~;;z~H
flJ.
127
In particular, this passage clarifies the reason why the transcendent in Shohaku's painting
stands gazing off into the distance with his brow furrowed and his left hand shielding the
sun from his eyes. In this way, Shohaku is emphasizing the individual's extraordinary
visual acuity.
In the left screen (Figure 139), since again the most enigmatic figure appears on
the far right, the characters will be discussed from left to right. The woman leaning
against a boulder and accompanied by two younger attendants, one ofwhom is holding a
platter ofpeaches (Figure 140) is unmistakably Xiwangmu IDi::E.-at (Jpn: Seiooo), the
Queen Mother of the West, with her daughters. (Figure 141.) Tsuji has proposed that the
pangolin that stands next to the immortal and prepares to bite into one ofher peaches
represents Dongfang Shuo Jti::JJWj (Jpn: Tooosaku; Figures 142-143).'2 Although this
character is indeed infamous for his guile and self-centeredness, he is not associated with
creatures such as the pangolin in any known texts, nor is he known to be able to
metamorphose into other animals. For this reason, the creature depicted here should
probably be.interpreted as merely a zoological oddity whose presence in the painting
adds to its air ofotherworldliness.
There is little doubt that the figure whose ears are being cleaned by one of
Xiwangmu's daughters (Figure 144) is Liu Haichan j1J #it tt (Jpn: Gama !!Iii.) even
though, in terms of its size, the creature that Shohaku shows clinging to his shoulders
looks more like a dog or small bear than a frog. Crouching to the right of him is a far
'2 Tsuji, Kis6 no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 81.
128
more obscure immortal, Zuoci tr.. ~ (Jpn: Saji; Figures 145-146), in the process or
reenacting one ofthe pivotal scenes ofhis hagiography, an event that occurred during his
employment at the court ofLord Cao Cao 9#k(Jpn: Soso; 155-220 CE):
One year, Lord Cao Cao invitedmany visitors and hosted an enormous party.
At that time, he spared no expense in ordering all sorts ofdelicacies, but
since ultimately the only one that he could notacquire was sea bass from
Songjiang ~1I Province, he was disappointed. Thereupon, Zuoci, who was
beside him, immediatelyfilled a bronze washtub with water, dropped a
fishing line into it, and before long, he had caughta sea bass.S3
The figures on the farright ofthis screen (Figure 147) have been described by
Tsuji as a bearded version ofthe Buddhist demoness Kishi Mojin (Sanskrit: Harid)
surrounded by her demon children.s4 Considering the frequency in which imagery and
concepts originating from either Buddhism or Daoism has been translated into the context
of the other religion, the existence ofa Daoist version ofKishi Mojin is not impossible.
Without a visual precedent for this reinterpretation ofthe Buddhist character, however,
Tsuji's claim is difficult to substantiate.
The two cranes standing to the left ofthis group provide a clue to the identity of
the figures. In a pair offolding screens painted four years earlier, Sh6haku depicted a
pair ofcranes in extremely similar poses (Figure 148), and in the opposite screen can be
found the hermit Lin Hejing *fnltR (Jpn: Rin Nasei; 967 - 1028 CE), known also as Lin
Bu *m (Jpn: Rin Po), accompanied by two young pages. (Figure 149.) As a solitary
recluse, Lin was said to have enjoyed the company of plum trees and the two cranes that
S3 Hong, vol. 1,136, as cited in SMji Tatsusaburo JI{~;f*~=:~~. Shina Sennin Retsuden rX~~{UJA?1j
{tJ (Tokyo: Juseid6, 1911), 168.
S4 Tsuji, Kis6 no ireifu: Matabei - Kun;yoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 82.
129
he had managed to domesticate as ifthey were his own wife and children.55 Considering
the Daoist symbolism ofthese companions, it is not surprising that Lin was commonly
known by the nickname ofBuxian :lli{UJ (Jpn: Hosen), meaning "Fugitive Immortal."
Rather than young ogres, as Tsuji has suggested,S6 the figures who are gathered at his
right ofLin in the "Immortals" folding screens (Figure 147) are certainly human children,
inspired by the image ofLin's pages who appeared in Shohaku's previous portrait of the
recluse (Figure 149) and deformed in much the same way as the characters in "Children
at Play," painted in approximately the same year as the "Immortals" folding screens.S7
While Tsuji has interpreted the garishly yellow body ofthe crane peeking out
from behind Lin (Figure 147) as an example ofthe artist's expressionistic tendency,S8
this bird is in fact the way in which Shohaku rationalizes the inclusion ofLin, a mere
mortal Daoist practitioner, among these transcendents. Thejintishi (regulated verse)
"Huang he lou" ••~ ("Yellow Crane Terrace") by the Tang Dynasty poet Cui Hao
(Jpn: Saiko; 704-754 CE) isone ofthe most well-known references to such a bird:
Where long ago a yellow crane bore a sage to heaven,
Nothing is left now but the Yellow Crane Terrace.
The yellow crane never revisited earth,
And white clouds are flying without himforever.
Every tree in Han-yang becomes clear in the water,
AndParrot Island is a nest ofsweet grasses;
But I look toward home, and twilight grows dark
55 Little, Stephen. "Dimensions of aPortrait: Du Jin's The poet Lin Bu Walking in the Moonlight." In The
Bulletin ofthe C/evelandMuseum ofArt 75 (Novem~ 1988) 9: 336.
56 Tsuji, Kis6 no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 82.
57 SMhaku Soga ~~.S. Bumi to Iu Yuetsu: Tokubetsu Tenrankai (ShOhaku Show) W.~.!:: 11 \? 1'tt.J
'tlt : ~53Ij}jUt~ (SMhaku Show)~ (Kyoto: Kyoto kokuritsu hakubutsukan, 2005), 356.
58 Tsuji, Kis6 no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 82.
130
With a mist ofgriefon the river waves.59
Through literary references such as this, the image ofa yellow crane has come to be a
clear signifier for an immortal, and its appearance in ShBhaku's painting encourages the
viewer to re-envision Lin.himselfas a transcendent
In stark contrast to the socially reticent characters depicted by KanB Sansetsu,
ShBhaku's figures seem to flaunt their unusual abilities and appearances in a vulgar
spectacle reminiscent ofa vaudeville performance. In this way, ShBhaku, much like
Sant() Ky&ien and other authors ofkibyoshi novels, utilizes Daoist imagery for the
purposes of entertainment, combining a parody ofZhang Liang and Huang Shigong,
ridiculous caricatures such as that ofLiu Haichan, and alluring bijin such as Xiwangmu.
Rather than intending to slander the religion, however, the artist seems detennined to
celebrate its odd, illogical nature and the intriguing sense ofmystery that its characters
exude.
Nagasawa Rosetsu: In Search ofOriginal Symbols of Immortalism
As a virtuoso offigure painting, Nagasawa Rosetsu would seem to be an ideal
artist to portray the Daoist immortals. Indeed, his portrait ofXiwangmu (Jpn: SeiBbB),
Queen Mother of the West, leaning against a boulder with one ofher daughters standing
behind her is a compelling, sensitively painted image. (Figure 150.) The extent to which
S9 Witter Bynner, translator. The Jade Mountain; a Chinese Anthology, Being Three Hundred Poems ofthe
T'angDynasty, 618-906. (New York,New York: A.A. Knopf, 1929),143. rJtUJ 'fAa*Jt.~
tr.j:jB~~JtU Jt.-~/FtI:)g s.T-.~1~~ ~)II~~.I!I~ ~1jt.~.Gr#1 a.~
M{il1~:I: ~iBtttJ:{l!!Aif'&.
131
this image reveals the artist's attitude about Xiwangmu or immortalism in general,
however, is rather questionable. Tsuji's main criticism that Rosetsu never sufficiently
distanced himself from the influence ofhis teacher, Maruyama Okyo, may be applicable
to this painting as well, as a comParison with one ofOkyo's own depictions ofthe
goddess indicates.6O (Figure 151.) Nevertheless, since this particular image by Okyo was
painted four years after Rosetsu's portrait, a conclusive judgment about the extent of
Okyo's influence upon this work demands further research.
In addition to his manual dexterity, some ofRosetsu's greatest assets as an artist
seem to have been his prolific production of images and his willingness to explore
unfamiliar themes. Since Okyo was not nearly as willing to devote his attention to
subjects that strayed from the traditional array ofcharacters such as the Eight Immortals;
Rosetsu was occasionally forced to seek out other visual sources or to rely entirely upon
his own imagination. "Iu Citong, Child Becomes Immortal" (Figure 152) portrays the
titular character, Iu Citong ~w.it (Ipn: Kikujido), who was said to have attained
immortality by drinking the dew that collected on chrysanthemums.61 The precise origin
ofthis character has not yet been determined, but the artist was most likely inspired by an
image found in Toriyama Sekien's The OlustratedNight Parade ofDemons (Hyakki
yaM) S.~fT, which was published in 1776, approximately ten years before Rosetsu's
work. (Figure 153) Sekien's inscription on the work unfortunately provides little
information about the character other than guessing that he might be male. Iu Citong has
60 Tsuji, Ktso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 117-118.
61 Nagasawa Rosetsu ;It?t.~; Tsuji Nobuo, ed.. Nagasawa Rosetsu: Botsugo 200-nen Kinen r;It?,.
'I : 7jt~ 200 .j8~J (Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, 2000), 181.
132
been described by other authors as a servant ofKing Mu • (reigned 659-621 BCE) of
the Zhou Dynasty..One day, the boy was banished for the crime ofstepping on the king's
pillow and, during the following period ofdestitution, he attained immortality by
drinking the dew that had collected on chrysanthemums. Sekien categorizes Ju Citong in
a group he labels okaburo*~ ("great servants") along with Pengzu~m (Jpn: Hoso), a
transcendent born in the Xia dynasty (circa 2205 - circa 1766 BCE) who served the
legendary Emperor Yao 1f3 (Jpn: Gyo) and who was still alive and active the end ofthe
Shang dynasty (1030 BCE).62 In Rosetsu's image, the young boy reclines against a rock
and eyes a cluster ofchrysanthemums on the other side ofa narrow stream. The wide
expanse ofblank silk on the right half ofthe scroll helps to not only create a tranquil
mood but to also focus the viewer's attention upon Ju's impending decision to drink the
dew on the flowers before him.
Perhaps the most evocative Daoist images by Rosetsu are his images ofMount
Penglai ;IrE (Jpn: Horai), legendary home ofmany of the immortals. (Figure 154.) The
artist depicts nothing more than the peaks ofthe mountain shrouded in clouds, and
therefore the mountain seems to float as gracefully as the flock of cranes that approach it.
Although the shapes ofthe trees pay clear homage to Dong Qichang, it has otherwise
been hailed as a unique work indicative ofthe lyrical style Rosetsu adopted towards the
62 Toriyama Selden,'UJ1=i~. TortyamaSekienGazuHyakki YagyO W,'UJ1=i~ii!ii~s;ti.~ffJ (Tokyo:
Kokusho Kankokai, 1992), 167.
133
end ofhis life.63 With landscapes such as this, the artist seems to have finally escaped the
influence ofhis teacher and displayed his inherent ability as a painter.
Utagawa Kuniyoshi: Immortalism and Militaristic Power
In the final decades ofthe EOO period, Utagawa Kuniyoshi produced among his
warrior prints a number of images that made reference to Daoist mythology. Unlike his
aforementioned predecessors, however, Kuniyoshi responded to the thrill-seeking tastes
ofhis middle-class patrons by transforming the immortals he portrayed into grotesque,
intimidating·beings. The transcendent who seemed to be the most easy to transfonn in
this way was Liu Haichan (Jpn: Gama). Beyond the appearance ofthis character's frog
familiar, the single-sheet portrait ofhim that Kuniyoshi produced in 1836 (Figure 155)
bears no resemblance at all to depictions by earlier artists. Here, the transcendent appears
asa crimson humanoid whose entire body is a rippling mass ofmuscle, sinew, and bone.
Rather than a single, discrete toad at his side, as Hong Yingming presented, this
incarnation ofthe immortal is surrounded by frogs, some ofmonstrous size, such as the
one upon which he sits, and others that are only slightly larger than nonnal, such as those
at his feet.
The wann response that Kuniyoshi's portrait ofLiu Haichan received is evident in
a portrait of the same character produced nine years later that exaggerates the
transcendent's appearance even further. (Figures 156-157.) The character is now a
hunchbacked creature who commands a legion of enonnous toads and whose
63 Seattle Art Museum. Song ofthe Bmsh: Japanese Paintingsfrom the Sanso Collection (Seattle: Seattle
ArtMuseum, 1979),174.
134
supernatural talents include the ability to spew things from his mouth and project them
great distances...., traits that Hong Yingming would most likely have never imagined.
Apparently, the Daoist transcendents were not revered by Kuniyoshi and his audience for
their immortality or their decision to live in isolation free from the vulgar passions of
society. On the contrary, these figures had become personifications ofgrotesquerie and,
at least in a militaristic sense, passionate feeling. As becomes evident upon reviewing
the development ofLiu Haichan's image over a period ofalmost two and a halfcenturies,
however, this transfonnation was a trend that started long before Kuniyoshi. (Figures 109,
110, 124, 144, and 155.) What this development in the appearance ofDaoist characters
reveals about how the popular view ofreligious Daoism in China and Japan changed is a
question that lies beyond the scope ofthis thesis. Nevertheless, it is difficult to overlook
the way in which the emphasis ofthese Daoist works by eccentric artists gradually shifted
from the transcendents' eremitic lifestyle to their unkempt or deformed physical
appearances.
Towards a Daoist Defmition ofEccentric Art
When describing in general terms the connection between religious Daoism and
the genre ofeccentric art, it is a gross oversimplification to state that the former was the
exclusive subject matter of the latter. Not only were the majority ofworks produced by
each ofthe seven ofthe artists discussed in this chapter quite unassociated with Daoism,
conversely, the majority ofartists who addressed Daoist themes in the Edo period did so
in extremely conventional ways and for very worldly purposes. Just as Kana artists at the
135
beginning ofthe seventeenth century painted sumptuous images oftranscendents to
reiterate the shogunate's authority (Figure 93), likewise in the early nineteenth century,
Kuniyoshi's senior Kunisada was producing portraits ofbijin that referred to "the
fragrance of a beautiful, amorous female transcendent" as an advertisement for cosmetics.
(Figures 158-159.)
Despite this discordance between eccentric art and Daoism, an understanding of
the connection between the two is vital for an understanding ofeccentric art. Mental
imbalance was an inherent risk undertaken by those who embraced immortalism. The
elixirs that Daoist texts as early as Wei Boyang's The Threefold Unity (Cantongji; circa
140 CE) recommended to those seeking etemallife often included toxic amounts of
cinnabar (mercuric sulphide) that caused certain mental impairment to anyone who
managed to survive ingesting it64 Perhaps as a reflection of this circumstance, many
transcendents, particularly the Eight Immortals, were depicted as drunkards and
individualists.6s Several ofthe attributes by which the image ofLan Caihe can be
identified, such as the boot he purposely wears on only one foot, are expressions ofhis
illogic.66 The character Helan Xian, one ofthe infrequent members ofthe Eight
Immortals, was based upon a historical figure whose biography describes him as an
eccentric.67 Even Lin Hejing, the mortal hermit who Soga Shohaku re-envisioned as a
transcendent, was famous for eccentric behaviors, such as his habit ofdestroying his
64 Little, Stephen. Realm ofthe Immortals: Daoism in the Ans ofChina: The ClevelandMuseum ofAn,
February 10-Aprl/ 10, 1988 (Cleveland, Ohio: Cleveland Musewn of Art in Cooperation with Indiana
University Press, 1988),4-6.
65 Hearn, 218.
66 Lai, S.
67 Hearn, 216.
136
works ofpoetry soon after composing them.68 Not only did these quirks not detract from
the degree to which the transcendents were worshipped as religious figures, they were
deemed to be sacred evidence ofthe characters' otherworldly nature. In light oftheir
own exceptional personality traits and art styles, the eccentric artists discussed.in this
chapter must have found such a celebration ofunconventional behavior to be extremely
appealing. While living on the fringes ofsociety, they could take comfort in the fact that
they were emulating Daoist hennits who abandoned society as well as transcendents
living in seclusion on MoUnt Penglai. For these reasons, the tenn "eccentric art" that has
already been defined in several different ways requires one more interpretation: works of
art that allude to religious Daoism and thereby celebrate the sacred nature ofheterodoxy,
irrationality, and social reclusion.
68 Little, Stephen. The Bulletin ofthe ClevelandMuseum ofArl75 (November 1988) 9: 347.
Figure 93. School of Kana Eitoku,
"Chinese Immortals," detail: Flying
Liezi (Jpn: Resshi), 1606, set of 16
sliding door panels, color and gold leaf
on paper, 198.2 x 182.9 cm each panel,
originally installed at Ryaanji Temple,
Kyoto. Collection of Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York.
Figure 94. Bada Shanren, Transcription
of the "Holy Mother Manuscript" with
colophon, detail; 1698, running-standard
script, handscroll, ink on paper, 29.4 x
96.0 cm, Collection of Wang Fangyu and
Sum Wai.
137
Figure 95. Bada Shanren, Transcription of the "Holy Mother Manuscript" with
colophon.
Figure 96. Bada Shanren,
Transcription of the "Holy
Mother Manuscript" with
colophon, detail of seal: Ke de
shenxian ("Immortality is
achievable").
Figure 97. Bada Shanren, Four Tang Poems,
detail: "Congratulating Pei Tingyu on Passing the
Exams in Shu," 1702-03, running-cursive script,
ink on paper, set of 4 hanging scrolls, ca. 176.8 x
44.0 cm each, collection of Wang Fangyu and
Sum Wai.
138
Figure 98. Iwasa Matabei, "The
Transcendent Lady Nongyu,"
circa 1615-1636, color and ink on
paper, hanging scroll, 131.5 x
56.0 em, collection of Tekisuiken
Kinen Bunka Shinko Zaidan,
Chiba prefecture.
.,. "'I.. .. '"I I ~
Figure 99. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces of
Immortals and Buddhas, detail: illustration of
Xiaoshi, husband of Lady Nongyu; 1602, ink on
paper, woodblock print, Kyoto University
Library, Kyoto, Japan.
139
Figure 100. Iwasa Matabei, "The Transcendent Lady Nongyu," detail: phoenix.
140
Figure 101. Iwasa Matabei, "Scrolls of
Legendary Chinese and Japanese
Figures," detail: Zhang Liang returning
Huang Shigong his shoe, late 16th century
- early 1i h century, ink and color on
paper, set of 12 hanging scrolls, 36.0 x
59.0 em each, Fukui Prefectural Art
Museum, Fukui, Japan.
Figure 102. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces of Immortals and Buddhas, detail:
illustration of Chisongzi, teacher of
Zhang Liang; 1602, ink on paper,
woodblock print, Kyoto University
Library, Kyoto, Japan.
Figure 103. Sesson Shukei, "The Daoist
Immortal Lu Dongbin," 16th century, ink on
paper, hanging scroll, 118.3 x 59.6 cm,
collection of Yamato Bunkakan, Nara, Japan.
Figure 105. Iwasa Matabei, "The
Transcendent Lady Nongyu," detail: head.
Figure 104. Iwasa Matabei, "Luofu
Xian," circa 1615-1636, color and ink
on paper, hanging scroll, 131.5 x 54.0
cm, rivate collection.
Figure 106. Iwasa Matabei, "Luofu
Xian," detail: head.
141
Figure 107. Kana Sansetsu, "The
Transcendents Gama and Tekkai," detail:
Tekkai; early to mid 17th century, ink and
color on silk, pair of hanging scrolls, 173.0 x
88.6 em each, Sennyu-ji Tern Ie, Kyoto.
Figure 109. Kana Sansetsu, "The
Transcendents Gama and Tekkai," detail:
Gama with his toad perched upon his head.
Figure 108. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas,
detail: illustration of Li Tieguai
(Tekkai).
Figure 110. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas,
detail: illustration of Liu Haichan
(Gama) sitting beside his toad.
142
143
Figure 113. Kana Sansetsu, Screens with
Paintings of Chinese Immortals, detail: Cao
Guoqiu.
Figure 114. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas,
detail: illustration of Cao Guoqiu.
Figure 112. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas,
detail: illustration of Han Xiangzi.
Figure 111. Kana Sansetsu, Screens with
Paintings of Chinese Immortals, detail: Han
Xiangzi; early 17th century, pair of 2-fold
screens, ink and light color/paper, 123.6 x
53.5 em. each. Collection of Tokyo
University of Fine Arts.
Figure 115. Kana Sansetsu, Screens with
Paintings of Chinese Immortals, detail:
Lan Caihe.
Figure 117. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas,
detail: illustration of Lan Caihe.
144
Figure 118. Kane Sansetsu, Screens
with Paintings of Chinese Immortals,
detail.
Figure 120. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas,
detail: illustration of He Xiangu,
1602.
Figure 119. Kane Sansetsu, "Immortals,"
detail; circa 1647, ink and color on gilded
paper, set of sliding doors, 166.7 x 116.0 cm
each, Minneapolis Art Museum.
~::=:=~
,'f.
Figure 121. Wang Qi and Wang Siyi
Collected Illustrations ofthe Three Realms
(Sancai Tuhui), illustration of He Xiangu,
1607.
145
Figure 122. Kana Sansetsu, "Immortals," detail: left half.
146
Figure 123. Ito Jakuchu,
"The Transcendents Li
Tieguai and Liu
Haichan," detail: Li
Tieguai; 1760-69, ink on
paper, pair of hanging
scrolls, 102.5 x 29.6 em
each, private collection,
Kyoto.
Figure 124. Ito Jakuchu,
"The Transcendents Li
Tieguai and Liu
Haichan," detail: Liu
Haichan; 1760-69, ink on
paper, pair of hanging
scrolls, 102.5 x 29.6 em
each, private collection,
Kyoto.
Figure 125. Ito Jakuchu,
"Portrait of Baisao," 1798,
ink on paper, 129.3 x 41.4
em, private collection.
11
Figure 126. Ito JakuchO, "Crane,"
late 1790s, ink on paper, hanging
scroll, 108.2 x 36 em, Gitter-Ye1en
collection, New Orleans.
Figure 127. Ito JakuchO, "Golden Pheasants in
Snow," from Doshoku Sai-e series, ca. 1761­
65, ink and color on paper, Imperial Household
Collection.
147
148
Figure 130. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas,
detail: illustration of Lu Dongbin;
1602, ink on paper, woodblock print,
Kyoto University Library, Kyoto,
Japan.
Figure 129. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals,"
right screen, detail: Lu Dongbin in parody
of Zhang Liang.
Figure 128. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," detail: right screen; 1764, color and ink on
paper, pair of 6-fold screens, 172.0 x 378.0 cm each, Ministry of Cultural Affairs,
Tokyo.
Figure 131. Iwasa Matabei, "Scrolls of
Legendary Chinese and Japanese Figures,"
detail: Zhang Liang.
.-
Figure 133. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," right
screen, detail: Xiaoshi (Shoshi).
Figure 132. Soga Shohaku,
"Immortals," right screen, detail:
Li Tieguai in parody of Huang
Shi on .
~,
~--i2~~
.~
Figure 134. Hong Yingming,
Strange Traces of Immortals and
Buddhas, detail: illustration of
Wangzi Qiao (Jpn: Oshikyo).
149
150
Figure 137. Hong Yingming,
Strange Traces ofImmortals and
Buddhas, detail: illustration of
Mayizi.
/.~~\,.
Figure 136. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals,"
right screen, detail: Xuanyuan Ji
(Ken'enshfi).
'.- ..
Figure 135. Soga Shohaku, "Saiweng Raising His Horse and Xiaoshi Playing His
Panpipe," detail: Xiaoshi; circa 1759, ink on paper, pair of 6-fold screens, 154.5 x
337.6 cm each, Mie Prefectural Art Museum.
Figure 138. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail:
illustration of Xuanyuan Ji.
Figure 139. Saga Shohaku, "Immortals," detail: left screen; 1764, color and ink on
paper, pair of 6-fold screens, 172.0 x 378.0 cm each, Ministry of Cultural Affairs,
Tokyo.
151
Figure 140. Soga Sh6haku, "Immortals," left
screen, detail: Xiwangmu and her daughters.
Figure 142. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," left
screen, detail: Dongfang Shuo.
Figure 141. Hong Yingming,
Strange Traces ofImmortals and
Buddhas, detail: illustration of
Xiwan mu and her dau hters.
Figure 143. Hong Yingming,
Strange Traces ofImmortals and
Buddhas, detail: illustration of
Dongfang Shuo.
152
153
Figure 145. Soga Shohaku,
"Immortals," left screen, detail: Zuoci.
Figure 144. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals,"
left screen, detail: Liu Haichan.
Figure 146. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail:
illustration of Zuoci.
Figure 147. Soga Shohaku,
"Immortals," left screen, detail: Lin
Hejing with cranes and children.
Figure 148. Soga Shohaku, "The Recluse Lin Hejing with Cranes," detail: cranes;
1760, ink and light color on paper, pair of folding screens, 172.0 x 365.0 em, Mie
Prefectural Art Museum.
. ~.'i&ri
\-""
, , , }),- "'...>:::__ 1.,.:;';,.1.~-~1&IiiI" .ll'~ 6"'"
Figure 149. Soga Shohaku, "The Recluse Lin Hejing with Cranes," detail: Lin and
children.
154
155
Figure 151. Maruyama Okyo, "Xiwangmu,
Dragon, and Tiger," detail: Xiwangmu.
1786, color on silk, set of 3 hanging scrolls,
103.0 x 36.5 em, private collection.
Figure 150. Nagasawa Rosetsu,
"Xiwangmu (Seiobo), Female Sage,"
1782, color on paper, hanging scroll,
131.3 x 45.0 em, collection.
Figure 152. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Ju Citong (Kikujido), Child Becomes Immortal,"
before 1786, color on silk, hanging scroll, 46.2 x 65.0 em, private collection.
Figure 153. Copy of Toriyama Sekien, The Illustrated Night Parade ofDemons
(Hyakki yaM), detail: Iu Citong, one of the "Great Servants," ink on paper, original:
1776.
Figure 154. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Mount Harai, Island of Immortality," circa 1794,
ink and light color on silk, 58.0 x 85.5 em, Sansa collection.
156
Figure 155. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "Liu Haichan," 1836, ink and color on paper,
woodblock rint, 8ban (38 x 25.5 cm)~ private collection.
:;i -~- ,'; ••:::!p:
Figure 156. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "Takiyasha and Her Brother Yoshikado Learning
Toad-Magic," circa 1845, ink and color on paper, woodblock print, 6ban triptych (38
x 76.5 cm), private collection.
157
Figure 157. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, "Takiyasha and Her Brother Yoshikado Learning
Toad-Magic," detail: Liu Haichan (Gama).
158
L
Figure 158. Utagawa Kunisada, "The
Double Mirror of Modern Makeup
(Imam kesh6 kagami awasekagami),"
circa 1818-1830, color on paper,
woodblock print, 38.0 cm x 25.8 cm,
private collection.
Figure 159. Utagawa Kunisada, "The
Double Mirror of Modern Makeup,"
detail: product advertisement.
159
Chapter Five:
Hanshan and Shide as Daoist Immortals
Most ofthe images discussed in the previous chapter are traditionally classified as
doshakujinbutsu-ga )i~A~OOi, a term that translates literally as "Daoist-Buddhist
figure painting" and that can be more precisely defined as "Daoist and Buddhist images,
including portraits ofvenerable figures who are objects ofworship, illustrations of
religious teachings and religious tales, and depictions of... Daoist masters and Buddhist
patriarchs."l Among the possible reasons for the curious juxtaposition ofthese religions,
only one ofwhich ever developed into a publicly recognized social institution within
Japan, is the difficulty in assigning to certain works in this genre a purely Daoist or
Buddhist meaning. One subject that presents such a typological challenge is the pair
Hanshan (*U1; Jpn: Kanzan) and Shide (f€H~; Jpn: Jittoku), individuals described
alternately as monks, hermits, and poets who are commonly believed to have been active
in the early Tang dynasty (618 - 907 C.B.). The interpretation ofHanshan and Shide as
Daoist sages, as indicated in various portraits by Chinese artists, offer new insight into
the meaning oftheir depiction by Japanese eccentrics artists and strongly reinforces the
Daoist interpretation ofJapanese genre ofeccentric art.
1 Tokyo kokuritsu hakubutsukan JlOjtlil.lz:1t~fit Gendai dOshakujinbutsu-ga. W:7t{~jl~A~mu~
(Tokyo: Tokyo kokuritsu hakubutsukan, 1977), 7.
160
Literary RePresentations ofHanshAn and Shide
The extant biographical information about Hanshan and Shide is surprisingly
meager. Other than autobiographical remarks that can be gleaned from Hanshan's poetry
itself: the only source ofsuch information is a preface to his collected poems written by
Luqiu Yin mJJimL, a prefect ofTaizhou (modem day Linhai county in Zhejiang
province):
Asfor Master Hanshan, we don't know where he camefrom. He lived on
Cold Cliffs in the Tiantai mountains in the county ofTangxing. From time to
time he would go backandforth between his retreat and Guoching Temple,
wearing birchbark as his hat, dressed in a cotton-fur robe and worn-out
shoes. Sometimes he would chant and recite in the long corridors; sometimes
he'dwhistle and sing through country homes. No one really understood him.
When Luqiu Yin was appointed to serve in Danqiu, as he was about to leave
he ran into Master Fenggan, who said he had comefrom Tiantai. Luqiu
asked him whatworthies fit to be taken as one's teacher this place had, and
the Master replied, uThere ~ Hanshan [who ~ an incarnation oj] Manjusri
and Shide [who ~ an incarnation oj] Samantabhadra. They tend the fires in
the granary kitchen at Guoching Temple. "
Three days after Luqiu arrived at his officialpost he went in person to the
temple, where he saw the two men, and accordinglypolitely bowed down.
The two men had a good laugh, saying, UFenggan 's a blabbermouth, a
blabbermouth! Ifyou don't know Amitabha, what good does it do bOWing to
us?!" Then they left the temple and went back to Cold Cliffs, where Master
Hanshan entereda cave andwas gone, the cave closing up on its own.
He used to write down poems on bamboo trees and stone walls. Altogether,
the poems he wrote on house walls in country homes come to over three
hundred shou. I have edited them together in one volume. 2
2 Hendricks, Robert G.. The Poetry ofHan-shan: A Complete, Annotated Translation ofColdMountain.
(Albany: State University ofNew York Press, 1990); 29. Abridged and translated by Robert G. Hendricks.
161
In stark contrast to the mnciful, mysterious image conveyed in Luqiu's essay, in
which Hanshan, Shide and Fenggan (Jpn: Bukan il-=f) are described as the incarnations
ofManjusri Bodhisattva (Jpn: Monju Bosatsu x~i:¥g), Samantabhadra Bodhisattva
(Jpn: Fugen Bosatsu tfWi:¥") and Amitabha Buddha (Jpn: Amida ~~~'E),
respectively, Hanshan's poems reveal him to be a well-trained scholar who, having failed
the civil service examination, abandons his wife and child for a life of eremitism on Cold
Mountain. Being well versed in classical literature, he was deeply knowledgeable about
not only Buddhism but Confucianism and Daoism as well. Hanshan's personal religious
views seem to have been surprisingly eclectic, for within his oeuvre, more than two
dozen poems refer to Daoist concepts, and several works directly discuss the theme of
immortalism:
My house is placed beneath verdant cliffs;
The weeds in my courtyard I don't cut anymore.
Fresh wisteria hangs down twisting in loops,
Ancient boulders rise up lofty and steep.
Mountain fruits - the monkeys pick;
Fish in the pond - the egrets hold in their bills.
AndI with my immortality books, one or two scrolls,
Sit 'neath a tree and read - mumble mumble.3
Several of these poems, however, express blatant contempt for what Hanshan considers
to be the fallacious promises of religious Daoism, and some editors have arranged the
3 Ibid, 52. Translation by Robert G. Hendricks.
~~~.r ~.~~~ ~.~_. ~~~~.
~*.~ ~~S.~ ~.-~~ .r~~~
162
poems in an order that presents the author as an enthusiastic novice ofDaoism whose
faith gradually deteriorates into bitter cynicism.4
I've often heard ofEmperor Wu ofthe Han,
Andas well ofthe First Emperor ofthe Qin.
They both took delight in the "immortal" arts,
But they extended theiryears, in the end, not very long!
Their Golden Terraces - already smashed up and destroyed;
Sandy Mound - subsequently extinguished, wiped out.
Maoling and Liyueh
Today are covered by weeds far and wide. $
In this poem, Hanshan draws upon historical examples to criticize the inefficacy of
religious Daoism. While both mlers passionately sought longevity through obscure diets
and elixirs, Han Wudi (reigned 141-87 BCE) ultimately died and was buried at Maoling,
leaving his Cypress Beam Terrace to fall into min.. Similarly, Qin Shi Huangdi (reigned
247-210 BCE) died at Sandy Mound, and though the majesty of his tomb at Liyueh can
be appreciated now that it has been excavated, during the poet's lifetime, it appeared to
be nothing more than a neglected graveyard.6
The dramatically wide range ofattitudes that Hanshan expresses about religious
Daoism has led literary specialists to speculate that his works were in fact written by
multiple authors.7 Edwin G. Pulleyblank (b. 1922) has substantiated this hypothesis with
linguistic evidence, separating the poems into two groups. Pulleyblank dates one set,
4 Iritani Sensuke A~fl1J1t" and Matswnura Takashi ~#!f'J, et. al. Kanzanshi r.I1J~J (Tokyo:
Chikuma shobO, 1970),491-492. .
S Hendricks, Robert Goo The Poetry afHan-shan, 370. Translation by Robert G. Hendricks.
•~.~* ~&.~~ ~~~~~ ~~.~~
~~ft~~ ~li~~C m~4•• ~a.~~
6 Ibid, 370.
7 Ibid, 11.
163
including the two poems quoted above, to the Sui (581- 618 C.E.) or early Tang dynasty
(618 - 907 C.E.), and he attributes the works to "Hanshan 1," 8 who Robert G. Hendricks
confidently refers to as the historical figure Hanshan.9 Pulleyblank believes the
remaining poems, a slightly less inspired collection of sennons on Buddhism, to be the
creations of"Hanshan ll," an individual or group of individuals from the late Tang who
sought to emulate Hanshan I and perhaps to elaborate upon his reputation as well. 10 Not
surprisingly, details in the preface attributed to Luqiu Yin, particularly the use ofthe
county name Tangxing rather than its fonner name ofShifeng, dates the text to the mid or
late Tang as well. 11 Even Hanshan's and Shide's reputation for mental instability appears
to be a later construction: though Hanshan I repeatedly makes reference to the difficulty
he encounters when trying to explain his ideas to others, only those poems by Hanshan II
mention that people criticize him as irrational or demented. 12
Yisual Depictions ofHanshan and Shide as Immortals
Among the subjects traditionally depicted in the genre ofDaoist-Buddhist figure
painting, Hanshan and Shide arguably command as distinguished a position as any of
those characterS discussed in the previous chapter. Some ofthe earliest portraits of the
Tang monks include the late 9th century paintings by Guanxiu described in Chapter One
as models ofthey;pin style (Figures 160-162), and without question, the most celebrated
8 Ibid, 6.
9 Ibid, 6.
10 Ibid, 6.
11 Ibid, 4-5.
12 Ibid, 8.
164
depictions ofthese characters are attributed to YanHuiM. (act late 13th, early 14th
cent.; Figures 163-164). As with images ofDaoist immortals, a number ofattributes are
commonly recognized as signifiers of their identity: Hanshan often holds a scroll or brush,
while Shide's role as the scullion of Guoching Temple is indicated by his broom. The
figures can be further identified by clothes and hairstyles befitting their roles as Tang
Dynasty monks, by their gesticulations towards the sky, and by activities such as writing
calligraphy on natural objects in the forest or sleeping beside Fanggan and his pet tiger. 13
As occurred in the field of literature, images ofHanshan as well as his companion
Shide transformed the identity ofthese two characters in extremely ironic ways. Much
like the characters discussed in the conclusion ofthe previous chapter, Hanshan's reputed
derangement eventually came to be appreciated as a sign ofnot only Buddhist
enlightenment but also Daoist transcendence. In a set of four scrolls by the painter Liu
Jun "J~(active 16th century), Hanshan and Shide are shown traversing the same wooded
environment as the immortals Li Tieguai and Liu Haichan. (Figures 165-168.) The
identity ofeach figure can be verified by inspecting the attribute he carries: Li supports
himself with a crutch under his right arm, Liu Haichan carries a toad on his left shoulder,
Hanshan holds out a partly opened scroll, and Shide drags a broom beside him as he
walks. (Figures 169-172.)
13 A particularly useful survey ofChinese and Japanese images ofHanshan and Shide is Tochigi kenritsu
hakubutsukan :Wi*9l\ft1f~ti'. Kanzan Jittoku: egakaretajUkyo no soshitachi daishijurokkai kikakuten.
r~I1J~~~;¢~.nt:.J!t~O)*.Uili1t 't:J~ 461E1iEOOifiJ Utsunomiya: Tochigi kenritsu hakubutsukan,
1994.
165
An earlier work by Shang Xi itfi3 (active ca. mid 15th century), "Four Immortals
Honoring the God ofLongevity" (Figure 173), indicates that the conception ofHanshan
and Shide as Daoist immortals and their association with the transcendents Li and Liu
was already well established by the 1430s. The figures in the foreground are depicted
floating upon a turbulent seascape, and again, the identity ofeach character can be clearly
ascertained via his particular attribute. Shide balances upon his floating broom, Hanshan,
while riding on a leaf, carries a scroll in his right hand, Li Tieguai rides on his crutch, and
Liu Haichan sits on the back ofan enormous toad. (Figures 174-177.) Although
paintings in which Li Tieguai and Liu Haichan appear beside Hanshan and Shide have
been described by some authors as the re-interpretation ofLi and Liu as Buddhist
characters,l4 in this work, the presence ofseveral other specifically Daoist iconographic
elements, such as the waves upon which the foreground characters ride, the dark robes
that they wear, and the distant image ofthe immortal Shoulao ~~ riding upon his crane
(Figure 178), forcefully imply that, on the contrary, Hanshan and Shide are meant to be
viewed as immortals.ls
Japanese eccentric artis1s may not have been familiar with the works ofLiu Jun and
Shang Xi, but evidence presented in Chapter Two indicates that several ofthem were
14 Hearn, Maxwell K. and Judith K. Smith, ed.. Arts ofthe Sung and Yaan: Papers Preparedfor an
International Symposium Organized by the Metropolitan Mustum ofArt in Conjunction with the Exhibition
Splendors ofImperial China: Treasures from the National Palace Museum, Taipei. (New York:
Department ofAsian Art, Metropolitan Musewn of Art, 1996),219.
IS Fong, Wen C. and James C.Y. Watt, et. aI. Possessing the Past: Treasuresfrom the NationalPalace
Museum. Taipei. (New York: Metropolitan Museum ofArt: Distributed by HN. Abrams, 1996), 346. See
Jing, Anning. "The Eight Immortals: The Transformation of T'ang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics During the
Yuan Dynasty," 220-221 in Hearn, Maxwell K. and Judith K. Smith, 00.. Arts ofthe Sung and Yaan for a
discussion of the Daoist symbolism in images of figures crossing a body ofwater.
166
intimately familiar with Hong Yingming's Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas.
Within this text, the volume "The Silent and Brilliant Realm" ( r~J't~J ,Ch:
Jiguangjing, Jpn: JaklW-kyO) portrays various Buddhist exemplars, including both
Hanshan and Shide. (Figures 179-180.) The contents oftheir biographies here are
extremely similar to, and undoubtedly based upon, the preface to Hanshan's poems that is
attributed to Luqiu Yin. Both biographies describe the hermits as reputed incarnations of
bodhisattvas, but Hong does not specifically identify which bodhisattvas they were
believed to be.16 A second biographical sketch ofHanshan can be found elsewhere in
Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas - in the volume"A Selection ofElders" ( r~
1:.~J ,Ch: Zhangshengquan, Jpn: Chosei-sen), which discusses the lives ofnoteworthy
Daoist hermits:
Master Hanahan
In the winter, he does not (wake) hungry in the morning
In the summer, he does not (eat) more than his.fill in the evening
When he rises early, it is never before the cock crows
When he stays up late, it is neverpast sunrise (of the following morning)
Within his heart, he is pure, and therefore he maintains the stature ofa
righteous person
Within his spirit, he is settled, and therefore (moral) impurity leaves his
body. 17
16 Hong Yingming~.~. Xianfo qizong WfUJf,IH~flltiY:~ . Vol. 3. 3 volwnes. (Kyoto: Kyoto University
Library, 2(01),196.201.
17 Hong Yingrning. Xianfo qizong 2: 17. r~rlJ.:r J ~,e{IJtJlm. :I,e{Ij~m~ if!.j§~{E.q'fI1
1lJEj§~~ I=lI±H~ IL'P'J~,e{Ij.A~Jtfft .P'J~,e{Ij$fJH~~~.
167
References to Hanshan and Sbide by Eccentric Artists
Bada Shanren
The popularity ofStrange Traces ofImmortals andBuddhas among Japanese
eccentric artists during the Edo period indicates that these artists were likely aware of
Hanshan's and Shide's identities not only as Buddhist sages but also as Daoist masters.
The many depictions ofHanshan and Shide produced by both Chinese and Japanese
eccentrics demand careful consideration since, like the immortals discussed in the
previous chapter, they were characters whose absurd behavior and unseemly appearance
were expressions of their spiritual transcendence and who therefore reaffirm the
aforementioned Daoist definition ofeccentricity.
Bada Shanren often alluded to the legend ofHanshan and Shide not though
figurative imagery but through the signatures and seals on his paintings. The artist used
approximately twenty differentnames throughout his life,18 and in the final years ofhis
life, he employed only three, including Bada Shanren and Shide}9 Bada wrote the latter
name as a single compound character (Figures 181-182), and perhaps because of
difficulty in reading this idiosyncratic form, historians have disagreed slightly about the
proper transcription,20 but the artist's intention of representing himselfas Hanshan's
18 Wang Fangyu and Richard M. Barnhart. Master ofthe Lotus Garden: The Life andArt ofBacia Shanren,
1626-1705. Judith G. Smith, ed. (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Art Gallery: Yale University
Press, 1990), 30.
19 Wang Fangyu and Richard M. Barnhart. Master ofthe Lotus Garden, 31.
20 In Pursuit ofHeavenly Hannony transcribes the name Shide as +14. See Chang, Joseph. In Pursuit of
Heavenly Hannony: Paintings and Calligraphy by Bada Shanrenfrom the Estate ofWang Fangyu and Sum
Wai. (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art: Smithsonian Institution in association with Weatherhill, Inc.,
168
companion seems quite likely.21 Ifso, then Bada's placement ofthe signature in his
landscape paintings, such as along the edge ofa precariously steep mountain slope, may
have been intended as a witty reference to Shide as a "mountain man" like the painter
himself. (Figure 183.)
Due to a relative lack ofevidence, the question ofwhether Bada Shanren viewed
Hanshan and Shide as Daoist figures has not yet been adequately answered. Several
factors, however, offer encouragement to those scholars who continue to research this
issue. Through the use ofthe hennit's name in his seals, the artist expressed a deep sense
ofpersonal identification with Shide, presumably because ofthe hennit's reputation as a
seemingly deranged individual. As evident in historical references he made in his writing
and painting, Bada also possessed an impressive awareness about Chinese literature and
art history, and may well have been familiar with the works ofLiu Jun and Shang Xi.
Most importantly, as discussed in the previous chapter, he displayed in his works an
intense fascination with religious Daoism.
In the field ofJapanese art history, portraits of the two Tang monks by Kana
Sansetsu, Ita Jakuchu, and Soga Shahaku offer quite compelling evidence that the artists
indeed likened Hanshan and Shide to certain Daoist immortals, particularly Li Tieguai
and Liu Haichan. Although such evidence, which will be discussed here in detail, is by
itself inconclusive, when bolstered by the theory that at least two ofthese artists were
intimately familiar with Strange Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, it strongly suggests
2(03), 185. Master of the Lotus Garden, on the other hand, transcribes it as r€tt~. See Wang Fangyu and
Richard M. Barnhart. Master ofthe Lotus Garden, 34.)
21 Wang Fangyu and Richard M. Barnhart. Master ofthe Lotus Garden, 32.
169
tha.t, like Liu Joo and Shang Xi, these artists consideredHanshan and Shide to be Daoist
masters.
KanIJ Sanselsu
In Kana Sansetsu's "Hanshan and Shide" (Figure 184), Hanshan is shown holding
a partly-opened scroll and looking back over his right shoulder at Shide, who stands
behind him and rests a hand on the poet's left shoulder. A large degree ofthe painting's
emotional impact derives from Hanshan's grotesque facial features: the width ofhis nose
is wildly exaggerated, and his mouth, also impossibly broad, is curved into a cartoonish,
crescent-shaped grin that is echoed by the shape of his jaw. His drooping eyes and
sidelong glance, meanwhile, express intense fear and morose, and the collision ofthese
two expressions results in a disturbing sense ofmadness. Liu Haichan (Jpn: Gama) in
his pair ofscrolls "The Transcendents Gamaand Tekkai" (Figure 185) wears an identical
facial expression, but the face is painted much more tentatively, suggesting that it is
probably an earlier work upon which Sansetsu based his portrait ofHanshan.
ItlJ JakuchIJ
A depiction ofHanshan and Shide by Ito Jakuchu created in collaboration with
the Qbaku priest Musen Jozen (also known as Tangai ftm, 1693-1764) reveals a kind of
semiotic tension caused by the complex theological identity of the Tang hermits. (Figure
186.) At the top ofthe scroll, Tangai inscribes a subtle allusion to the legend ofHanshan
and Shide that originated with Luqiu Yin's preface to Hanshan's poems:
170
Beneath the clouds and the trees ofa dimly visible cliff
I unroll this sutra andplace my trust in it
The moon overMount Wutai
Pure and white, illuminates Mount Emei in the same way.22
From around the fifth century, Mount Wutai 3i-a (Jpn: Godai) was a symbol ofMount
Qingliang fit~ (Jpn: Seiryo), the dwelling ofManjusri Bodhisattva (Jpn: Monju
Bosatsu), and Mount Emei .m (Jpn: Gabi) was similarly seen as the sacred home of
Samantabhadra Bodhisattva (Jpn: Fugen Bosatsu),23 and thus Tangai focuses upon
Hanshan's and Shide's reputation as incarnations of these Buddhist figures.
Jakuchu's deep reverence for Manjusri Bodhisattva and Samantabhadra
Bodhisattva is apparent in obsessively detailed, polychromatic portraits ofthe figures that
the artist created approximately two years later (Figures 189-190), and in light of these
works, the casual, comical tone with which he depicts Hanshan and Shide, by contrast
(Figure 186), indicates that the artist, unlike his collaborator, did not wish to
acknowledge them as bodhisattvas. Instead, this image ofthe two hermits much more
closely resembles the portraits ofLiu Haichan that Jakuchu painted in approximately the
same time period. (Figure 188.) The figures in both works tum their backs towards the
viewer and offer little for the viewer to focus upon other than the tufts ofmatted, black
hair on their partly balding heads. Just as Hanshan's and Shide's attributes - Hanshan's
22 Tadashi Kobayashi, ed. Japanese Art: The Great European Collections. Vol. 8. 12 volumes. (Tokyo:
Kodansha; New York: KodanshaAmerica, 1994), 240.•:ltt~Mr J1tBf!=¥-~ -1'~:Ei:i'J3 aj(
ilfffi.l\I.
23 Soothill, William Edward and Lewis Hodou8, eds.. A Dictionary ofChinese Buddhist Terms: With
Sanskrit and English Equivalents and a Sanskrit-Pali Index. (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1977), 125,324.
171
scroll peeking out from behind the head ofthe figure on the right and the tip of Shide's
broom in the lower right corner - are easily overlooked (Figure 186), so too does
Jakuchu's abbreviated description ofLiu Haichan's attributes - the peach in his right
hand and the three-legged frog dancing upon his head - delay the viewer's recognition of
them. (Figure 188.) To the extent that one can assume that the artist maintained fairly
consistent attitudes towards the religions he refers to in his paintings, this representation
ofHanshan and Shide seems to far more closely reflect Jakuchu's lighthearted interest in
the mysteries ofreligious Daoism than it does his earnest devotion to Buddhism.24
Soga ShlJlulku
More than those ofany other eccentric artist, Shohaku's images ofHanshan and
Shide show clear connections with his portraits ofDaoist transcendents. In particular, the
faces ofHanshan and Shide show several compelling similarities with the faces ofLiu
Haichan and Li Tieguai, respectively. Ordinarily, these details might be dismissed as
mere conventions ofportraiture that Shohaku occasionally repeated in his paintings. The
fact that almost all the figures in his oeuvre that exhibit these facial characteristics are
Daoist transcendents, however, leads one to wonder whether the artist had attempted to
24 Another compelling image of Hanshan and Shide by M Jakuchll is his copy of the arhat portraits
attributed to Guanxiu (Figures 1-3). See Its Jakuchll {Jt'j.~{l:p. JakuchU: tokubetsu tenrankai botsugo
2DO-nen: bunkazai hogohO 50-nen kinenjigy6 = Jakucha! W~{l:p: ~~tl ,fi'f[~t.i~ 200 &f. : :>c{~Mf*1I
~ 50 &f.fB~*. =Jakuchlll~ . (Kyoto: Kyoto kokuritsu hakubutsukan, 2000), 250. Since these copies
offer little insight into whether Jakuch1l saw these characters as Daoist, however, the images will not be
discussed here. Although the label of arhat immediately implies that the figures must be regarded as
Buddhist, tales of the extraordinary abilities of arhats and the undeniable similarities between, for example,
Fu Hu Luohan (Jpn: Fukko Rakan ~JJtG7J ) and Xuanyuan Ji, suggest that, like Hanshan and Shide,
these characters display the influence ofboth Buddhism and religious Daoism.
172
establish particular physical types with which he could signify the theological meaning of
an image without relying upon the traditional attributes ofimmortals. Perhaps an even
more pressing question is whether the fact that his portraits ofHanshan and Shide display
these same facial characteristics indicates that Sh8haku considered the Tang hennits to be
members ofthe Daoist pantheon.
The typical facial characteristics that Sh8haku designated for Liu Haichan are
evident in the aforementioned "Immortals" folding screens (Figure 191) as well as in
"Immortals Tieguai and Xiama" (Figure 192), a work painted roughly a decade later.
The transcendent is almost invariably depicted in a frontal portrait with a crescent-shaped
smile in which the comers ofhis mouth are obscured by the clearly delineated, semi­
circular base ofhis protruding cheeks. His cheeks are often shaded so as to appear lit
from below, and from beneath their cheeks, three or four parallel lines are consistently
added to indicate wrinkles. Within his mouth, a viewer can usually notice a row ofneatly
aligned, white teeth that protrude slightly below his upper lip and a tongue that curls up
and gently touches the front teeth. The image ofHanshan in the pair of scrolls from
K8sh8ji Temple (Figures 193-194) includes all of these characteristics.
In addition, the shape ofHanshan's right ear and nose are almost identical to those ofLiu
Haichan as seen in the six-fold "Immortals" screens. (Figure 191.)
The facial characteristics that Sh8haku devised for Li Tieguai are dramatically
different than those ofLiu Haichan, and thanks to this visual contrast, the viewer is able
to quickly distinguish between the two in the many occasions when the artist depicts
them together. While Liu Haichan confronts the viewer with a frontal pose, Li is
173
typically shown in profile facing to the viewer's left. As this character has come to be
appreciated as a sort of patron saint of the infirmed, in his portraits, he seems to flaunt his
illness accordingly. His body is covered with various, unseemly details that effectively
heighten this unhealthy impression. A profusion ofhair, for example, protrudes from his
nostrils and ears. On his neck, his Adam's apple is dramatically pronounced. Although
he is shown in profile, furthermore, the pupil and iris ofhis visible left eye are painted as
perfect circles, creating the unsettling impression that he is either visually impaired or
psychologically unstable. While all ofthese characteristics are noticeable in portraits of
Li such as in the six-fold "Immortals" screens (Figure 195) and "The Immortal Tieguai"
(Figure 196), they are equally apparent in the image ofShide from the Koshoji scrolls
(Figures 197-198). Other common elements that connect this image ofShide with "The
Immortal Tieguai" are his pursed lips, which, since the upper lip is much more distended
than the lower, seem to be strangely inverted.
Beside the repetition ofcertain facial characteristics, Shohaku's paintings of
Hanshan and Shide are visually connected to his portraits ofDaoist transcendents through
the appearance ofcertain utilitarian objects as well. Admittedly, the items themselves - a
scroll, a gourd, and a straw hat - do not possess exclusively Daoist meaning. When
compared to those found in the Shohaku's depictions ofimmortals, however, the visual
similarities ofthe items that appear in Shohaku's portraits ofHanshan and Shide are
startling. In lightofthe fact that these objects never appear in the artist's other works,
viewers are compelled to consider these two pictorial themes as closely inter-related.
174
All of the objects in question can be found in Sh8haku's pair of folding screens
that depict the two Tang monks (Figures 199-200).23 The scroll that sits on a cliff ledge
next to seated figure ofHanshan (Figure 201) is a perfectly cylindrical object with a
white label adhered to its upper halfand wrapped two and a half times with a cord that is
anchored on the front of the scroll. The left end ofthe scroll recedes slightly from the
viewer, so the right end ofthe cylinder appears to be oval, and at the center ofthis oval,
the wooden dowel base ofthe scroll protrudes slightly. In the scrolls from K8sh8ji
Temple, a scroll with precisely the same characteristics is shown in Hanshan's right hand
(Figure 202). Among the artist's portraits ofDaoist masters, this image ofa scroll
appears again with little alteration in the possession ofLaozi (Figure 203) as well as
Xuanyuan Ji (Figure 204), bringing to mind the final two lines ofthe poem by Hanshan
quoted earlier:
And I with my immortality books, one or two scrolls,
Sit 'neath a tree and read -mumble mumble.26
Although the image ofa scroll in Hanshan's possession is a well established
attribute that is traditionally interpreted from a Buddhist or secular viewpoint as a sutra or
a transcription by Hanshan ofhis own poetry, respectively, the image ofa lagenaria
siceraria, known commonly as a calabash gourd or bottle-gourd, by contrast, has much
stronger associations with religious Daoism. It was used by Han Xiangzi to store
2' Admittedly, in this work, the figures' facial characteristics diverge slightly from the model previously
described: Shide is facing to the right rather than to the left, and Hanshan is shown in three-quarter view
rather than in a full-frontal pose. However, other characteristics regarding Hanshan's smile and Shide's
body are consistent.
26 Hendricks, Robert Goo The Poetry ofHan-shan, 52. Translation by Robert G. Hendricks.
fL!J.-jilij~ ~rfi!lIjllj.
175
"Nature's creative powers,',27 and in addition to the crutch, it was a well-known attribute
ofLi Tieguai, since this strangely shaped vegetable with its tapered waist symbolized
"the joining ofheaven and earth in [the transcendent's] body.,,28 Portraits ofHanshan
and Shide holding a calabash are exceedingly rare; other than those painted by Sh8haku,
the only such image known is Liu Joo's depiction ofthe two monks with Liu Haichan
and Li Tiegua~ in which Hanshan hangs a gourd at the level ofhis chest from a shoulder
strap (Figure 205). As would be expected, Sh8haku often included gourds in his portraits
of immortals such as Xuanyuan Ji (Figure 204), but he also showed them in the
possession ofHanshan and Shide (Figure 201).
Another item in the Hanshan-Shide folding screen that deserves consideration is
the enormous, woven straw hat that hangs on Shide's back (Figure 206). Upon seeing
this, one might recall the Daoist hermit Zhongzhang's straw hat depicted in Shangguan
Zhou's album (Figure 208). As Tsuji Nobuo has discussed,29 Sh8haku seems to have
referred to this image when painting Li Tieguai's hat in the aforementioned "Immortals"
screens (Figure 209). In yet another painting, the hat is shown in Liu Haichan's
possession along with a wicker basket much like Shide's (Figures 210 and 206).
Protruding from Liu's basket are a couple ofpeaches, the quintessential symbols of
immortality; one wonders ifthis is what the small spherical object nestled in Shide's
basket is meant to represent (Figures 206-207).
27 Lai, T. C.. The Eight Immortals. (Hong Kong: Swindon Book Company, 1972), 19.
28 Little, Stephen. Taoism and the Arts o/China. (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago; Berkeley: In
association with University of California Press, 2000), 331.
29 Tsuji Nobuo, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi. (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970),81.
176
Nagasawa Rosetsu
Rosetsu, who possessed an almost obsessive fascination with Hanshan and Shide,
explored the vast array ofcompositions in which these figures had historically been
depicted up until then, ranging from simple caricatures ofthe two monks to more
elaborate group portraits with Fenggan and his domesticated tiger. This body ofwork
also displays a broad range ofemotional tones, and while images which presumably date
to the artist's middle years such as "Folding Screen with Figure Painting" (Figure 211)
exhibit the lighthearted touch that Rosetsu inherited from his teacher Maruyama Okyo,
others such as his celebrated work at Takayamadera Temple in Wakayama (Figure 212)
are tar more grotesque, indicating that,according to Tsuji Nobuo, the artist sought to
emulate Soga Shohaku.30 As with the works ofBada Shanren, the number ofknown
paintings by Rosetsu that depict Daoist immortals are insufficient to determine by means
ofthe kind ofvisual analysis employed in this chapter whether the artist adopted
Shohaku's view ofHanshan and Shide as part ofthe Daoist pantheon. This question, it
seems, can only be answered through more thorough research into the imagery in
Rosetsu's many portraits of the two Tang monks and through consideration about
whether that imagery, like the scrolls and straw hats that appear in Shohaku's works, can
be interpreted as possessing specifically Daoist meaning.
While a Daoist definition ofeccentric art was proposed- in the conclusion ofthe
previous chapter, in light ofthe difficulty ofstrictly categorizing particular religious
30 Ibid, 117.
177
characters such as Hanshan and Shide as either Daoist or Buddhist, an amendment to this
definition seems necessary at this point A further reason for such an alteration is to
address the concept ofaesthetics, particularly the artist's fascination with disturbing or
transgressive imagery, as consistently seen in the portraits ofLiu Haichan, Li Tieguai,
Hanshan and Shide.
A revised, working definition of eccentric art is as follows: works that employs
imagery deriving from either religious Daoism or Buddhism but nevertheless celebrating
through that imagery heterodoxy, irrationality, social reclusion, or grotesquerie, concepts
that, in the context ofreligious Daoism, have been traditionally viewed as indications of
or means by which to attain spiritual transcendence. The term "Daoist-Buddhist figure
painting," though closely connected to this form ofeccentric art, is ultimately a term
whose parameters are at times too narrow, eliminating non-figurative painters like Bada
Shanren as well as artists such as Utagawa Kuniyoshi who employ other media. At other
times, the term is too general, including not only works that challenge a viewer's
preconceptions about the appropriate appearance ofart but also conventionally decorative
or dryly didactic images.
Though Tsuji Nobuo has stated that eccentric art as he defines it is strictly limited
to the Edo period (1600-1868),31 the time period during which art characterized by Daoist
eccentricity was produced was at least several decades longer. Admittedly, the public
31 Tsuji Nobuo, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kun;yoshi. Tokyo: Perikansha, 1988, as quoted in Yajima Arata
~..,tT, Yamashita Yftji w.(f~=, Tsuji Nobuo 3±:itt$, Nihon bijutsu no hakkenshatachi r i=I *~*O)
~Jf.::f1t -t:>J (Tokyo: Daigaku shuppankai, 2003), 43.
178
interest in religious Daoism that characterized the Edo period32 quickly died out as the
Meiji Restoration of 1868 ushered in a revolutionary change to the Japanese national
identity and a view ofmodernity that is often exemplified in the words of political
theorist Fukuzawa Yukichi m~jljs (1835-1901):
Today China and Korea are no help at all to our country. On the contrary,
because our three countries are adjacentwe are sometimes regarded as the
same in the eyes ofcivilized Western peoples. Appraisals ofChina and Korea
are applied to our country... and indirectly this greatly impedes ourforeign
policy. It is really a great misfortunefor our country. Itfollows that in
making our presentplans we have not time to await the development of
neighboring countries andjoin them in reviving Asia. Rather, we should
escape from them andjoin the company ofWestern civilized nations.33
In this way, at the end of the 19th century, religious Daoism, which never evolved within
Japan to a point at which it lost its original Chinese associations, maintained the favor of
only the most dedicated ofliterati. Nevertheless, during the Taisho era (1912-1926), a
number ofauthors and visual artists resisted the uncontrolled rush towards westernization
by reaffirming their interest in Chinese culture. Depictions of the monks Hanshan and
Shide, which were now largely removed from the context of both Daoism and Buddhism,
ushered in a new stage in the development ofthe eccentric art genre, and among the
artists responsible for this cultural revival, the painter and author Kishida RyUsei played a
particularly important role.
32 Kan6 Hiroyuki, "It6 Jakuchft ni tsuite," 11. In It6 Jakuchft {1Jfj~?1=P. Jakuchr2: tokubetsu tenrankai
botsugo 200-nen, 10-44.
33 Pyle, Kenneth Boo The Making ofModem Japan. 2M edition. (Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath,
19%), 92. Translation by Kenneth B. Pyle.
Figure 160. Copy after
Guanxiu, "Arhats," detail:
figure identified as Hanshan;
late 9th c. - early 10th C., ink on
paper, 109.1 x 50.2 em, Fujita
Art Museum, Osaka.
Figure 161. Copy after
Guanxiu, "Arhats,"
detail: figure identified
as Shide; late 9th c. ­
early 10th c., ink on
paper, 109.1 x 50.2 em,
Fujita Art Museum,
Osaka.
179
Figure 162. Copy after
Guanxiu, "Arhats," detail:
figure identified as
Fenggan with his tiger; late
9th c. - early 10th c., ink on
paper, 109.1 x 50.2 em,
Fujita Art Museum, Osaka.
Figure 163. Attributed to Van Hui,
"Banshan and Shide," detail: Shide; 14th
century, color on silk, pair ofhanging
scrolls, 127.6 x 41.8 em. each. Tokyo
National Museum.
Figure 164. Attributed to Van Hui,
"Banshan and Shide," detail: Hanshan;
14th century, color on silk, pair of hanging
scrolls, 127.6 x 41.8 em. each. Tokyo
National Museum.
Figure 165. Attributed to Liu Jun,
"Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu
Haichan and Li Tieguai," detail:
Tieguai; 16th C., color on silk, 134.1 x
73.1 em. Tok 0 National Museum.
Figure 167. Attributed to Liu Jun,
"Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu
Haichan and Li Tieguai," detail:
Hanshan; 16th c., color on silk, 134.1 x
73.1 em, Tokyo National Museum.
180
Figure 166. Attributed to Liu Jun, "Portraits
ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan and Li
Tieguai," detail: Haichan; 16th c., color on
silk, 134.1 x 73.1 em. Tokyo National
Museum.
Figure 168. Attributed to Liu Jun, "Portraits
ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan and Li
Tieguai," detail: Shide; 16th c., color on silk,
134.1 x 73.1 em, Tokyo National Museum.
181
Figure 169. Detail ofFigure Figure 170. Detail ofFigure 168: Shide with his broom.
165: Li Tieguai with his
crutch.
Figure 171. Detail ofFigure 167: Hanshan
with his scroll.
Figure 172. Detail ofFigure 166: Liu
Haichan with his toad.
182
Figure 173. Shang Xi, "Four Immortals Honoring the God ofLongevity," 1430s, ink and
color on silk, han in scroll, 98.3 x 143.8 em, National Palace Museum, Tai ei.
Figure 175. Detail: Hanshan
holdin a scroll.
Figure 176. Detail: Li Tieguai standing on a crutch.
Figure 177. Detail: Liu Haichan riding an enormous Figure 178. Detail: Shoulao riding a
toad. crane.
Figure 179. Hong Yingming, Strange
Traces ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail:
illustration ofHanshan; 1602, ink on paper,
woodblock print, Kyoto University
Library, Kyoto, Japan.
183
Figure 180. Hong Yingming, Strange Traces
ofImmortals and Buddhas, detail:
illustration of Shide; 1602, ink on paper,
woodblock print, Kyoto University Library,
Kyoto, Japan.
L
Figure 181. Bada Shanren, seal
with artist name of Shide, ca.
1702.
Figure 182. Bada Shanren, artist's signatures as
Shide. Left: 1702-05; Right: 1702-03.
184
Figure 183. Bada Shanren, "Landscapes," detail: leaf d; ca. 1702-03, ink and light color on
satin, album ofeight leaves, Honolulu Academy of Arts.
:"'\~""';>.;I"w' " ....::.<'.
2\ I
'l {k# '
~ ~t,
t \ ~.~. .
Figure 184. Kana Sansetsu, "Hanshan and Shide," 17th century, ink on paper, 101.5 x
130.5 cm. Collection ofShinsha Gokuraku-ji temple, Kyoto.
185
Figure 188. Ito Jakuchu, "The
Two Transcendents Li Tieguai
and Lui Haichan," detail:
Haichan; 1760-69, ink on
paper, pair of hanging scrolls,
102.5 x 29.6 cm each, private
collection, Kyoto.
Figure 187. Ito Jakuchu, "The
Two Transcendents Li Tieguai
and Lui Haichan," detail:
Tieguai; 1760-69, ink on
paper, pair of hanging scrolls,
102.5 x 29.6 cm each, private
collection, Kyoto.
Figure 186. Ito
Jakuchil, "Hanshan and
Shide," ca. 1763, ink
on paper, hanging
scroll, 105.0 x 28.0 cm.
Figure 185. Kana Sansetsu, "The Transcendents Li Tieguai and Lui Haichan," detail: Lui
Haichan with toad; early to mid 17th c., ink and color on silk, pair of hanging scrolls, 173.0
x 88.6 cm each, Senn "-' i Temple, Kyoto.
Figure 189. Ito Jakuchil, "Shakyamuni
Triptych," detail: Manjusri; 1765, color on
silk, 210.3 x 111.3 cm, Shokokuji Temple
Shotenkaku Art Museum, Kyoto.
Figure 191. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals,"
detail: Liu Haichan's face; 1764, color and
ink on paper, pair of6-fold screens, 172.0 x
378.0 cm each, Ministry of Cultural
Mfairs, Tokyo.
186
Figure 190. Ito Jakuchil, "Shakyamuni
Triptych," detail: Samantabhadra
Bodhisattva; 1765, color on silk, 210.3 x
111.3 cm, Shokokuji Temple Shotenkaku
Art Museum, Kyoto.
Figure 192. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals
Tieguai and Xiama," detail: Liu Haichan's
face; circa 1772-81, two-panel screen, ink
on paper, 119.4 x 51.6 cm, Musee Narita,
Tokyo.
187
Figure 195. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," detail: Li Tieguai's face.
Figure 194. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," detail: Hanshan's face.
,~
Figure 193. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," detail: Hanshan; Important Cultural
Property, 1763-64, ink on paper, pair of
hanging scrolls. 197.0 x 115.0 cm each.
Koshoji Temple/Tokyo National Museum.
",lie"
188
"\\
Figure 196. Soga "The Immortal Tieguai," detail: Li Tieguai's face; circa 1760,
ink on paper, hanging scroll, 127.0 x 27.8 em, private collection.
189
Figure 197. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and Shide," detail: Shide; Important Cultural
Property, 1763-64, ink on paper, pair of hanging scrolls. 197.0 x 115.0 cm each. Koshoji
Temple/Tokyo National Museum.
I
• \ .. 't\~ ~
Figure 198. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and Shide," detail: Shide's face.
Figure 199. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," detail: left screen; mid-18th c., ink
on paper, pair of2-fold screens. 169.2 x
185.0 em. Private collection.
190
.. -I.,tL,B.~~~~~.0-'.
Figure 200. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," detail: right screen; mid-18th c., ink on
paper, pair of2-fold screens. 169.2 x 185.0
em. Private collection.
Figure 201. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and Figure 202. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," pair of2-fold screens; detail: Shide," pair of hanging scrolls; detail: scroll
scroll and gourd lying next to Hanshan. in Hanshan's hand.
Figure 203. Soga Shohaku, "Laozi and Landscapes," set ofthree hanging scrolls; detail:
scroll in Laozi's hand. 1770-81, ink on paper, 96.7 x 33.1 em, private collection.
191
.fl!i.
Figure 205. Attributed to Liu Jun, "Portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu Haichan and Li
Tieguai," detail: Hanshan with a gourd.
,
-~ -Figure 204. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals," detail: scrolls in Xuanyuan Ji's bag and his
gourd.
Figure 206. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," pair of2-fo1d screens; detail:
Shide's hat and wicker basket
c.'_.' ~-
'!
Figure 208. Shangguan Zhou, Painting
Record ofthe Wanxiao Hall, detail:
Zhongzhang's hat
192
. _ .. &'\(~d
Figure 207. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," pair of2-fo1d screens; detail: object
in Shide's wicker basket
Figure 209. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals,"
pair of6-fo1d screens; detail: Li Tieguai's
hat.
193
Figure 210. Soga Shohaku, "Immortals Tieguai and Xiama," detail: Liu Haichan with his
hat and wicker basket.
194
Figure 211. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Folding Screen with Figure Painting," 18th century, ink
and color on paper, 176.0 x 190.0 em. Tokyo National Museum. Depicted are Hanshan
(standing) with Shide reclining next to Fenggan's tiger.
Figure 212. Nagasawa Rosetsu, "Hanshan and Shide," Selected Cultural Object of
Wakayama Prefecture, 1787, ink on paper, hanging scroll, 86.5 x 160.0 em.
Takayamadera Temple, Wakayama.
195
Chapter Six:
Kishida Ryusei and Modern Manifestations
of Daoist Eccentricity
During the Taisho and early Showa eras, the resurgence ofpublic interest in the Kinsei
kijin-den discussed in Chapter One accompanied a similar revival ofthe characters
Hanshan and Shide. Well known examples ofthis trend include the 1916 short story
"Kanzan Jittoku" r. t1JKi'~J by Mori 6gai (~~, 1862-1922) and the 1936 novel
Samantabhadra (Jpn: Fugen rtf'Jf~) by Ishikawa Joo (~) ,,~, 1899-1987). Though
relatively obscure, another particularly noteworthy work was the modem drama
(shingeki) "Hanshan and Shide," which Tsubo'uchi Shoyo, the author responsible for the
term kiso ~t&\ (eccentricity), wrote and directed in 1929, the same year he completed a
theatrical adaptation ofKinsei kijin-den.1 In the field ofpainting, several well known
nihonga painters such as Yokoyama Taikan depicted Hanshan and Shide, but by far the
artist who most often portrayed these characters was Kishida Ryfisei~ III itl1:.(1891-
1929). Ryfisei furthermore wrote extensively about his interest in Chinese and Japanese
1 See Tsubo'uchi SMy~ ~FkJ~)i. "Kanzan Jittoku" r.UJ~t" J . Gendai Nihon bungaku zenshf2 dai ni
hen: Tsubo 'uchi ShOy6 sM Ii~JUt l=l *)(¥~.m.:=.. :P!'p-H!)iUIU vol. 2. (Tokyo: Kaiz~sha, 1929),
208·9. The likelihood that this author subscribed to a Daoist interpretation ofeccentricity is suggested by
his very name. Born Tsubo'uchi Yt1ro ~FkJ!i.il in 1859, at the age of25 he changed his name to SMy~
i!)i (formally written as i!ii), which, like the name Jakuch11, originates from Zhuangzi. In particular, the
name origjnated from the title of the first chapter ofZhuangzi, "Free and Easy Wandering" (i1!lii~, Ch:
Xiao YaoWou~ Jpn: SMy~·yfi). See Zhuang:4, Burton Watson (trans.). The Complete Works o/Chuang
Tzu. Cob~bia University Press, 1970. .
196
eccentric artists, and as an art historian, he deserves credit for having promoted a
theoretical understanding ofeccentric art. Though assessments ofRy11sei's late paintings
and writings vary widely, these works deserve appreciation as evidence ofhis interest in
the eccentrics Bada Shanren and Iwasa Matabei, as applications ofhis theories on the
aesthetics ofeccentric art, and as expressions ofhis belief in the Daoist meaning of
eccentricity.
Evaluation ofRydsei's late period
Traditionally, art historians have divided Ry11sei's career into periods
corresponding to the geographical location where he and his fiunily lived: the Ginza
district ofTokyo (1907-13), the Yoyogi and Komazawa districts ofTokyo (1913-17), the
Kugenuma district ofFujisawa City, Kanagawa Prefecture (1917-23), Kyoto City (1923­
26), and lastly, Kamakura City (1926-29).2 Regarding these final two periods, in which
the artist largely abandoned oil painting and produced works in ink that sought to capture
a particularly Asian sense ofbeauty, Ryusei's daughter Kishida Reiko (W: IEliT, 1914-
1962), an artist as well as the subject ofher father's most famous portraits, lamented:
The Kyoto era ofthe painter Kishida RyUsei and, even more so, hisfinal three
years and nine months in Kamakura have really notyet been researched.
. In comparison to the research on the periodfrom myfather's
beginnings to his Kugenuma period, that ofhis Kyoto andKamakura periods
have been extremelyfeeble. It is necessaryfor myfather's last artworks and
2 Sakai Tadayasu m#$., "KishidaRyftsei to Ky6to" r.J$:a:J'U1=. t:ffillSJ . In Ky6to shi bijutsukan ffi
~IHff~H. Ryasei to KyOto: "uchi naro bi" 0 motomete rill1=. t: ffillS: rP"Jtl.Q~J t-;1tcli)'"(J .
(Ky6to shiritsu bijutsukan, 2003), 10.
197
writings to be gathered, researched, critiqued, and evaluated without any
bias orfixed ideas.3
Various reasons have been offered for the negative reception ofRyilsei's late period.
Some critics such as Hijikata Tei'ichi ±jj~- (1904-1980) and Yashiro Yukio ~f~$
it (1890-1975), for example, have found the artist's earlier, western-style works (yoga)
to be more firmly based upon the standards ofan art historical canon and therefore easier
to evaluate.4 Beyond such considerations, however, a numberofmisconceptions about
Ryilsei's late period prevent scholars from evaluating it fairly. One erroneous claim is
that the artist always considered his oil paintings to be the most important
accomplishments ofhis career and that he ultimately regretted the time he had invested in
exploring Asian materials and techniques.S This statement is directly contradicted by
Ryusei's own writings: he found in Chinese painting a sense ofmystery and spirituality
that pre-modem western art as well as his own earlier work, due to their emphasis upon
illusionism, sorely lacked.6 Another source ofconfusion has been the distorted beliefthat
Ryftsei's professional ambitions were limited to those ofa studio artist. Seen from such a
viewpoint, Ryusei's extravagant collection ofukiyo-e paintings and Chinese paintings
has been repeatedly described as evidence ofhis psychological instability.7 Admittedly,
3 KishidaReikoNlEll-r. Chichi KishidaRyUsei r~NlE'tl~J . (Tokyo: CMl>koronshinsha, 1987),
201.
4 Kitazawa Noriaki ~tl$.BB, "Dekadanto Ryt1sei: Kishida Ryt1sei no Ky8to zaijt1ki ni kan swu kenkyt1
shi-teki kl>satsu" r713 Y~ l' IJJ~-ftita3'U1:. (f)JirIfiH'£f.±WH(: j;m-r oii)f~~a9;;!f.J . In Ky8to shi
bijutsukan, RyOsei to Ky6to, 34-35.
5 Tokyo kokuritsu kindai bijutsukan ~JAOOftj[({-t~ft. Botsugo gojt2nen kinen Kishida Ryt2sei ten
zuroku rf~~ 50 4=-le~NlE'tl~Jii~.J . (Tokyo: Asahi shinbunsha, 1979),25.
6 Kishida Ryt1sei. Sagen no shaseiga r*:7t(f)1j:~ii!iiJ . (Tokyo: Zenkoku shobohan, 1947),7.
7 "As is generally said, in his Kyoto era, it seems that [Kishida Ryt1sei] spent his days and nights drinking
and [collecting] early ukiyo-e painting, and sadly, his production of oil paintings diminished." Hijikata
198
the artist squandered his mmily's financial resources on his ambitious art historical
research, and when considering the lack ofcoherence that the texts he produced through
that research often display. such purchases seem to have been rather imprudent.
Nevertheless. to ignore the fact that Ryftsei saw these acquisitions as an integral part of
his academic research is to grossly overlook a vital aspect ofhis multimceted career.
After several decades during which Ryftsei's late work was publicly championed
only by his daughter Reiko, since the mid 1970s. a number ofscholars have gradually
come to share her appreciation. Azuma Tamaki <JIl~•. b. 1921) complemented the
artist's exploration ofAsian aesthetics as "a lofty and unprecedented field." In his essay
"The Fine Art and Fate ofKishida Ryftsei, or The Grotesquerie ofRyftsei 's Paintings,"
Nakamura Yoshikazu <l:f:t;ft.-. b. 1947) offered a far more enthusiastic defense.
dismissing the popular notion that the artist's expressionistic works were evidence of
mental illness.8 At the tum ofthe twenty-first century, exhibitions at the Koriyama
Museum of Art in Fukushima and the Kyoto Municipal Art Museum focused exclusively
Tei'ichi ±jjJr-. Kishida R)lUsei W~fEJtl1:.J . (Tokyo: Nichid6 shuppanbu), 1971, as quoted in Kishida
K6shirB ~fE$llYM:RyUsei 1925 nen rjlJ1:. • -:tt.=Ji.~J . (Tokyo: Kaibisha, 1981),9...... it is a
well known fact that, after his home in Kugenuma was destroyed in the Great KantB Earthquake, [Ryftsei]
moved to Kyoto, ruined his health on alcohol and the collection of antique [paintings], returned again to the
Kant6 district, and lived temporarily in Kamakura." Tomiyama Hideo .11J~.Jj, "Ban'nen no Kishida
Ryftsei -koga shdshd wo chdshin ni" rl!$f~(7)~fEJtl1:.-tiOOJ&.:t-lfrlc.\~;:J . In KishidaRyftsei,
Kishida R)lUsei ten r~ fEJJ1:.~J (Tokuyama shi bijutsu hakubutsukan, 2000), 8.
8 Azuma Tamaki JIU~•. Kishida RyUsei. Tokyo: Kodansha, 1974; and Nakamura Yoshikazu lfrt-tfti-,
"Kishida Ryftsei ni okern geijutsu to unmei, ami wa Ryftsei no eno gurotesuku" r~fEjtl1:.~;::t3lt ~~~
<!::: JW1fir-ai:>~ 11 'l'j:jlJ1:.(7)~(7)~PTA? J .Mizue Wc7}.--:S~J No. 881 (August 1978): 29-35, as
discussed in Kitazawa, "Dekadanto Ryftsei," in Ky6to shi bijutsukan, 35.
199
upon these late works, and a serious discussion about the artist's intentions finally
began.9
Rylisei's Interest in Bada Sbanren
The sources of inspiration for Ryfisei's late aesthetic theories are clearly
documented in the diary that he kept from 1914 through 1928. His interest in Chinese
painting began sutprisingly early. After admiring various privately owned works of
Chinese art, such as a painting ofa cat attributed to the early Southern Song painter Mao
Yi (=e~, Jpn: Moeki, act ca. 12th_13th century), which he saw at Hara Zen'ichiro's
residence in November 1919,10 Ryfisei eventually decided in June 1922 to purchase from
another acquaintance a work entitled "Camels" that was attributed to Zhao Mengfu O!~
M, 1254"- 1322).11 Though Koike Masahiro has proposed that Ryfisei had no particular
interest in Zhao and that he was merely interested in owning a work representative of
Yuan dynasty painting,12 soon thereafter, Ryfisei developed an insatiable fascination with
Bada Shanren. In July 1922, after seeing a bird-and-flower painting attributed to the
9 See KC'Jriyama shiritsu bijutsukan tI15I1nTift~H, "Saihakken, Nihon no sugata: kiiwaado wa derori"
ten W rNJ!Je" S*Q)~ :q:.~ 17~ r liTP 1) J HiJ . (KC'Jriyama: KC'Jriyama shiritsu bijutsukan,
1999); and KyC'Jto shi bijutsukan, R}'11sei to Kyoto.
10 KishidaRyftsei. R}'11sei nikki WJJ~ S ~J . Vol. 1,5 volumes. (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1984),491-2;
as discussed in Koike, Masahiro. "The Art ofRyftsei Kishida's Later Period." In Tokyo kokuritsu kindai
bijutsukan JIO.i\~ftJli:{-t~U. Botsugo gojUnen kinen Kishida R}'11sei ten zuroku WN:~ 50 &f.ta~).$!:
fBJJ~~~W . (Tokyo: Asahi shinbunsha, 1979),26. Translation by Margaret Miller Kanada.
11 Kishida Ryftsei, R}'11sei nikki, vol. 3, 226-7; as discussed in Koike, 26. Translation by Margaret Miller
Kanada.
12 Koike, 26. Translation by Margaret Miller Kanada.
200
Yuan eccentric at Kenkad8 *Jll1it gallery,13 he repeatedly mentioned Bada in his
diary,14 and he eventually decided to purchase the painting at the price oftwo hundred
yen. 1S Later, on March 7th ofthe following year, he further received a landscape painting
attributed to Bada from his acquaintance Mr. Takezoe 1t~. 16 To the extent that a sketch
drawn by Ryftsei at this time and labeled "Picture by Bada Shanren" (Figure 213) is a
faithful description, this painting was rather similar in appearance to the landscapes Bada
produced around 1702 (Figure 214).
Within days ofhis initial exposure to the work ofBada Shanren, Ryftsei decided
to adopt the eccentric's painting style.17 A landscape by Ryftsei dated to 1923-26 (Figure
215) clearly shows the ways in which he interpreted this style. A clearing amidst the
grove oftrees in the foreground reveals a foot bridge that spans a small, quietly flowing
stream, while mountain peaks rise up out ofthe mist in the distance. The most striking
elements in this painting are the trees that, upon comparison, are closely modeled upon
those in Bacia's landscaPes. Rather than gracefully tapering as they ascend, their trunks
alternately bulge and constrict, and some, unable to support their own weight, slump or
suddenly careen to the side as if composed of rubber. The surfaces ofthe trunks appear
13 Kishida RyOsei, Ryl2sei nikki, vol. 3,244-5.
14 From July 14, 1922 through the remainder of that year, RyOsei mentions Bacia Shanren in his diary on
twenty separate occasions. See Ibid, vol. 3,244-5 (July 14),252 (July 20), 255 (July 22),256 (July 23),
257 (July 24), 260 (July 26),265 (July 29), 297 (Aug. 25), 300 (Aug. 27), 301 (Aug. 28),303 (Aug. 30),
306 (Sept. 1),318-9 (Sept. 10),326 (Sept. 17),332 (Sept. 22), 349 (Oct 10),372-3 (Oct. 24),398 (Nov.
10),411 (Nov. 19), and 451 (Dec. 20). The following year (1923), he mentions Bada in thirteen entries.
See Ibid, vol. 4,60 (Feb. 21), 79 (March 6), 79 (March 7), 80-81 (March 8), 96 (March 23), 103 (March
39),119 (Apri11O), 154 (May 10),188 (Jtn1e 7),188 (June 8),189 (June 9), 279 (Sept. 5), and 368 (Nov.
12).
IS Ibid, vol. 3, 260.
16 Ibid, vol. 4,79.
17 Ibid, vol. 3, 256.
201
perfectly smooth, and the only details that they display are the tentatively painted mi dots
at their b8$es and the random tufts ofgreen further up. Ironically, Ryftsei's academic
training, noticeable in way objects such as the bridge adhere to the laws of linear
perspective, prevents him from effectively achieving the sense ofnaivete for which Bada
Shanren's works are so widely admired, but the work speaks loudly ofRyusei's desire to
identify and internalize those elements in Bada's work that distinguished the Yuan
painter as an eccentric.
Ry1isei's interest in Iwasa Matabei
In March 1921, even before he began to collect and take inspiration from the
works ofChinese painters like Bada Shanren, Ryftsei developed a deep interest in
Japanese ukiyo-e, and this genre soon became the main focus ofhis art acquisition. He
collected woodblock prints by a wide mnge ofartists, including Harunobu to Utamaro,
Hokusai, and Hiroshige, but he was most enthusiastic about early genre painting
(nikuhitsu ukiyo-e ~.¥$1ft~).18 His exploration ofukiyo-e coincided with a sudden
appreciation for kabuki theater, performances ofwhich he began to attend at
approximately the same time.19 In his diary, Ryftsei cited the most impressive aspects of
these performances as the "bizarre, classical sense,,20 and the "powerful feeling ofstrange
grotesquerie,,21 exuded by the performers.
18 Segi Shin'ichi_*'il-. KishidaRyUsei: hi to sei no hontai WJ$I33'tl1:.-~~ 1:.O)*f*J . (TBkyB
shiki shuppan, 1998), 174. See also Kishida Rylisei, RyUsei nikki, vol. 2,93.
19 Kishida Rylisei, RyUsei nikki, vol. 2, 27.
20 Ibid, vol. 2, 27.
21 Ibid, vol. 3,85-6.
202
Although Rytisei had also expressed interest in the work ofUtagawa Kuniyoshi,22
the artist in whom he was most intrigued was unquestionably the supposed founder ofthe
ukiyo-e genre, Iwasa Matabei. RyUsei became familiar with the work ofMatabei
sometime before May 1922, at which time he wrote an article for Shirakaba magazine in
which he stated, "These days, I feel myselfdrawn ever more towards the art ofancient
China... and I am drawn to ukiyo-e, especially to the sense of line developed by Matabei
the First. There is a robust sort ofmystique to it which attracts me.,,23 When RyUsei
visited KottOya 1t.~ gallery at the end of 1923, he came across a folding screen
attributed to Matabei and depicting a group ofrevelers admiring cherry blossoms. The
work, he claims in his diary, exuded a "strong, mystical" presence that "absolutely
dumbfounded" him, and despite the fact that his family's recent move to Kyoto and his
subsequent unemployment left him in a state offinancial desperation, he seriously
contemplated purchasing the painting for the price of2,500 yen.24 (Figure 216.)
Although he eventually abandoned this plan, RyUsei's discovery ofthis screen seemed to
suddenly intensify his interest in the Edo painter: during 1924, RyUsei mentions Matabei
in no less than sixty-nine separate diary entries, each ofwhich often included multiple
references to the Edo artist.2S
22 Ibid, vol. 3, p. 386.
23 Kishida Ryilsei, Shirakaba, May 1922, reprinted in Kishida Ryilsei. Kishida RyUsei zensha W~g) 1~1:::
~.J .Vol. 3, 10 volumes. Tokyo: Iwanami shotell, 1979; and quoted in Takashina, Shiiji, et. at.. Paris in
Japan: The Japanese Encounter with European Painting. (Tokyo: The Japan Foundation, 1987), 160.
Translation by Atsushi Tanaka. .
24 Kishida Ryilsei, Ryasei nikki, vol. 4,413. In comparing Ryilsei's verbal description and sketch to recent
studies on Matabei, this work appears to have either been attributed to another artist or lost sometime after
December 1923.
25 Ibid, v. 5,12-18 (Jan. 1),21 (Jan. 14),22 (Jan. 15),35 (Jan. 27),38 (Jan. 28),45 (Feb. 3),60 (Feb. 14),
62 (Feb. 15),69 (Feb. 22), 70 (Feb. 23), 72 (Feb. 24),89 (Mar. 10),94 (Mar. 16), 95-6 (Mar. 17),98 (Mar.
203
Since many ofthe works that Ryftsei believed to be by Matabei have since been
lost, determining their authenticity is often impossible. Furthennore, the first known
standard work ofMatabei was identified only as recently as 1886,26 and even now
scholars continue to disagree about the veracity ofmany attributions.27 One work whose
attribution has been the subject of particularly passionate debate is the so-called "Hikone
Screen" (Figure 217). Dated to sometime between 1624 and 1644, this painting depicts a
bordello in which a number ofcharacters are gathered together and pursuing various
leisure activities. On the far right, two women - one walking her pet dog and another
returning from the public bath - chat with a young man whose confident, flirtatious
demeanor is evident in the way he stands upon one foot and, using his sheathed sword to
brace himself, slumps over to one side. (Figure 218.) In the central section, several
people are gathered and, as Penelope Mason describes, "reading aloud, listening, and
writing as ifby dictation.,,28 (Fig~e 219.) On the left end, a trio ofmusicians play their
shamisen while another group plays a game ofgo in front ofa Kana-style folding screen.
(Figure 220.) Rather than these figures or their actions, however, one may argue that the
20),102 (Mar. 23),110 (Mar. 31), 120 (Apr. 7),121 (Apr. 9), 123 (Apr. 10),124 (Apr. 11),125 (Apr. 12),
128-9 (Apr. 15),130 (Apr. 17),133-4 (Apr. 20),134 (Apr. 21),134 (Apr. 22),137 (Apr. 23),143 (Apr. 29),
144 (Apr. 30), 148 (May 2),149 (May 2),153 (May 5), 160 (May 11), 162 (May 12), 166 (May 16),167
(May 17), 168 (May 18), 173 (May 24),179 (May 28), 179 (May 29), 186 (June 4),197 (June 16),202
(June 20), 204 (June 21), 206 (June 22), 218 (July 4), 219 (July 5), 286 (Sept. 11),290 (Sept. 16),291 (Sept.
17),291 (Sept 18),292 (Sept. 19),294 (Sept 21), 297 (Sept 24),298 (Sept 26), 300 (Sept. 28),311 (Oct.
9), 314 (Oct. 12),315 (Oct. 13),324 (Oct. 21), 330 (Oct. 27), 345 (Nov. 11),351 (Nov. 18),373 (Dec. 18),
374 (Dec. 19),378 (Dec. 23), 378 (Dec. 24), and 379 (Dec. 25).
26 Tsuji Nobuo, Kiso no keifu: MaJabei - Kuniyoshi. (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 25.
27 Ibid, 32-9.
28 Mason, Penelope. History ofJapanese Art (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1993),238.
204
prime subject ofthis painting is the aesthetic ofiki embodied in the sumptuous, uniquely
designed robe that each character wears.29
Kishida Ryftsei's earliest writings about the attribution ofthe "Hikone Screen"
date to 1923, the year ofthe Great Kanto Earthquake. On January 26th of that year, the
artist mentions seeing a copy ofwhat he refers to as "Matabei's Hikone Screen" at the
home ofa friend, and desiring a copy ofhis own, paints his own interpretation ofthe
work the following day.30 His deep regard for this artwork is further illustrated in another
diary entry immediately after the earthquake struck that September. In the midst of
salvaging the remaining possessions from his destroyed home, he mentions having read a
newspaper report that claimed the artwork was burnt in the aftermath ofthe quake. "1
pray this is untrue!" he writes. "Oh, Lord, please watch over itl,,31 Ultimately, the news
report is revealed to be inaccurate, and Ryt1sei rejoices, "I am overjoyed. 1truly prayed
that [God] would save it.,m In RyUsei's opinion, one ofthe aspects ofthis artwork that
gave it such art historical importance was its expression ofMatabei's painting style.
Three years later, in his essay "Regarding lwasa Matabei Katsumochi," he finally
announced his beliefabout the screen:
I must say that.. the public, whose eye for beauty has attributed the Hikone
&reen andother suchfamous yet unsignedworks ofukiyo-e ... to the brush of
Matabei, the most talented ofukiyo-e artists, is more accurate than the
official [scholars who reject this idea}.33
29 See Kuki Sh11za, John Clark (trans.). Reflections on Japanese Taste: The Structure oflid. (Sydney: Power
Publications, 1997); especially "Chapter 4: The Artistic Expression of Dd," 85-109.
30 Kishida Ry(1sei, RyCisei nikki. vol. 4, 31-2.
31 Ibid, vol. 4, 301.
32 Ibid, vol. 4, 335.
33 Kishida Ry(1sei, "Iwasa Matabei Katsumochi ni tsuite." r~~XAIiM1~I:.gt'"'(J In Shoki nikuhitsu
uldyo-e rm:M~.i'$1it~J .(Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1926), 103.
205
In Kiso no keifU, Tsuji discusses the beginnings ofthe Great Matabei Debate, a
disagreement among art historians about whether Matabei had painted various, highly
prized artworks, including the Hikone Screen and several newly discovered handscrolls.
Around 1928, a bookstore clerk named Hasegawa Minokichi identified what was
formerly thought to be an anonymous, relatively unimportant handscroll to be Matabei's
lost masterpiece "Yamanaka Tokiwa." Soon thereafter, the art historian Haruyama
Takematsu (1885-1962) wrote an article in the Osaka Asahi newspaper that claimed
Matabei to be the artist ofboth Yamanaka Tokiwa and the Hikone Screen.34 Tsuji fails to
mention, however, RyGsei's public defense ofthis claim in 1926. Ultimately, the belief
that Matabei had painted the Hikone Screen has been judged inaccurate,3S but
nevertheless, considering the extent to which Tsuji's scholarship was based upon
RyGsei's and the fact that this debt has been acknowledged by other scholars, Tsuji's
decision to entirely omit from Kiso no keifU any mention ofRyusei's writings is truly
ironic.36
As early as January 1923, Ryfisei was painting portraits ofhis daughter in
Matabei's style. One such portrait shows Reiko, dressed in an brilliantly colored kimono,
sitting in seiza style, facing to the viewer's right, and playing the shamisen. (Figure 221.)
In these aspects, she closely resembles the young woman on the left side of the Hikone
34Tsuji, Kis6 no keifu: Matabei - Kun;yoshi. (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 13, 32.
3S Ibid, 39. Tsuji judges the screen to be the creation of "a[n unidentified] master of the Kan8 school."
36 A comparison between the contents of Kishida Ryl1sei, "Iwasa Matabei Katsumochi ni tsuite." and the
chapter on Matabei in Tsuji, 9-41. reveals this debt Sandy Kita has stated, ..... Kishida's 1927 article on
Matabei contained the core of an idea, which, as developed by... Tsuji Nobuo after 1960, provides the
basis for the current resolution ofthe Matabei controversy." Kita, Sandy. The Last Tosa: Iwasa Katsumochi
Matabei, bridge to Ukiyo-e. (Honolulu: University ofHawaii Press, 1999), 57.
206
Screen (Figure 220). A diary entry by the artist dated January 27, 1923 confirms that
these similarities were indeed intentional: "I painted it with the Hikone Screen in mind,"
he states.37 In a standing portrait begun the following October, Reiko wears the same
kimono and holds a folding fan in her right hand. (Figure 222.) Although the artist
acknowledged the similarities between this pose and that ofa dancer depicted in a folding
screen he discussed in his 1926 publication Early Ukiyo-e Painting (Figure 223),38 this
image ofReiko was likewise originally inspired by an unidentified work attributed to
Matabei?9 On the box in which the painting was stored after its completion, Ryt1sei
inscribes an explanation ofthe ways in which such homages as this were meant to
represent Matabei's style:
... this work is a genre painting in the style ofold ukiyo-e paintings, that is to
say, the work ofMatabei. What I try to communicate in this painting is the
vitality of[Reiko 's]facial skin, the rusticity of[her] attire, as well as the
overall sense ofintense solemnity and mystery. ifone detects a bit of
sublimity that seems rather unpleasantatfirst glance, it should be said that
this is [the source 0.9 this painting ~ vitality.40
Ryfisei's terminology and aesthetic theories
When discussing the paintings ofBada Shanren and lwasa Matabei as well as his
own late works, Kishida Ryt1sei struggled to adequately describe their virtues.
Tsubo'uchi Shoyo's term kiso ~m did not become a well known part ofthe Japanese art
historical lexicon until after the Pacific War, and though Ryt1sei occasionally described
37 KishidaRy(isei. KishidaRyOsei fW:fE'IJ1:.J .Gendai Nihon bijutsu zenshu fffl.ft J:l *~*~1fU ,
vol. 8. (Tokyo: SMeisha, 1972),120.
38 Kishida Ry1lsei, RyUsei nikki, vol. 5, 57 (February 12, 1924).
39 Kishida Ry(isei, diary for October 28, 1923, as quoted in Kamon Yasuo .F~:tt., Kishida RyOsei WW:
fE'01:.J ,Nihon kindai kaiga zenshll Wa*)l({-t~imi~~'U ,vol. 5 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1962),48.
40 KishidaRy1lsei, KishidaRyOsei, Gendai Nihon bijutsu zenshu, 120.
207
the work ofMatabei asyipin,41 he usually resorted to vocabulary ofhis own invention.
He used the name "Matabei" as an adjective for not only works by the Edo painter but
also the bizarre atmosphere ofa kabuki performance42 or the comical sight ofa drunkard
stumbling down the street with a cluster ofhelium balloons.43 The terms that he used
most frequently to discuss work such as Matabei's were decadence, derori, hikinbi, and
grotesquerie, and through the various essays in which RyGsei utilized these terms, he
gradually delineated what might be considered a foundation for the aesthetics ofeccentric
art.
Decadence
In his 1922 essay "A Consideration ofDecadence," Ryl1sei's familiarity with the
European Decadent art movement is evident in his choice ofthe imported word
dekadansu 77J -11'~ .:A over synonymous character compounds such as daraku g~ as
well as in his occasional references to Felicien Rops (1833-1898) and Audrey Beardsley
(1872-1898).44 The writings ofEuropean critics such as Desire Nisard (1806-1888) and
Theophile Gautier (1811-1872), in fact, may have indirectly influenced Ryl1sei's ideas.
Ryl1sei is quick to condemn as artistic decadence images that fails to spiritually uplift
viewers and that are instead intended to provoke base feelings such as disgust.4S This
41 KishidaRyftsei, Ryfisei nikki, vol. 5,38 (January 28,1924) and 204 (June 21, 1924).
42 Ibid, vol. S, 60 (February 14, 1924).
43 Ibid, vol. S, 128-9 (April 15, 1924).
44 KishidaRyftsei. "Dekadansuno k~satsu" r7'7J?f:,...-AV')~.J . Ukiyo-e hanga no gakOtachi Wt$.iit
~AAlIiV')lIiItt ~J (Tokyo: Kofusha shoten, 1970),211-12.
4' Ibid, 194. .
208
comment evokes one ofthe first usages ofthe term decadence in the context ofaesthetics,
Nisard's critique ofVictor Hugo (1802-1885):
... In him, the imagination... is a queen who governs unchecked. Reason
finds no place in his works. No practical or applicable ideas, nothing or next
to nothing ofreal life; nophi/o$ophy, no morals. 46
Along with this pejorative concept ofdecadence, Ryilsei also discusses what he
refers to as decadent art, works that are psychologically or morally corrupt in some way
but that, due to the artists' passionate, persistent efforts to formally develop them,
transcend the level ofbase impulses and ultimately offer viewers a sense of infinity,
solemnity, and vitality. In such cases, the deviant mindset from which the art was
originally born ought not to be thought ofas detracting from the artist's goals; on the
contrary, the artist's warped psyche ought to be recognized as the very tool that enabled
him or her to reach such lofty heights ofbrilliance.47 Again, Ryl1sei's idea is not entirely
without precedent: in his prefilce to the 1868 edition of Charles Baudelaire's Les Fleurs
du Mal, Theophile Gautier described decadence as a highly refmed artistic sensibility
based upon psychological instability:
The style ofdecadence is ingenious, complicated, learned, jUll ofshades of
meaning and research taking coloursfrom allpalettes ... forcing itselfto
express... in form the vaguest and mostfleeting contours... that it may
translate them ... to the singular hallucinations ofthe fixed idea verging on
madness. 48
46 Nisard, Desire. "M. Victor Hugo in 1836," as quoted in Calinesce, Matei. Five Faces ofModernity:
Modernism, Avant-Garde, Decadence, Kitsch, Postmodemism (Durham: Duke UP, 1987), 161.
47 See Ryilsei's discussion ofHanmobu in KishidaRytise~ "Dekadansu no kosatsu," 212-13.
48 Gautier, Theophile. Preface to Baudelaire, Charles and Theophi1e Gautier. Les Fleurs du Mal (paris:
Levy, 1868), 17-18, as quoted in Nordau, Max. Degeneration (London, W. Heinemann, 1920), 299.
Translated by Nordau.
209
When he attempts to illustrate these opposing facets ofdecadence, Ryusei
unfortunately displays a superficial understanding ofwestern art, claiming that Leonardo
cia Vinci (1452-1519), Titian (ca. 1485-1576), and Francisco de Goya (1746-1828) were
pioneers ofdecadent art49 while discrediting the accomplishments ofsymbolists such as
Gustav Klimt (1862-1918) and Felician Rops.sO Ryusei's Japanese examples seem much
more reasonable. In general, he dismisses Japanese erotic prints (shunga) as artistic
decadence. Within this genre, however, he singles out Suzuki Harunobu (1725-1770) as
an artist whose talent and technical expertise enabled him to transcend the lustful feelings
that inspired his images and to ultimately produce stunning works ofdecadent art.51 A
clear example ofRyftsei's point is Harunobu's "Amorous Overtones" (Figure 224), in
which a mood oferotic passion communicated through the central figures is sublimated
by the careful balance ofcolor, line, and tone throughout the entire print.
Ryftsei's theory about art that springs from psychological or moral disorder bears
striking similarities to the "intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity" about which, as discussed in
Chapter One, Ban Kokei and Tsuji Nobuo wrote so extensively. Ryftsei, however,
further emphasizes the met that a great deal ofpersonal struggle is necessary for an artist
in such a state ofmind to produce noteworthy work imbued with an aura ofmystique and
spirituality.
49 KishidaRyftsei. "Dekadansu no kOsatsu," 214-15.
50 Ibid, 211.
51 Ibid, 211.
210
Hikinbi
Like Ryftsei's concept ofdecadence, his thoughts on hikinbi, derori, and
grotesquerie, all of which describe forms ofunconventional beauty, ultimately refer back
to the artist's moral or psychological health. The connection between beauty and
morality was a popular topic ofdiscussion among Taisho art theorists. In his essays
"Pleasure and Occupation" ("Doraku to shokugyo") and "The Enlightenment ofModem
Japan" ("Gendai Nihon no kaika"), Natsume Soseki (1867-1916) stressed the ideological
power ofbeautiful artwork, particularly its ability to inspire moral rectitude. S2 As seen in
Soseki's critique ofthe 6th Bunten exhibition of 1912,s3 conventional beauty was
particularly demanded ofnihonga painting, which was considered to be a modem
development ofyamato-e and therefore venerated as an expression oftraditional Japanese
aesthetics. In her analysis ofKajiwara Hisako mJjj(~~~-=f(1896-1988}, Michiyo
Morioka has discussed how the artist portrayed through intentionally murky coloration
and awkward linework the harrowing daily lives of lower-class women.S4 Such works,
Morioka notes, were denounced by critics ofthe time as "vulgar realism" (aku shajitsu NJ
2]':~},SS a charge laden with moralistic nuance. Hisako's rejected superficial beauty and
defied such conservative beliefs about artistic propriety in order to inspire in viewers a
52 Yiu, Angela. Chaos and Order in the Works ofNatsume SOseki (Honolulu: University ofHawaii Press,
1988), 83-4.
53 Natsume SOseki I: !§l*::E'. "Bunten to Geijutsu" rxfi ~ ~*'J . SOseki zensha W*::E'~#U vol. 11
(Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1966),389-420.
54 Morioka, Michiyo. Changing Images ofWomen: TaishO-Period Paintings by Uemura ShOen (1875­
1945), Ito SMha (1877-1968), andKajiwara Hisako (1896-1988) (Dissertation: University of Washington,
Seattle, 1990), 270-276.
55IshiiHakutei::E'#f13*, "Teitennokaiga" r'i'fi)j!O)~IiiJ ,Chaobijutsu W9=':9t~*,J 11,no. 11
(November 1925): 89; as discussed in Morioka, 270,275.
211
sense ofegalitarianism. By comparison, Ryfisei's embrace ofvulgarity seems at first
glance to be little more than aesthetic self-indulgence. By recognizing the way in which
his theories were in fact based upon his hope to revitalize public interest in the genre of
eccentric art, however, Ryilsei's late work can perhaps be more fully appreciated.
Ryusei's 1922 essay "Regarding the 'Hikinbi' of Asian Art" highlights the way in
which most art historical discussions are founded upon the elitist separation between
images worthy ofattention - those that are designated as "blatantly beautiful" - and the
otherwise inconsequential visual terrain that stands in stark contrast to these images. His
term hikinbi J¥.ilI~ is an ironic attack upon this assumption, referring to the ill-
recognized but nevertheless inherent beauty (bi) ofthe common, vulgar realm (hikin).
When expressed through the efforts ofa painter ofexceptional talent, he claims, a face,
shape, or gesture that embodies hikinbi appears fur more profound than blatant glamour,
which tends to offer nothing more than transitory pleasure.56
Ryilsei's ideas about hikinbi, which, as the title ofhis essay implies, is particular
to Chinese and Japanese painting, were motivated by his wish to understand why works
of Asian art appeared so terribly lacking according to the standards ofwestem aesthetics.
In his defense ofAsian art, ironically, Ryilsei attacked the very European painting
traditions that he had so enthusiastically embraced in his early career. Blatant beauty, he
explains, is exemplified by European oil paintings, and "ifone were to ignore such
blatant beauty, as a natural result, he or she would come to appreciate its antithesis, which
S6 Kishida RyOsei. "TOy6 geijutsu no hikinbi ni tsuite" rJf{~~*(7).1li:~ h:. '011 \"'(J . Uldyo-e hanga
no gakOtachi. (Tokyo: Kofusha shoten, 1970), 184-86.
212
is an ultimately more profound aesthetic: the common beauty (hikinbi) of Asian art.,,~7
Within the context ofpre-modem Japanese culture, the hikinbi aesthetic is clearly evident
in kabuki theatert ~8 particularly in the performances ofIchikawa Danshir6 II =f-trfi) II~
ImM(1855-1922). Evidence ofthis actor's rare genius, Ryiisei's states, is the vulgar,
disquieting aura he exudes on stage.~9 Although Ryiisei is not known to have painted
Danshir6, a portrait of the actor by Yamamura Toyonari u.r#MI=:ffi (1885-1942) indeed
conveys such a mood. (Figure 225.)
Beyond the limits ofEdo theater, Ryiisei further argues, one can find evidence of
hikinbi throughout Asian art history. From the field of Chinese painting, Ryiisei draws
several other examples, clearly revealing the connection between the hikinbi aesthetic and
the genre ofeccentric art. In Particular, he cites the portraits ofHanshan, Shide, Liu
Haichan, and other characters whose "shabby physiques, protruding necks, slouching
postures, and vile, condescending, cynical facial expressions" produce a visceral reaction
in viewers.6o What Ryiisei neglects to mention is that each ofthese characters is known
primarily for his strikingly asocial behavior, interpreted alternately as amorality or mental
instability, an4 that his unbecoming physical appearance is mainly regarded as an
outward expression ofthat internal corruption. In this way, hikinbi is essentially the
primary signifier of"intrinsic, behavioral eccentricity" and thereby one ofthe dominant
aesthetics ofdecadent art.
"Ibid. 186.
58 Kishida Ry(1sei, Ryusei nikki, vol. 3, 96-8.
59 Kishida Ry(1sei, "TOy6 geijutsu no hikinbini tsuite," 188-89.
60 Ibid. 181.
213
Deror;
In describing works such as those produced by Matabei, Ryftsei provoked both
the curiosity and, at times, the contempt ofhis fellow art historians by using another
coined term the meaning ofwhich, unlike that ofhikinbi, he never explicitly defined.61
In 1924, he occasionally inserted into his essays and diary musings onomatopoetic
expressions such as dero-dero (7'0 7'ot2 and deyatto shita (7-f'-:) ~ L-t::.),63 but the
expression he eventually came to most frequently use was derori (70 !J). Ryftsei's first
mention ofderori appears in a kyogen theater review published in Shin 'engei magazine
in June 1924. In a tangent from his discussion ofthe play "The Subscription List," .
Ryftsei mentions:
When looking ata work... from the time ofMoronobu... what interests me is
that in this work... the piquant, fat, tough, bizarre, vulgar beauty ofderori,
originatingfrom the earlyPeriodofukiyo-e (known as the schooloflwasa
Matabei),gradually undergoes refinement, becomes technically sophisticated,
becomes pristine, and gives birth to schools such as that ofHishikawa and
Minagawa .... Truly, it is said that Torii Kiyonobu, upon noticing how prints
by the Hishikawa school were becoming increasinglypristine, once again
returned to the sensibility ofthe earlyperiod.64
61 Kita, 59.
62 Kishida Rytisei, RyJisei nikki, vol. 5,338 (November 3, 1924).
63 Kishida Rytisei. "Ky6to minami-za rokugatsu ky6gen shokan fu kanjinch6 to iu mono no kangae" r]1t
$~J.m~~ E:a-m_n,..l:: "\,s,, t (7)(7)~"""'J ,Shin 'engei W.-r7jU~~ 9, no. 7 (June 1924): 49.
64 Ibid, 50-51. Rytisei specifically refers to "Moronobu's ky6gen prints," but since such prints are no
longer attributed to Moronobu, one ofhis erotic prints has been chosen here to illustrate Rytisei's idea. In
his writings, Rytisei never specifically discussed Moronohu's erotic prints, but when considering the praise
that Rytisei lavishes upon Moronobu in texts such as this one, it can be safely assumed that Rytisei would
have considered these prints to be examples ofdecadent art, much like the work ofHanmobu.
214
Works by Hishikawa Moronobu (d. 1694) and Torii Kiyonobu (1664-1729) indeed
share characteristics that to an artist academically trained in western painting methods
such as Ryilsei may seem technically crude. In Moronobu's "Young Man Dallying with
a Courtesan" (Figure 226), for example, the heads ofthe figures display the sort of
expressionless hikime !«lgibana 51 fl $fiJ. (linear eyes and hook-like noses) characteristic
ofyamato-e works such as the Tale ofGenji handscroll, and each figure's hair is
.
represented as a solid, smooth, black mass with only a narrow row ofwhite stripes to
indicate its actual texture. The overall two-dimensional composition ofthe image is more
heavily emphasized than the illusion ofpictorial depth, and for this reason, objects such
as the shamisen and discarded robe appear to be floating beside the figures. In the same
way, Moronobu emphasizes a gannent's pattern rather than its three-dimensional form, as
evident in the lovers' robes. The same features can be found in Kiyonobu's "Lady
Sannomiya," which has been described by Sakato Yaichiro as "the most revealing
example ofhow Kiyonobu was influenced by Moronobu.,,6s (Figure 227.)
Moronobu's and Kiyonobu's depictions.ofnaked bodies, so strikingly unlike the
western nudes that Ryilsei copied in his earlier career, may have likewise inspired the
Taisho painter's ideas about derori. The musculature ofboth the ogre in Moronobu's
Tale ofOeyama series (Figure 228) and the burly men found in particular actor prints by
Kiyonobu (Figure 229) is so dramatically emphasized yet so fur removed from the
anatomy of western nudes that the figures' flesh seems to be squirming. While RyUsei
65 Sakato YaichirO ~F~-~~. eel.. Ukiyo-e taika shusei W~ilb~*~.pj(;J 2. (TaiMkaku ShoM, 1932),
pI. 2 caption.
215
may have seen such characteristics as technical flaws, he may just as easily have
interpreted them as attempts by Moronobu and Kiyonobu to instill their works with a
sense ofbizarreness and vulgarity.
In the way that they flaunt popular notions ofbeauty, these latter images by
Moronobu and Kiyonobu seem to conform to the aforementioned definition ofhikinbi as
much as to that ofderori. Some art historians have proposed that derori is in mct
synonymous with hikinbi,66 and several statements by Ryilsei support this interpretation.
Derori can apparently befound in kabuki theater, particularly in the artistry ofIchikawa
Danshiro n,67 and it is further described as a characteristic particular to Asian people.68
Although the idea that the phonologically similar expressions deya deya, deyatto
shita and derori are synonymous seems to have been generally accepted,69 several art
historians have expressed doubts regarding the idea that derori can be simply explained
as a synonym ofhikinbi. Kanno Hiroto 1fJf#A offers an etymological explanation for
the term derori: in pre-modem Japan, when festivals were held, street musicians would
occasionally entertain the crowd with stories recited in a singsong style, accompanied by
a shamisen and a conch hom, and punctuated with the vocalization, "Dendere! Dendere-
re-rer' Fukutomi proposes that this performing art, known as deroren saimon 70 v:/'
~Jt, inspired Ryilsei's term and refers to the vulgar sensibility that many felt deroren
"aV;(A
66 Kitazawa Noriaki writes hikinbi .ili~ with the phonetic notation ifurigana) "derorism" .ili~.
Kitazawa, "Dekadanto Ryftsei," in Ky<'>to shi bijutsukan, 35.
67 Kishida Ryftsei. "Ky<'>to minami-za rokugatsu ky6gen shokan fu kanjincM to iu mono no kangae," 48.
68 Kishida Ryftsei, Shoki nikuhitsu ukiyo-e rmW]~.7$.UJ . (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1926), 7.
69 One exception appears to be Ryftsei's own son-in-law Kishida K<'>shir<'>. See Kishida K<'>shir<'> }If!:S3$1m
~~.Rya8eJl925-nen r'~1:: . -:fL=1i:&f.J (Tokyo: Kaibisha, 1981),8.
216
saimon expressed. This theory is supported by an entry in RyUsei's diary dated October
27, 1923 in which the artist writes, " ... the sound ofa shamisen - den den I- and the voice
ofa gidayfi performer.,,70
Tsuji Nobuo has remarked how Ryftsei often reserved the word derori for his
discussions ofMatabei's work, and based upon those comments, he concludes that the
quintessential example ofderori is the painting "Bathhouse Girls" ("Yuna"), which
RyUsei attributed to Matabei (Figure 230).'1 Elabomting upon Tsuji's interpretation,
Sandy Kita explains:
Even to those who hadnever heard this word before, [deroriJ sounded like
things natural but unmentionable - course, vulgar, eccentric, decadent, and
sensuous.... It has overtones ofthe abject, suggesting the sweet smell of
decay - at oncefascinating and repelling. Like the word torori, it refers to
the glutinous stickinessofcertain semiliquidfoods and suggests a certain
languid heaviness in people. Darkness and decadence are evokedas
well....the coarse yetpoweiful sexuality ofcheapest ofprostitutes does
capture well the feel ofthis complex and subtle term. Derori may then,for
purposes ofsimplicity, be described as a repellent but compelling
sensuality.72
While hikinbi has been defined as a form ofbeauty that exists within common forms and
that is recognized as beauty by only the most perceptive ofartists, according to Kim,
derori is a complex beauty composed ofboth erotic attraction and revulsion. Among the
previously discussed prints by Moronobu and Kiyonobu, the latter pair seem to reflect
this definition: ifthey were depicted with more anatomical accuracy and without any
70 Kanno Hiroto, "Joron: 'Derori' ni tsuite," in Koriyama Mtmicipal Art Museum, 9. A more thorough
discussion of the variations ofsaimon can be found in Groomer, Gerald. "The Arts of the Gannin," Asian
Folk/ore Studies 58, No.2 (1999): 275-320, especially 301-04.
71 " .•• 'Bathhouse Girls' ... is thought to perhaps be a work by the creator ofthe 'Hikone Screen' ... "
Kishida Ry(lse~ Shoki nikuhitsu ukiyo-e, 92.
72 Kits, 58-59.
217
mutilation, the burly figures would probably have an alluring appeal to viewers.
However, according to this interpretation ofderori, even with their grotesque defects,
these figures nevertheless exude an erotic charm.
Grotesquerie
Perhaps Ryftsei's most provocative beliefwas an extension ofhis thoughts on
derori. Not only does a figure such as that ofMoronobu's decapitated ogre seem
undeniably fascinating, Ryiisei contends, but even an image that possesses no hint of
sensuality and that inspires nothing but revulsion can appear intensely beautiful to an
insightful viewer. In "The Consideration ofDecadence," he defined grotesquerie (Jpn:
gurotesuku ~ p 7" A -?) in this paradoxical way:
From the beginning, whotwe call grotesque is thefeelingofghastliness,
bizarreness andfear as opposed to beauty, butwhen fine art evolves, it
borrows something that is antithetical to beauty and thereby implies an even
deeper beauty. 79
As he had distinguished between artistic decadence and decadent art, Ryiisei likewise
emphasized the subtle difference between uncomfortable images that ultimately reveal to
persistent viewers their inherent beauty and those that provoke nothing more than
feelings ofdisgust:
... this sense ofmystery, thisfreshfeeling, a kind ofdisgusting beauty- there
is a truly delicate distinction between these things and diseased ugliness. The
ability to detect this dangerous distinction and not make that single step too
far is an unusual ability... [but] it is not difficultfor a talented artist. 74
73 Kishida Rylisei, "Dekadansu no kl>satsu," 216.
74 Ibid, 218-19.
218
Two works that RyOsei felt strongly evoked the profound beauty ofgrotesquerie
were Van Hui's portraits ofHanshan and Shide,7~ which became well documented
sources of inspiration for Ryiisei's own works, particularly his portraits ofhis daughter.
While many monographs have discussed how R)'Osei's Reiko series illustrates his
concept ofuchi naru hi Jf9 t.to Q~ (inner beauty),76 the way this series reflects his ideas
on decadence, hikinbi, derori, grotesquerie, and, by extension, his interest in eccentric
artists such as Matabei, has received far less attention.
The TransmogrifiQtion ofReiko
Ryilsei painted portraits ofhis daughter Kishida Reiko from April 1914 until
sometime between June and December of 1929,77 and while monographs have discussed
the way in which the style ofthese portraits "passed beyond mere realism,,,78 few have
discussed the shockingly systematic nature ofhow the artist transformed the image ofhis
daughter. Whe!1 analyzing the works, one can easily perceive distinct stylistic trends that,
at the risk ofinterpreting the series teleologically, might be considered to be
developmental stages: realistic depictions ofReiko, deformation ofher head and arms,
depiction ofher as twins, images ofher as Hanshan and Shide, and portraits ofher as a
Daoist immortal. With few exceptions, Ryiisei develops the portrait series in this
7S Kishida Ryftsei, RyOsei nikki, v. 3, 106 (March 23,1922).
76 One relatively recent example is Sonobe YOsaku 1I$$(£1'F. Kishida RyUsei to gendai WJ$ fE jlj1:, ~m
{{;J (Tokyo: Rikkasha, 2(03), particularly 132-72.
77 "Portrait ofReiko (Reiko at Age Five)," dated October 8th, 1918 has often been incorrectly cited as
RyOsei's f11'St portrait ofReiko. SeeTakashina, 92. In fact, Ryftsei had painted several portraits ofReiko
from the time that she was only a few days old. See Fukuyama bijutsukan 11~~H. Kishida RyOsei
Reiko-ten fJ!F:fEjlj1:,· • .:r~J . (Fukuyama: Fukuyama bijutsukan, 2(03),18-21.
78 Koike, 26. Translation by Margaret Miller Kanada.
219
chronological order, and for this reason, the series itself is visual evidence ofhis evolving
understanding about the genre ofeccentric art.
Ryusei's earliest portraits ofReiko number among some ofthe most strictly
realist works in his oeuvre. Admittedly, "Portrait ofReiko (Reiko at Age Five)" includes
imaginative additions such as the architecture surrounding her, inscribed with her name
and details about the painting, as well as the small thistle blossom that she holds, a motif
that Ryl1sei borrowed from the works ofDo.rer, one ofhis favorite European painters.79
(Figure 231.) The appearance ofReiko's mce, on the other hand, closely resembles a
photograph ofher that was taken six months before the painting was completed (Figure
232), indicating that Ryl1sei may have used the photograph as a visual reference. Even in
a work produced the following year, the artist's efforts to represent his daughter's
appearance as naturalistically as possible are obvious, and the only elements in the
painting that allude to a narrative beyond that simple, anatomical reality are her clothing
and a still-life object laying inconspicuously in the comer ofthe composition (Figure
233).
Beginning around the end of 1919 and early 1920, when he first expressed in his
diary an interest in the "mysterious beauty" ofclassical Chinese and Japanese art,80
Ryusei seemed to reconsider the value ofacademically realist painting. This change was
certainly not motivated by the beliefthat such a realist style was too restrictive; rather
than experimenting with a wide variety ofcompositional arrangements, the artist imposed
upon himselfeven more limitations. From this point onward, the vast majority of
79 Takashina, 92.
80 Kishida Ry(1sei, Ryasei nikki, vol. 1, 320 (May 2, 1920).
220
portraits depicting Reiko show her body pointed towards the viewer and her head turned
approximately fifteen degrees to the viewer's right (Figures 234-235.) While endlessly
repeating this format, RyUsei then began to gradually deform the shape ofhis model's
head, stretching it horizontally until the back ofher hair gracefully led the viewer's eye
down along the outer edge ofher right arm. At the same time, the artist gradually
narrowed the width ofher arms, which seemed all the leaner in comparison to her
expanding head. The artist himselfnever provided any explicit explanation for these
changes, but in consideration ofthe met that he had become interested in ukiyo-e artists
such as Suzuki Harunobu, Moronobu, and Matabei by March 1921, it is safe to conclude
that these changes were at least partly inspired by the stylized physiques ofukiyo-e
beauties (bijin).
At the same time as he altered the appearance ofReiko's head and arms, the artist
began to combine multiple depictions ofher within the same image. This development in
the series may have been prompted by the still-lifes that RyUsei had made before Reiko's
birth. In "Three Apples," the artist lines up several fruits on a dark table, and although
each ofthem has unique blemishes, their equidistant positions on the canvas and their
lack ofclearly defined shadows creates the impression that they may be nothing more
than different views ofa single object. (Figure 236.)
The first double portrait ofReiko seems to have begun as a depiction of the child
holding a doll. (Figure 237.) In the image, the child sits docilely with her legs folded
beneath her and her face reveals little expression; the small doll she holds in the palm of
her left hand seems at least as animated as her. At approximately the same time, RyUsei
221
used this image in a woodblock print intended as a book cover design for a publication by
the novelist Mushanokoji Saneatsu lit..IJ'\Jm~. (1885 - 1976).81 Since, as a book
cover, only halfofthe overall design could be seen at a time, the artist presumably
decided to use a second image ofhis daughter for the back cover, and when the cover
sheet was laid flat, the two figures appeared to be sitting side by side. (Figure 238.) In
the following years, he gradually individualized the two images ofReiko until finally he
showed them interacting as ifthey were twin sisters. (Figure 239.)
Ryftsei's subsequent decision to transform his multiple images ofReiko into the
likeness ofHanshan and Shide was not an entirely unexpected development since the
Tang monks have been described as either twins or dual manifestations ofa single
character.82 The artist's first mention ofHanshan appears in his diary entry for March 23,
1922:
About the motifthathas been on my mindfor the lastfew days, the one that
the grotesque quality ofYan Hui 's painting ofHanshan inspired in me,
yesterday I was looking at it with [the novelist} Nagayo Yoshiro [1888-1961J,
and others. We talked about it and the idea kept growing, and I finally
startedfeeling that I'd rather do this after all. There was a perfect size
canvas available so I offered to start on it immediately. I brought a
photographic plate ofYan Hui 's painting to my side, and I started drawing,
halfcopying the composition.83
81 Fukuyama bijutsukan, 51.
82 A relatively recent example of this interpretation ofHanshan and Shide is EtC) Shun, "Kanzan Jittoku:
ff1kye> no sOshitachi." In Tochigi kenritsu hakubutsukan W*~.Iz::ItI!WO. Kanzan Jittoku: egakareta
jakyO no soshitachi daishijurokJcai kikakuten W.WJ~~ : tI:6~nt:.m!f.r7)*.UiPtt 't:>~ 46 @)~iiijU .
Utsunomiya: Tochigi kenritsu hakubutsukan, 1994.),6.
83 KishidaRyClsei, Rytlsei nikki, vol. 3, 106 (March 23,1922). As reprinted in Takashina, 160. Translated
by Atsushi Tanaka.
222
"Little Girl" (Yadojo rJfjt:~J ), the work that Rylisei mentions beginning on this day
and that he completed two months later, was yet another portrait ofReiko, and as
confirmed by a visual comparison, he indeed modeled the girl's arm gestures, the tilt of
her head, and her facial features on Van Hui's portrait of Shide.84 (Figures 240-241.)
The sources ofinfluence evident in this work, however, are more complex than Rylisei's
diary implies. With its bleak lighting, the mood of this work seems far less indebted to
Van Hui's scroll than to the nightmarish Black Paintings ofGoya (Figures 242-243), an
artist who Rylisei publicly hailed mere weeks after the completion ofthis painting as an
exemplar ofdecadent art.8S Furthermore, in the pain-staking attention to detail in
Reiko's kimono, one can clearly see evidence ofRylisei's obsession with the textile
patterns depicted in ukiyo-e paintings, particularly those attributed to Matabei such as the
Hikone Screen (Figures 217-220).
After having abandoned oil paint for nihonga materials in the following months,
Ryusei produced another, far more chromatically subdued but equally disturbing image
ofhis daughter in the guise ofHanshan. In the way that Reiko directly faces the viewer
and distorts her face into a vulgar smile, this portrait appears to have been loosely based
upon Van Hui's image ofHanshan. (Figures 244-245.) Otherwise, however, Rylisei's
work is quite unique: standing in a blighted landscape, the child clutches a small dish of
fruits in her left hand and makes a cryptic gesture with her right hand. Technically, this
84 Ry(Jsei's statement in his diary echoes the inscription on the left side ofthis work: "By Kishida RyQsei
from a studyofaportrait ofHanshan by YanHui" ~••••l1JiI.$I:BJJ1:.~;zSee KishidaRy(Jsei.
Kishida RyQsei-ten: Seitan llo-nen W.$l:Bltl1:.Ji: 1:..110.J . (Tokyo: Tokyo shinbun, 2001), 132.
8' Kishida RyQsei, "Dekadansu no kosatsu," 214. "Dekadansu no kosatsu" was originally published in
Junsei Bijutsu WiM!IE~* J ,June 1922. Ibid, 219.
223
painting pales in comparison to the artist's earlier work, but its lack ofrefinement does
not indicate that RyUsei had "started turning out quantities ofJapanese-style paintings to
sell," as some critics have charged.86 In order to imbue this painting with a mystical
sense ofhikinbi, rather, RyUsei avoided using painting techniques that were based upon
conventional aesthetics, and according to his writings, if the work appears to be
unfinished or unsuccessful, such a judgment primarily reflects the viewer's inability to
appreciate the elusive beauty ofhikinbi.
When discussing Ryiisei's Reiko series, many monographs overlook those works
produced after 1923 with the possible exception of"Portraits ofReiko at the Age of
Sixteen" (Figures 246-247), which are believed to conclude the series.87 In terms oftheir
materials, color range, amount ofdetail, fidelity to nature, mood, and underlying
aesthetics, these portraits are a return to Ryftsei's original, realist style; even the titles of
the works and the red borders painted along the edges of the canvases hearken back to
one ofthe artist's first depictions ofher (Figure 231). Some might view these works as
evidence ofRyftsei's ultimate realization that his greatest asset as an artist was his ability
to produce western-style oil paintings. Such an interpretation, however, ignores the
particular circumstances that inspired Ryftsei to paint these works. They were intended
as homages to his daughter on her sixteenth birthday (Figure 248), portraits designed to
please an individual who, as seen in her own self-portraits, possessed a deep appreciation
for realist painting (Figure 249). These final two portraits ofReiko therefore do not
86 Koike, 25. Translation by Margaret Miller Kanada. '
87 Fukuyama Museum refers to these two portraits as the last in the Reiko series. Fukuyama bijutsukan,
116. Those monographs that overlook RyOsei's last Reiko portraits include Hijikata, Kishida RyUsei.
224
express Ryilsei's late aesthetic beliefs, and although they are skillfully executed portraits,
in a discussion ofthose beliefs, they are worthy of only cursory mention. In order to
understand the direction in which Ryftsei's Reiko series truly developed, one must focus
upon those portraits produced during his residence in Kyoto and his first two years in
Kamakura.
Portraits ofReiko and Hanshan during Ryusei's Late Period
Ryilsei's depictions ofHanshan and Shide led to frequent discussions between the
artist and his friends about the religious, philosophical, and art historical significance
underlying the portraits. In May 1922, the tanka poet Kinoshita Rigen (1886-1925) sent
to Ryftsei a postcard displaying Kana Sansetsu's mmous painting ofthe Tang monks. 88
(Figure 250.) Shortly thereafter, a priest from Enkaku-ji temple visited Ryftsei's home
and talked with him extensively about Hanshan's poetry.89 Such information seems to
have further fueled Ryftsei's interest in Hanshan and Shide, leading him to paint portraits
ofthem in which references to Reiko are almost completely absent.
"Feeling Is Detachment" (ShinjO mushin IL'i1f1lWIL'; Figure 251), which dates to
circa 1923,90 reveals Ryftsei's awareness ofthe way in which Hanshan and Shide were
depicted in comical parodies (mitate) during the Edo period. Like this work, in which the
hermits are represented as toddlers, "Parody of 'The Four Sleepers'" (Mitate shisui-zu jf.
88 Rigen'spostcard was postmarked May 28,1922. Fukuyama bijutsukan, 73.
89 KishidaRyftsei, Ryftsei nikki, vol. 3,274 (August 5,1922).
PO "Feeling Is Detachment" is listed as 811 undated work, but based upon the upper seal, which also appears
on his painting "White Dog" (Figure 49), the work C811 most likely be dated to circa 1923. A reproduction
ofthis work C811 be found in Ky6to shi bijutsukan, 101.
225
ftll9l11li1) by Toshika ~ L-ip (active circa mid 19lb century) presents the image ofa
courtesan, symbolizing Fenggan~ napping at her desk~ while two young children and a cat~
symbolizing Hanshan~ Shide~ and Fenggan~s tiger~ respectively~ curl up at her feet.
(Figures 252-253.) More importantly~ however~ this work by RyOsei (Figure 251)
indicates the artist~s early understanding ofthe religious significance ofHanshan and
Shide. The title, a quote from "The Heart Sutra" (Hannya-ky6 tRff~)~ places the Tang
monks in a clearly Buddhist context, and presumably they are meant to be viewed as
incarnations ofSamantabhadra Bodhisattva (Fugen Bosatsu) and Manjusri Bodhisattva
(Monju Bosatsu).
Despite this initial interpretation ofHanshan and Shide as Buddhist figures,
evidence suggests that Ryt1sei eventually came to view them in the context ofreligious
Daoism. From the first known reference to religious Daoism in RyOsei's writings~
Hanshan and Shide are discussed along with quintessentially Daoist immortals. In his
diary entry for May 5, 1922, he describes painting in his studio together with his friend
Mr. Shiina~, and while he himselfproduced one ofhis images ofHanshan and Shide,
,
Ryusei mentions, Shiina painted portraits ofLiu Haichan and the Zen Buddhist exemplar
Budai (;{ff~, Jpn: Hotei).91 The following year~ Ryilsei wrote a treatise on traditional
Japanese theater, The Aesthetics ofKabuki, in which he states:
What we call beauty ought to be the opposite a/vulgarity, and though one
would assume that, in crude images, one couldfind only ugliness, what I
describe here as "the aesthetics ofvulgarity " [gehin no bi) is, infact, a sense
ofbeauty that appears a bit vulgar. This sensibility is mainlyfound in Asian
91 KishidaRyflsei,Ryt2sei nikki, vol. 3,161-2.
226
art and it manifests itselfinforms that do not display ordinary beauty but
rather a beauty that is pregnantwith hidden meaning. This also Pertains to
the aura ofcharacters in Chinese painting such as Hanshan, Shide, Budai
[Jpn: Hotei ~a, the godofgoodfortuneJ, and Liu Haichan.92
Indications ofan interest in religious Daoism can be found in Ryilsei's works as
early as 1920, when he designed a cover-page illustration for his book RyUsei 's Collected
Works and Views on Art (RyUsei gashu oyobi geijutsu-kan Wj'JJ1:.00i.&~*1Ul ). In
this image, a gazebo, indicated by nothing more than a trapezoid supported by four
vertical lines, stands in a deserted landscape, and in the center ofthis structure, Reiko sits
gazing out at the landscape, her legs folded beneath her and her hands resting in her lap
(Figure 254). The meaning ofthis image becomes clear when comparing it to a self-
portrait produced by the artist several years later, in which Ryilsei presents himself in a
similar environment (Figure 255). The title for this work, written across the top and left
side, is "Togaan Hermitage" (Togaan shujin kankyo no zu r~~Ji1f.:EAM@-Z~J ).93
The image therefore represents Ryilsei's idealized fantasy of living in seclusion.
Other works by Ryfisei indicate that these references to eremitism have
specifically Daoist meaning. In 1921, Ryilsei further developed the image that depicts
Reiko as a hermit, producing a cover illustration for Mushanokoji Saneatsu's "Dramas
for Children" as well as a hanging scroll (Figures 256-257). In these works, which are
based on pictorial theme of"Chinese children at.play" (karako yfigi-zu 1i!ff-iQf"~), a
92 KishidaRytisei. Kabuki biron rll\.ft~U6tlJ . (Tokyo: Hayagawa ShoM,1948), 87-88.
93 A photograph ofthis work can be found in Tokyo kokuritsu kindai bijutsukan, 80. On the meaning of the
term TOgaan, see Higashi Shunro ..~~. "Kishida Rytisei no nikki 0 yomu" r)$ E8jd~O)S tBt-t1etrJ .
Kenkyti ronsht1 r?iJf~.#u ,no.4 (March 2005): 106-71.
227
group ofboys and girls stand in an open field and pass the time wrestling, juggling,
chatting, and playing musical instruments. Separated from them in the upper left comer
ofthe image, Reiko sits in her gazebo and writes at her desk, her only form of
companionship being a white dog that lays in front ofthe structure (Figures 258-259).
The images ofthe dog are based upon a painting by the Southern Song Dynasty painter
Li Di $if!! (Jpn: Riteki; active ca. 1163 - 1197), and although the current location ofLi's
work is unknown,94 a photograph ofthe worICS indicates that it is very similar to
"Hunting Dog," a work by the same painter currently in the Beijing Palace Museum
(Figure 260). Perhaps an even closer likeness to Li's white dog is a copy that Ryftsei
eventually made in 1923 after his unsuccessful attempts to acquire the work.96 (Figure
261.) Ryftsei's copy is a mirror image ofLi's original, and the only major change that
Ryusei made was the omission ofseveral small pups which, in Li's work, gather in front
of the white dog, apparently their mother, to be nursed.
In his essay Concerning Figure Painting ofthe Song and Yuan Dynasties, written
in 1924, Ryftsei claims that this image by Li Di97 is strongly representative of Song and
Yuan painting due to an attribute it possesses that the author refers to as sen 111J: a state of
94 Li's painting was formerly included in the Akaboshi dftJ! collection. See Kishida Ry(lsei, Kishida
Ryr2sei zensha, vol. 3,229, as quoted in Higashi. The painting may currently be in the Okazaki TOkO
collection. See Shibun Kaku shuppan .~,JtM I±l~ (ed.), Sogenga meihin zurolw: Okazaki ToM
korekushonfit Okazaki ToM aburo e*~mu~ 8h@& : 1iJ_~~.z:::z v? ~:3 ~ ffliJ~~~.z:M~.
(Tokyo: Shibun Kaku shuppan, 1978).
9S A small photograph of Li's work can be found in Kishida Ry(lse~ Kishida Ryr2sei ten (Tokuyama shi
bijutsu hakubutsukan, 2000), 10. Unfortunately, however, the poor quality ofthis image does not warrant
including it among the illustrations here. .
96 The diary entry for October 14, 1922 in Kishida Ryflse~ Ryr2sei nikki, vol. 1,358; as cited in Higashi,
106-71, indicates that as early as this date, Ry(lsei was producing copies of this work.
97 Ry(lsei refers to this particular painting as "the image of adog and her pups by Li Di" $)gj.~Yt.@.
KishidaRyflsei, SOgen no shaseiga, 47.
228
realism so sublime and transcendental that, ironically, the artwork seems at first glance to
be childish and nonsensical.98 As implied by the Chinese character sen fl1J itself, which is
commonly glossed as eremitism or immortalism, Rytlsei's theory is fundamentally rooted
in religious Daoism. In an extended metaphor, the author equates Chinese painting with
Daoist asceticism: just as a hermit can achieve spiritual insight by retreating to a dark,
uninhabited area, sacrificing his or her physical health, and living a life of severe
austerity, so too can a perceptive viewer find profound beauty in the murky, diseased
appearance ofChinese ink painting.99
The most tangible indications ofRytisei's interest in religious Daoism are his
portraits ofimmortals. In one such work from circa 1928, a figure crouches next to a
flower vase, raises her arms above her head, and flashes a grotesque smile at the viewer
(Figure 262). At the top ofthe painting, the artist has written the title, "A Long Life to
the Age ofSeven Hundred."loo Although the figure bears some resemblance to Han
Xiangzi, Lan Caihe, and He Xiangu, the lack of iconographic details implies that Rytisei
intended the transcendent to be generic and anonymous.
Depictions ofHanshan and Shide made by Ryt1sei during these last few years of
his life differ profoundly from those he produced in the early 1920s. The changes are
more than stylistic: the artist appears to have reconsidered both the historical and
theological identities of the characters. One such image refers to a narrative in which the
98 Ibid, 46-47. Other references to sen include KishidaRyO.sei, Shoki nikuhitsu ukiyo-e, 33.
99 Kishida RyO.sei, Sagen no shaseiga, 46.
100 A photograph ofthe painting can be found in Kishida RyO.sei. Kishida RyOsei ten. (Tokyo: Tokyo
shinbun, 1970), pI. 39. The piece is listed as an undated work, but based upon the seal, which also appears
in "T6gaan Hennitage" (Figure 43), it can likely be dated to circa 1928.
229
Tang monks are traditionally represented: Hanshan writes one ofhis poems on a tree,
boulder, or cliff face, while Shide either reclines and watches in admiration or prepares
additional ink on a nearby boulder. An image that is relatively faithful to the conventions
ofthis narrative is Nagasawa Rosetsu's "Figure Painting" (Figure 263). Ryl1sei's version
differs in several subtle but significant aspects. Rather than writing his poetry, Hanshan
paints the image ofa butterfly. (Figures 264-265.) In this way, Ryusei re-envisions the
legendary eccentric as a visual artist, a possible reference to himselfor to his artistic role
models, Bada Shanren and Iwasa Matabei. Furthennore, Ryusei omits any indication of
the natural objects surrounding the monks, and he depicts the figures with no more detail
than the butterfly, suggesting that Hanshan might in fact be magically creating an animate,
three-dimensionallife-fonn with a few simple strokes ofhis brush. Such an ability seems
to be less connected with the bodhisattvas Samantabhadra and Manjusri than with Daoist
immortals ~uch as Han Xiangz~ who possessed the ability to instantly conjure up a
bouquet ofuniquely colored flowers. lol
Another two-fold screen depicting Hanshan and Shide, ostensibly painted the
same year,102 also implies a strong connection with Daoism (Figure 266). The hermits
are again presented in the same narrative, and although this time Hanshan is clearly
101 Jing, Anning. "The Eight Immortals: The Transfonnation of T'ang and Sung Taoist Eccentrics during
the Yuan Dynasty." In Hearn, Maxwell K. and Judith K. Smith,ed.. Arts ofthe Sung and Yaan: Papers
Preparedfor an International Symposium Organized by the Metropolitan Museum ofArt in Conjunction
with the Exhibition Splendors o/Imperial China: Treasuresfrom the National Palace Museum, Taipei.
(New York: Department ofAsian Art, Metropolitan Museum ofArt, 1996),218. See alsoLai, T. Coo The
EightImmortals. (Hong Kong: SwindonBook Company, 1972),19.
102 This painting is listed as an undated work, but based upon the seals, which also appear on RyI1sei's other
Hanshan-Shide screen (Figure 52) and on "Accumulating the Five Happinesses" (Go jUkusM sha r:nfi
:fF.J ), both ofwhich were produced in January 1928, the work can most likely be dated to this time. A
reproduction of this work can be found in Kishida RyI1sei. Kishida RyOsei ten. (Tokyo: Tokyo shinbun,
1970), plate 41.
230
shown writing or painting on the remains ofa tree trunk, the appearance ofhis round face
is almost identical to that ofthe nameless immortal in "A Long Life to the Age ofSeven
Hundred" (Figures 267-268). Both figures display simple hairstyles characteristic of the
Tang dynasty, they look directly at the viewer beneath drooping eyelids, and they smile
in a vulgar manner that hints at their mental instability. The simplicity of these portraits
imply that Ryftsei is not interested in describing particular individuals but rather mythic
archetypes. If so, then these two characters, along with Shide, essentially share the same
identity, that ofa Daoist immortal.
Although Rytisei's interest in religious Daoism and sen developed several years
after he had proposed his other theories on the aesthetics ofeccentric art, nevertheless all
of those theories are useful in discussing not only his own work from 1921 onwards but
also that of the Edo painters and printmakers who Tsuji Nobuo and the other art
historians discussed in Chapter One have labeled as eccentrics. These scholars described
idiosyncratic artwork as reflections ofthe artists' aberrant personalities and styles.
Underlying their analyses was an assumption about a kind ofgenerally accepted,
conventional aesthetic from which these individualistic artists chose to diverge. None of
those scholars, however, attempted to offer a hypothesis about the alternative aesthetic
beliefs that motivated these artists. As a result, the artists appear to be motivated by
nothing more than blind defiance. By contrast, RyOsei's theories, particularly that ofsen,
upon which the discussion ofDaoist eccentricity in this thesis has been based, interprets
these artists as pioneers pursuing a less apparent but equally valid form ofbeauty.
231
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Figure 213. Kishida Ryusei, diary sketches from March 1923, probably depicting (on
right side) Ryusei and Mr. Takazoe discussing works in Takazoe's collection. On left
side, a depiction ofa painting by Bada Shanren mounted as a hanging scroll, probably
the work Takazoe gave to Ryftsei.
Figure 214. Bada Shanren, "Landscapes,"
detail: leafD; ca. 1702-03, ink and light
color on satin, album ofeight leaves,
Honolulu Academy of Arts.
Figure 215. Kishida Ryftsei, "Spring
Begins in Eastern Kyoto," 1923-26, color
on paper, 46.3 x 34.4 cm, private
collection.
232
Figure 216. Kishida Ryusei, diary sketch from December 1923 depicting Ryfisei visiting
Kottoya gallery and looking at a folding screen attributed to Iwasa Matabei.
Figure 217. Unidentified artist, "Hikone screen," between 1624 and 1644, six-fold
screen, remounted as individual panels; ink, color, and gold leaf on paper; each panel 94
x 48 cm; Ii Nao oashi, Hikone, Shi a Prefecture. National Treasure.
Figure 218. Unidentified artist, "Hikone screen," detail: conversing figures, as depicted
in right section.
Figure 219. Unidentified artist, "Hikone
screen," detail: woman dictating a speech,
as depicted in central section.
Figure 221. Kishida Ryusei, "Reiko
Playing the Shamisen," January 28, 1923,
oil on canvas, 40.7 x 31.5 cm, National
Museum ofModem Art, Kyoto.
233
Figure 220. Unidentified artist, "Hikone
screen," detail: musician, people playing
go, and Chinese-style folding screen, as
depicted in left section.
Figure 222. Kishida Ryfisei, "Dancing
Girl," March 7, 1924, oil on canvas, 91.0
x 53.1 cm, Ohara Museum of Art,
Kurashiki City, Okayama Prefecture.
Figure 223. Unidentified
artist, "Male and Female
Dancers," detail: left panel;
1661-73, color and ink on
paper, two-panel folding
screen, size and location
unknown.
234
Figure 224. Suzuki Harunobu, "Amorous Overtones,"
circa 1767-68, woodblock print (nishiki-e), ink and color
on paper, 20.9 x 28.8 cm (chOban), Museum ofFine Art,
Boston.
Figure 225. Yamamura Toyonari, "Ichikawa Danshiro II
as Henmei Tesshinai," 1919, ink and color on paper,
oban (37.8 x 25.8 cm), private collection.
235
Figure 226. Hishikawa Moronobu, "A Young Man Dallying with a Courtesan," late 17th
century, woodblock print, ink on paper, 26 x 36,8 cm (oban), Museum ofFine Arts,
Boston.
Figure 227. Torii Kiyonobu I, "Lady Sannomiya," late 17t1:1 century - early 18th century,
woodblock print, ink and color on paper, 36.8 x 26 cm (oban), private collection.
Figure 228. Hishikawa Moronobu, "The Tale of
Oeyama," detail: Yorimitsu and his Retainers
Decapitate Shutendoji, circa 1681-1688, woodblock
print, ink on paper, 27.2 x 34.6 cm (oban), Museum
ofFine Arts, Boston.
Figure 230. Unidentified artist, "Bathhouse Girls,"
17th century, color on paper, hanging scroll, 72.5 x
80.1 cm, Atami Museum of Art. Important Cultural
Property.
236
Figure 229. Torii Kiyonobu I,
"Three Actors in an Unidentified
Play: Ikushima Shingoro,
Yamanaka Heikuro and
Nakamura Gentaro," ca. 1700­
1708, woodblock print, ink on
paper with hand-applied color,
31.6 x 15.2 cm (hosoban), MFA,
Boston.
Figure 231. Kishida Ryusei, "Portrait of
Reiko (Reiko at Age Five)," October 8,
1918, oil on canvas, 45.3 x 38.0 em, Tokyo
National Museum ofModem Art.
237
Figure 232. Photograph ofKishida Reiko,
circa April 10, 1918.
Figure 233. Kishida Ryfisei, "Seated Reiko (Wearing a Shibori-Style Kimono)," August
23, 1919, oil on canvas, 72.5 x 60.4 em, Pola Museum of Art, Hakone City.
Figure 234. Kishida Ryusei, "Smiling Reiko
(Holding a Fruit)," October 15, 1921, oil on
canvas, 46.0 x 38.0 cm, Tokyo National
Museum.
238
Figure 235. Kishida Ryusei, "A Little
Girl (Standing Reiko)," April 15, 1923,
oil on canvas, 53.2 x 45.5 cm, Kamakura
Museum ofModem Art.
Figure 236. Kishida Ryusei, "Three Apples," February 1917, oil on canvas, 31.8 x 41.0
cm, private collection.
239
Figure 237. Kishida Ryusei, "Seated Reiko (Seated Reiko Holding a Doll)," January 28,
1920, watercolor on paper, 34.5 x 47.5 em, Bridgestone Art Museum, Ishibashi
Foundation.
Figure 238. Kishida Ryusei, Design for cover ofFriendship, a publication by
Mushanokoji Saneatsu, January 1920, woodblock print on paper, 19.2 x 25.4 em,
Collection ofChofu City Mushanokoji Saneatsu Memorial Hall, Tokyo.
240
Figure 239. Kishida Ryusei, "Double Portrait ofReiko (Little Girls Fixing their Hair),"
March 21, 1922, oil on canvas, 90.3 x 72.7 cm. Izumiya Museum, Tokyo.
Figure 240. Attributed to Van
Hui, "Hanshan and Shide," detail:
Shide; 14th century, color on silk,
127.6 x 41.8 cm. Tokyo National
Museum.
Figure 242. Francisco Goya,
"Two Women" ("Two Young
People Laughing at a Man"),
1820-23, oil on linen, 125 cm x
65.5, Prado Museum, Madrid.
241
Figure 241. Kishida Ryfisei, "Little Girl," May 20,
1922, oil on canvas, 64.0 x 52.0 cm, private
collection.
Figure 243. Francisco Goya, "Two Women," detail:
woman's face.
Figure 244. Attributed to
Van Hui, "Hanshan and
Shide," detail: Hanshan;
14th century, color on silk,
pair ofhanging scrolls,
127.6 x 41.8 em. each.
Tokyo National Museum.
242
Figure 245. Kishida Ryilsei, "Portrait ofReiko in the Guise
ofHanshan," 1922-23, ink and slight color on paper, 62.5 x
39.1 em, Kasama Nichido Museum, Kasama City, Ibaraki
Prefecture.
243
Figure 246. Kishida Ryfisei, "Portraits of
Reiko at Age Sixteen," detail: left half;
June 1929, oil on canvas, 45.3 x 23.0 em,
Kasuma Nichido Museum, Kasama City,
Ibaraki Prefecture.
" ".jj
Figure 248. Photo ofKishida Reiko
dressed in celebration of her sixteenth
birthday, 1929.
Figure 247. Kishida Ryfisei, "Portraits of
Reiko at Age Sixteen," detail: right half;
June 1929, oil on canvas, 47.2 x 24.8 em,
Fukuyama Museum of Art, Fukuyama
Prefecture.
Figure 249. Kishida Reiko, "SelfPortrait,"
1962, oil on canvas, 46.0 x 39.0 em,
private collection.
244
~~.
, \\ '\2
Figure 250. Kano Sansetsu, "Hanshan and Shide," 17th centul)', ink on paper, 101.5 x
130.5 em. Collection ofShinsho Gokuraku-ji temple, Kyoto. Printed on a postcard sent
by Kinoshita Rigen to Ryfisei on May 28, 1922.
Figure 251. Kishida Ryfisei, "Feeling Is
Detachment," circa 1923, color on paper,
hanging scroll, 38.3 x 26.2 em, private
collection.
Figure 252. Toshika, "Parody of 'The
Four Sleepers,'" 1844, ink and color on
paper, hanging scroll, 92.0 x 57.2 em,
Museum ofFine Arts, Boston.
Figure 253. Toshika, "Parody of 'The Four
Sleepers,''' detail: Hanshan and Shide.
245
Figure 254. Kishida Ryusei, Title page
ofRyusei 's Collected Works and
Views on Art, 1920, woodblock print
on paper, 30.3 x 20.4 cm, Collection
ofCh6fu City Mushanokoji Saneatsu
Memorial Hall, Tokyo.
Figure 255. Kishida Ryusei, "T6gaan Hermitage," circa 1928, ink and color on paper,
24.3 x 41.8 cm, Kyoto National Museum ofModern Art.
Figure 256. Kishida Ryusei, Title page of
Mushanokoji Saneatsu's book Three Dramas/or
Children 1921, woodblock print on paper, 20.8 x 30.6
cm, Coll~ction ofChofu City Mushanokoji Saneatsu
Memorial Hall, Tokyo. Figure 257. Kishida Ryfisei,
"Reiko Mandala," 1921, color
on paper, 127.2 x 30.0 cm,
private collection.
246
Figure 258. Kishida Ryusei, Title page of
Mushanokoji Saneatsu's book Three
Dramasfor Children, detail: Reiko in
sanctuary and dog.
Figure 259. Kishida Ryilsei, "Reiko
Mandala," detail: Reiko in sanctuary and
dog.
247
Figure 260. Li Di, "Hunting Dog," 1197, color on silk, hanging scroll, 26.5 x 26.9 cm,
Beijing Palace Museum.
Figure 261. Kishida Ryusei, "White Dog"
(copy ofpainting by Li Di), October 31,
1923, color on paper, 34.5 x 42.2 em,
private collection.
248
Figure 262. Kishida Ryilsei, "A Long Life
to the Age of Seven Hundred," circa 1928,
ink on paper, circa 204.0 x 235.5 em,
private collection.
- 'i.
249
Figure 264. Kishida Ryusei, "Hanshan and Shide," January 8, 1928, ink on paper, two­
fold screen, 170.0 x 175.0 em, Tokyo National Museum ofModem Art.
Figure 265. Kishida Ryusei, "Hanshan and Shide," detail: Hanshan.
250
Figure 266. Kishida Ryusei, "Hanshan and Shide," circa 1928, ink on paper, two-fold
screen, 160.0 x 170.0 cm, private collection.
Figure 267. Kishida Ryusei, "Hanshan and
Shide," undated, detail: Hanshan's face.
Figure 268. Kishida Ryusei, "A Long Life
to the Age of Seven Hundred," detail:
immortal's face.
251
Conclusion
Although the current art historical literature defines the genre ofJapanese eccentric art in
myriad ways, early discourses on eccentricity in East Asia coupled with the imagery
produced by eccentric artists reveal an underlying glorification ofidiosyncratic behavior
that derives from the practices and narratives of the religious Daoist tradition. Kishida
Ryftsei's artwork and art historical writings lend particular insight to the Chinese origins
and the Daoist underpinnings ofeccentric art as a genre. Unfortunately, the years of
warfare and political turmoil that plagued Japan and China during RyOsei's lifetime and
the decades that followed all but eliminated the cultural interaction that had for centuries
existed between the nations. As a result, the genre ofeccentric art within Japan
underwent dramatic and fundamental changes. Nevertheless, in the late 20th and early
21 It centuries, several contemporary Japanese artists have made efforts to salvage the
appearance and at times the underlying ideology ofeccentric art, ultimately fusing
together into a rather curious pastiche elements ofwestern modernism, art historical
interpretations of early modem eccentric art, and indications ofthe artists' own personal
idiosyncrasies.
The manga illustrator Akiyama Joji (f* W-I~ :3 -~, b. 1943) was one ofthe
artists to whom Tsuji Nobuo refers in the conclusion ofKiso no keifu, where he states
252
that"... the most avant-garde artistic production in existence today - comic books, poster
art, and murals ... share strange similarities [with] these often overlooked artworks ofthe
school ofeccentricity... ,,1 The work upon which Akiyama's reputation is largely based
and that most likely prompted Tsuji's praise is the comic book Derorin-man ( r7 t:t 11
~"V ~J ), which portrays a hideous, demonic figure dressed in a shapeless, patchwork
robe (Figures 269-270). Kanno Hiroto Cf!llfi$A, dates unknown) has proposed that
Akiyama's character was inspired by Kishida Ryfisei's writings on the aesthetics of
eccentric art and was meant to personify Ryfisei's concept ofderori.2 While the
disturbing appearance ofDerorin-man might exemplify Ryl1sei's ideas about decadence
and grotesquerie, the extent to which Akiyama understood and intentionally alluded to
derori is questionable. Nevertheless, the character is an interesting example of how
Ryfisei's theories may have been disseminated throughout Japanese popular culture.
Less overt allusions to the works ofRyfisei can be found in the paintings ofNara
Yoshitomo (~.5t~W; b. 1959). Sawaragi Noi (m*!IIf;t(, b. 1962) has noted the
stylistic similarities between Nara's and Ryfisei's portraits ofyoung women,3 and upon
comparison, Nara's debt to his predecessor is vividly apparent (Figures 271-272). Much
like Reiko, whose head has stretched horizontally and whose arms have withered, the
1 Tsuji Nobuo, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 138-9. Tsuji
discusses Akiyama in Yajima Arata ~1il'J~, Yamashita Yftji W..rfm=. Tsuji Nobuo tt1'fUft Nihon bijutsu
no hakkenshataehi ra *~*O)~;Vft::. 't;,J (Tokyo: Daigaku shuppankai, 2003),174.
2 Kanno Hiroto ifJfA':A, "Joron: 'Derori' ni tsuite." In K6riyama shiritsu bijutsukan ~WJ'$ft~~.
"Saihakken, Nihonnosugata: kiiwaadowaderori" ten W r~~J!, a*O)~: ::\'-~?~ r'1J:7P
!J J BJ . (K8riyama: K8riyama shiritsu bijutsukan, 1999),8-9.
3 Sawaragi Noi~*Jf~. "Bijutsudekyara-moe, kodomo to bijutsu" r~*~::\,-"'r 7~:t\ :. ~·t ~
~*J ,Bijutsu 18eM W~~Jf.r!JJSJ 53.813 (December 2001): 103.
253
head ofNara's child has ballooned into an amoebic shape, and her hands retain little
definition beyond the presence ofopposable thumbs. Sawaragi describes the work of
both artists as "bukimi-kawaii" (~~,*iO~:b \t \ \t '; lit., "disturbing yet cute"), a
colloquialism that rose to popularity among young adults in the early 21 It century.4
Ironically, the way in which this term fuses seemingly contradictory qualities closely
mirrors Sandy Kita's definition ofderori as "a repellent but compelling sensuality."~
Nara has paid tribute to eccentrics from the early modern era as well. In his 1999
publication Ukiyo, the artist appropriated and reinterpreted the imagery ofEdo print
(ukiyo-e) artists. Among them is Utagawa Kuniyoshi's "Famous Locations in the Eastern
Capital: Shin Yoshiwara," a landscape in which the halo ofthe full moon fills a
substantial portion ofthe print (Figure 273). Suzuki JuzO's 1965 essay "The Eccentricity
ofKuniyoshi" discusses this work and cites the artist's extraordinary emphasis upon the
moon, an element that is ordinarily treated as little more than a decorative background
form, as evidence ofKuniyoshi's "technical eccentricity.,,6 Nara's work (Figure 274),
whose title, "Full Moon Night," reiterates Suzuki's comments about Kuniyoshi's print,
dramatically intensifies the absurdity of the original image. He transforms the moon's
halo into the enormous, floating, disembodied head ofa young girl, and he buries the
head ofa passerby beneath a layer of red paint, as if the monstrous head had just
decapitated him. A courtesan, upon witnessing this mutilation, screams out, "Bloodl"
4 Ibid, 103.
5 Kita, Sandy. The Last Tosa: Iwasa Katsumochi Matabei. Bridge to Ukiyo-e. (Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1999), 58-9.
6 Suzuki Jilz6 ~ft*lt=., "Kuniyoshi no kis6," rlil;WV?ifmJ ,H6shun WiW~J 145 (August 1965): 3.
See Chapter One for a discussion of Suzuki's essay.
254
Kuniyoshi's eerie yet tranquil landscape has been re-envisioned as a scene from a campy,
violent horror movie.
The Japanese contemporary artist who has arguably displayed the most·
enthusiasm about the genre ofeccentric art is Murakami Takashi (;frJ:.~, b. 1962).
In the catalog ofhis 2000 Superjlat exhibition, Murakami juxtaposes photos of
paintings by Ito Jakuchu, Kano Sansetsu, Soga Shohaku, and Kishida Ryl1sei beside his
own works. In such a context, some ofhis images reveal a high degree of formal
influence by Sansetsu. The stream ofwhite fluid that spans his computer-generated print
"Doves and Hawks," for example, in its erratic shape and modulated width, clearly
evokes Sansetsu's "Pheasant in a Plum Tree," a work that Murakami writes about
extensively in the catalog.? (Figures 275-276.)
Murakami's interest in eccentric art has been largely inspired by Kiso no keifu.
His SuperjIat catalog essay includes quotes from Tsuji's book,8 and as ifin exchange, the
following year, Tsuji transcribed in the journal Bijutsu techo their conversation about
"the lineage ofeccentricity" and its contemporary heirs, including Murakami himself.9
Taking the relatively obscure term kaikai-kiki (,t£.t£tij-tij-, "extremely strange"), which
Tsuji uses repeatedly throughout both Kiso no keifu and its sequel, Kiso no zuju,tO the
artist invented two ofhis most popular characters, Kaikai and Kiki (Figure 277). Several
7 Murakami Takashi;ftJ::fSi. Supeiflat WA~/<;~7 7 'Y 1'-.11 . Translated by Ted Mack. (Tokyo: Madra
Publishing Co., Ltd., 2000), 10-11. .
8 Ibid, 8-9.
9 Tsuji Nobuo. "Kiso no keifU 0 kumu monotachi" r w~mO)~J9U ~tit£'~t::.'f:,J ,Bijutsu techO W~
~=F~J 53, No. 812 (November 2001): 46-54.·
10 Tsuji, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi. (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970),48,92, 137. See also
Tsuji Nobuo. Kisa no zu.fu: Karakuri, Jakuchu, Kazari W~mO)IOOR:;6~ E, <~ . ~{l:p • ;6~ g ~ ~ .
(Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1989),265.
255
details in the appearance ofthese imps are strongly reminiscent ofHanshan and Shide
(Figures 278-279): their unusual headdresses evoke the stereotypical hair style ofTang
monks, and their grotesque smiles. particularly that of the three-eyed Kiki, convey the
same sense ofmadness as the cackling hermits. Kaikai and Kiki do not possess the
religious significance ofHanshan and Shide, however; rather than Daoist eccentricity,
they are far more closely aligned with Tsuji's view of"intrinsic, behavioral
eccentricity."11
For the past several decades. the artist who has been the most able to preserve the
pre-modem, theological ideology ofeccentricity seems to be the ankoku butoh dancer
Ohno Kazuo <:k!Df-!t. b. 1906, Figure 280), who celebrates his 100th birthday this
year.12 Ohno was first introduced to the work ofSoga Shohaku shortly after the end of
the Pacific War and has since described that discovery as a kind ofreligious epiphany:
"Shohaku opened me up to the true nature ofthe universe." Desperately seeking to
establish his own reputation as a kijin, Ohno has interpreted the "lineage ofeccentricity"
quite literally, claiming in a 1997 interview to be a distant relative ofthe painter.13
Despite the abstract, ephemeral nature ofdance, ample visual evidence indicates
that Ohno has choreographed and performed several works that are dedicated solely to
11 To my knowledge, this connection between Murakami's two characters and the Tang monks has never
been noted in the literature before.
12 Though, in accordance with the Hebem system of romanization, the Japanese word .~ and the family
name :k;r would normally be written as But6 and 6no, respectively. here they are written instead as Butoh
and Ohno, as they are commonly known. See Ohno Kazuo and Ohno Yoshito. Kazuo Ohno's World: From
Without and Within. Translated by John Barrett. (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press,
2004), xvii.
13 Ibid, 180. Translated by John Barrett.
256
the theme ofShahaku and his paintings.14 In 1997, Hosoe Eika (jpJ7I~~, b. 1933)
photographed Ohno in the midst ofone such performance (Figure 281). A mounted
reproduction ofShahaku's "Shide" was propped against the back ofthe stage, and upon
this was superimposed a slide ofLu Dongbin perched upon his dragon, as seen in the
painter's "Immortals" folding screens. As he dances across the stage, Ohno interacts
with these life-size characters as ifhe were Hanshan or another immortal.
Another artwork indicating the dancer's obsession with Shahaku is a textual
sketch that 0000 produced in preparation for his 1998 performance of"The Ways of
Heaven and Earth" at the Setagaya Public Theater (Figure 282). According to the sketch,
the performance is divided into three acts, each interpreting a particular painting by
Shohaku: "Ogress under a Willow Tree" (Figure 283), "Lions at the Stone Bridge of
Mount Tendai" (Figure 284), and "Hanshan and Shide" (Figures 285-286). Surprisingly,
OooO'S notes on the final act include quotes from Tsuji's Kiso no keifu: he describes the
portraits ofHanshan and Shide as being "painted in a style that is like dipping a handful
of straw in ink and stirring it around on the painting's surface" and comments how the
images "make the muscles in a viewer's back go cold."ls Ohno's reliance upon Tsuji's
text might lead one to assume that, like the author, he maintains a behavioral view of
eccentricity. The unconventional view of beautY that pervades not only the dancer's
14 These dances include "Kazuo 0000: Dance with SMhaku" ("0000 Kazuo: SMhaku to mau" r*if ­•:.S ~,.? J ), performed in April 1998 at the Chiba City Museum Hall, and "The Ways ofHeaven
and Earth" ("Tend8 chid8" r3i:5BJ:tlH1J ), which he first performed in 1995. Ibid, 175,322.
IS Tsuji, Kiso no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshi. (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1970), 93-4. Tsuji himselfhas
acknowledged that 0000 was inspired by his writings. See Tsuji, "Kiso no keifu 0 kumu monotachi," 46.
257
writings but the genre ofankoku butoh in general, however, strongly evoke Ryilsei's
ideas about hikinbi:
Obviously, as performers age, the uglier they become, outwardly, atany rate.
Yet the onset ofoldage shouldn't blind us to another, truly invaluable, form
ofbeauty in their withering away.... Decrepitude offers the public afleeting
glimpse ofanotherform ofbeauty, a beauty that a youngperformer could
never render incarnate.16
Furthennore, although ankoku butoh wholeheartedly embraces the inevitability ofdeath,
the value ofheterodoxy, irrationality, and social reclusion that Ohno expresses in his
writings is intimately related to the theological interpretation ofeccentricity presented in
this thesis:
Dance is like a domain where madness reigns. After ourforced severance
from the womb, a partofus longs to regain that long lostfreedom.
Increasingly, though, wefind ourselvesjacinga dilemma. Blindlyfollowing
the dictates o/reason, we sooner or later end up as prisoners ofour own
selfishness. We're surrounded everywhere by like-minded sorts. Yet,you
standing over there, or you here stretchedprostrate out on the floor, you're
awakening memories ofthat "madness" we experienced in the womb. You're
manifesting the freedom that each and every one ofus so longs to regain. By
renderinf such "madness" visible, you might help thatpartofusfettered by
reason.!
16 Ohno Kazuo and Ohno Yoshito, 93-94.
17 Ibid, 269.
258
Figure 269. George Akiyama, Derorin­
man, vol. 1, detail: front cover; Tokyo:
Kodansha Comics, 1976.
Figure 271. Nara Yoshitomo, "Nice to See
You Again," 1996, acrylic on canvas,
180.0 x 150.0 cm, collection of the artist.
Figure 270. George Akiyama, Derorin­
man, vol. 2, detail: front cover; Tokyo:
Kodansha Comics, 1976.
Figure 272. Kishida Ryusei, "A Little Girl
(Standing Reiko)," April 15, 1923,oilon
canvas, 53.2 x 45.5 cm, Kamakura
Museum ofModem Art.
Figure 273. Uta~awa Kuniyoshi, "Famous Sites in the Eastern Capital: Shin­
Yoshiwara," 19 century, ink and color on paper, woodblock print, oban (37.8 x 25.8
cm), Ota Memorial Museum of Art, Tokyo.
.--.:::>"""",""".'>~
Figure 274. Nara Yoshitomo, "Full Moon Night," 1999, ink and color on paper, size
unknown, private collection.
259
Figure 275. Murakami Takashi,
"Doves and Hawks," detail; 1999,
computer graphics, size variable,
private collection.
260
Figure 276. Kana Sansetsu, "Pheasant in a Plum
Tree," early 17th century; ink, color and gold on
paper; set of sliding doors; Tenkyuin temple,
Kyoto.
Figure 277. Murakami Takashi, "Red Rope,"
2001, acrylic on canvas, 120.0 x 120.0 em,
private collection.
Figure 278.
Van Hui (attr.),
"Hanshan and
Shide," detail:
Shide; 14th c.,
color on silk,
127.6 x 41.8 em.
Tokyo National
Museum.
Figure 279.
Van Hui (attr.),
"Hanshan and
Shide," detail:
Hanshan; 14th c.,
color on silk, 127.6
x 41.8 em. Tokyo
National Museum.
261
Figure 281. Hosoe Eiko, "Kazuo 0000
Breathing in the Spirit of Soga Shohaku,"
detail, 1997, photograph.
~r~nJ:~t~~~II~';: ~,
~ :fJtAf;'f.,l "f "?;,1'1 f' e #~(0t..~"(,,~,"'J' i f-rffi"'Vf6~J}1)t"l~A;. . - /"". 't....~ ,,,/..r; 1; -!'''':'' .$:""f' q ~ 1: i t II
- ~ ~ rr~ ," ~ ~ / .. 1 c .. "1';;'.;,1
l..f!rlf"{ SJ-.A;:.., h .t&.. ~~.:t ~~ ,,~ -;; "VJ t.i-.i'!i 'jl -~ 1.'t \i
I'''''~~~ r< -: ~ t. ~ .
, ~ j~/-
Figure 283. Soga Shohaku, "Ogress
under Willow Tree," detail: ogress; ca.
1759, ink and light color on paper, 2-fold
screen, 154.0 x 152.6 em, Tokyo
National University ofFine Arts and
Music University Art Museum.
JIll,.
Figure 285. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," detail: Hanshan; 1763-64, ink on
paper, 197.0 x 115.0 em, Koshoji
TemplelTokyo National Museum.
262
Figure 284. Soga Shohaku, "Lions at the
Stone Bridge ofMount Tendai," 1779, ink
on silk, hanging scroll, 113.9 x 50.8 em,
Burke Collection.
Figure 286. Soga Shohaku, "Hanshan and
Shide," detail: Shide; 1763-64, ink on
paper, 197.0 x 115.0 em, Koshoji
TemplelTokyo National Museum.
263
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Appendix A:
Translation of
The Lineage ofEccentricity: From Matabei to Kuniyoshi
(KislJ no keifu: Matabei - Kuniyoshlj
By Tsuji Nobuo )tit.
Published by Bijutsu shuppansha ~~l:l:Ht~*±
Tokyo, 1970.
Translation by Stephen Salel, 2006.
275
Table of Contents
1. The Grief-Filled World & the Floating World:
Iwasa Matabei ,. 277
Chapter One Plates..... . ... ... ... .. . .. . ... ... .. . ... .. . .. . ... ... .. . ... .. . .. . .. . .. 311
2. Convulsions ofthe Enormous Momoyama Tree:
Kana Sansetsu..................................................................... 315
Chapter Two Plates............................................ 331
3. The Natural History ofFantasia:
Ita Jakuchii , , .. , '" 334
Chapter Three Plates , ,. 349
4. Demented, Outcast Immortals:
Soga Shahaku , '" 352
Chapter Four Plates , .. , " '" .. 377
5. Birds, Beasts, and Mischief:
Nagasawa Rosetsu........................ 381
Chapter Five Plates.. 394
6. The Bizarre Transformation ofCats
at the End ofthe Edo Period:
Utagawa Kuniyoshi , '" 397
Chapter Six Plates... .. ... .. . ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... ... ... ... .. . .. . ... .. . 413
7. Afterword.. . .. . .. . .. . ... ... ... .. . ... ... ... ... .. . .. . ... ... .. . .. . ... ... .. . ... .. . ... 417
8. Bibliography... ... ... .. . ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... ... .. . .. . .. . .. . ... ... ... .. . 420
9. Image Lists , '" 426
276
277
Chapter One
The Grief-Filled World & the Floating World:
Iwasa Matabei
When telling stories to each other in the evening infront o/Lord
Tadamasa, one person said, "Today! met a strange man on 6hashi
bridge who was wearing red, shnmkenlong underwear (momohiki). "
The lord said, "That must have been Ukiyo Matabei. ! presume that
Matabei has come to ourprovince. " Andjustas his lord had guessed, it
was Matabei.
From Night Tales o/OldMan Etsu
(Etsuo Yawa ~ijU'~!aJ )
It is ordinarily said that handscrolls died out in the Muromachi era. This means
that handscrolls since the beginning ofthe modem era were no longer significant and
degenerated into fonna~ cold objects.
However, I don't think that this is necessarily true. It's not very well known, but I
know ofthe existence ofa unique set ofextremely colorful handscrolls produced in the
first halfofthe seventeenth century, during the period spanning from the Genna era
(1615-1624) through the Kan'ei era (1624-1644). Ifone were to critique them according
to the aesthetic sense associated with the graceful, classical handscrolls ofthe Heian and
Kamakura eras, these works would seem truly vulgar, assertive, repulsive and disgusting
- nothing more than objects for sale. But ifwe were to appreciate them with an eye fully
accustomed to the expressionism ofcontemporary art, they are truly fascinating objects.
Let me finish my preface here and move on to introducing the artwork.
The Itami Museum ofArt has in its collection "Tokiwa in the Mountains"
(Yamanaka Tokiwa rl11 9='1it§J ), a set of twelve brightly colored handscrolls. Each
volume is approximately 12.5 meters in length, and together they add up to an enormous
total of 150 meters. It takes about halfa day just to look at the entirety of the handscroll
set. However, ifa person was blessed enough to have an opportunity to see the entirety,
278
he would certainly be fascinated by the peculiar personality ofthat long scroll (plates 3­
5).
"Tokiwa in the Mountains" focuses upon the legend ofUshiwaka L:ft1r, a kind of
otogi-z6shijo1DD~T("companion book," late medieval prose narrative) made in the
Muromachi e.-a.
Worrying about the journey ofWakaushi who, aiming for the capture of the Heike,
quietly went down to Oshu province, his mother, Tokiwa Gozen 1it!1l~;w, sets out on a
journey along with a lady chamberlain, but she fell sick at a lodging in the mountains of
Mino province. Six thieves at the lodge noticed Tokiwa's possessions and break into her
room at midnight, strip their clothes off, and stab them to death. The next day, Ushiwaka,
worrying about his mother's health, returns to the capital by himself, lodges in the
mountains along the way, and strangely decides to stay at the lodge where Tokiwa was
murdered. At this point, Tokiwa appears to Ushiwaka in a dream and makes a request of
him. Startled awake, he hears the whole story from the master ofthe lodge and vows to
avenge her death. Then, pretending that a number of Uunous people are lodging at the
inn, he lures the group ofthieves back, and displaying superhuman strength, he slays
them all, carries their bodies to a pond and throws them in. Again, Ushiwaka returns to
the east (Oshu), takes command ofa large army, and on the way back to the capitol, holds
a polite memorial service at her grave...
That's the outline ofthe story.
In the folding screen "Scenes in and around the Capital" (Rakuchu rakugai zu ~
t:p~?1-~~.I!\.) (Collection ofthe Tokyo National Museum), which depicts the
appearance ofKyoto around the end ofthe Keicho era (1614-15), a viewer can see
"Tokiwa in the Mountains" being performed as a marionette (joruri ~!I$I) show at a
small store along the Shijo river, and in this multi-volume work, the actualj6ruri text
from that time is used. In other words, the artist made the marionette puppet show into a
scroll.
279
The personality ofthe scripts for not on.ly "Tokiwa in the Mountains" but all the
"oldjoruri plays" in general (that being the generic name ofmarionette puppet plays
from the Keich6 era [1596-1615] through around the Genna [1615-1624] or Kan'ei
[1624-1644] era) have fiultastic color and a strong epic feel inherited from the personality
ofMuromachi-era otogi-zoshi, and when watching them, one can't really feel a sense of
reality. The script of"Tokiwa in the Mountains" is the same. However, the twelve
brightly colored volumes that borrow from this text, totally unlike the otogi-zoshi, are
overflowing with garish, vivid imagery.
The particular quality ofthese handscrolls is, first ofall, in their color. Detailed
patterns in gold and silver paint are added to gaudy color schemes ofprimary colors such
as blue-violet, blue-green, red-violet, red, and ochre found in the figures and architecture,
and a florid, decorative effect is emphasized. That decoration to the point ofexcess is
tied to a particular expressionistic character. Figures, buildings and trees are painted
large and boldly; the artist's habit ofexpressing the forms in the figures' faces, hands and
legs in particular is impressive. A kind of impudent laziness and a vulgarity running
through genre paintings from the same era is found throughout the entire scroll.
What is shocking even in this context is the scene ofTokiwa's murder in the
fourth volume (plate 3).
The six thieves, with their ugly, unusual and villainous expressions exaggerated in
a manner rather similar to comic books, burst into Tokiwa's room, planning to strip the
lady and servant of their clothes and then to run away, but seeing the two naked women
crying, "Give us our clothes back!" they return, murder Tokiwa and then stab her servant
to death. The artist uses seven images to describe the course ofevents in this single scene.
By means ofobstinately repetitious depiction, he is able to paint the scene with vivid
details, such as the way in which the color ofTokiwa's flesh changes over time. Even
though the narration in this section simply describes the action with a sense of
detachment, by comparison, the viewer can sense in the painter's tone an unnatural,
passionate interest in atrocity. Another interest he displays is for the expression oftrees.
In the scene where Tokiwa is stabbed, the trunk ofthe pine tree in the garden twists
280
violently as ifwrithing in pain, and all the needles tense up and face in the same direction.
In the next scene, the trunk and needles ofthe same pine tree droop limply, further
indicath1g the way in which Tokiwa's life is fading from her. This kind of
anthropomorphism ofobjects can also be seen in the landscapes and bird-and-flower
paintings ofHokusai, and I am interested in the way that, in either case, the artist's style
is connected to his eccentric passion.
The revenge scene that appears from the eighth volume onward is no less
awesome. While the thieves break into his room, Ushiwaka pretends to sleep, and after
they pass by him, he suddenly attacks and slashes them up. He then frankly disposes of
them by decapitating them, cutting their chests open, and cutting their bodies up
lengthwise. One may say that it's absurd, but the bizarre images ofthe bodies that have
beenfilletedJengthwise show a chilling sense ofhumor. In the following scene, he
carries the corpses, wrapped up in a mat, to a whirlpool late at night and throws them in.
The reason why the artist's depiction ofthis scene, which ought to be described as truly
humorous vulgarity, has a strange sense ofrealism might be because in the Genna era,
during which this handscroll is presumed to have been made, the memories ofbloody war
were still fresh in people's minds.
Perhaps I have focused too much attention upon the aberrant aspects of"Tokiwa
in the Mountains." The scene in this handscroll in which Tokiwa inquires about
Ushiwaka and journeys down the Tokaido road also includes quietly lyrical descriptions.
However, ifone were to ask which ofthese two aspects best represents the essence ofthis
handscroll, the answer is obvious. Truly, "Tokiwa in the Mountains" is a work ofart
that's like a little demon that suddenly comes flying up from out ofthe art historical tomb
ofhandscrolls.
The artist's name, however, is not written anywhere on this unique, monumental
handscroll. Simply, it is attributed to the artist lwasa Matabei, and some readers of
advanced age may remember that, at the beginning ofthe Showa era (1926-89), when this
scroll was "discovered" by Hasegawa Minokichi (1893-1973), an energetic debate
erupted about the accuracy ofthis attribution. The discovery of"Tokiwa in the
281
Mountains" and the course ofthe debate that accompanied it was surprisingly dramatic, a
mood quite fitting to the cluuacter ofhandscrolls.
At the end ofthe 3rd year ofShawa (1928), the owner oflsseido bookstore in
Tokyo's Kanda district casually showed ten photographs ofthe work "Tokiwa in the
Mountains" to Hasegawa Minokichi, a representative ofthe biggestbookshop at that time,
and told him that a German planned to buy the handscroll for $25,000. The handscroll
enchanted Hasegawa. Cou11!geously deciding that he must protect it at all costs from
being taken to a foreign country, Hasegawa mortgaged his home and sold everything,
including his telephone and his ukiyo-e collection, and clutching the money he received
from these sales, set out for Kyoto, bought the original artwork, and returned home
holding it aloft in triumph. To the extent that I have researched the matter, the scroll had
been owned by the Matsudaira family, the former lords ofthe Tsuyama Clan, and in
Taisha 14 (1925), it was sold by an art club, but at that time it received no particular
attention and was bought up by someone or another. On the verge ofit being passed over
to Germany, the transaction was stopped by Mr. Hasegawa.
The year after the "discovery" ofthis monumental work, in October ofShowa 4
(1929), the scroll in its entirety was displayed at the Kyoto National Museum. Later, in
February of Showa 5 (1930), it was again displayed at the Tokyo branch ofMitsukoshi
department store, and the exhibition was a great success with swarms ofvisitors lined up
to see the artwork. When it was exhibited at the Kyoto National Museum, "The Tale of
Horie" (Horie Monogatari r:!iiliIl/Wimj ), a work attributed to Matabei in the collection
of the elderly Murayama Ryohei(*;j"l1Ift3jZ~, 1850-1933), was exhibited as a
supplementary "sister piece" of"Tokiwa in the Mountains."
The work "The Tale ofHorie" in the collection ofMr. Murayama is a fragment of
a handscroll and is composed of three volumes. Combined with the single fragment
owned by Mr. Furumori i1~ oflse City, four fragments are extant. As can be seen at a
glance, the fragments, with characteristics such as the artist's particular use ofcolor and
his individualistic depiction of figures, are a perfect match with "Tokiwa in the
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Mountains," and even after comparing small details, it seems that the two works were
painted by the same artist (plate 1).
It is believed that the story upon which this handscroll is based was, like the story
of"Tokiwa in the Mountains," is a revenge story from an Otog;-mshi novel written in the
Muromachi era. From the writing style ofthe text at the beginning of the scroll, it seems
that this artwork is also an illustration ofan "oldjorun'" script. The following is the
outline ofthe story:
Horie Saemon Yorikata $7Itc.F~flJJ, leader ofa powerful clan in the
province of Shimotsuke, welcomes the daughter of lord Hara no Saemon In(c7)tc.F~
from Ueno province as the wife ofhis son Saburo Yorizumi 3Bflt4!. Saburo's wife
produces one child, and the family lives in harmony, but due to his father's death by
illness, his territory is confiscated and he falls into poverty. Lord Hara no Saemon
regrets this, reclaims his daughter, and plans to offer his daughter to a regional official
who is infatuated with her. Lord Hara advises Saburo to go to the capital to demand the
return ofhis territory, and on his way to the capital, he ambushes and attacks Saburo on
Mount Ueda 1:m. Saburo and his retainers fight desperately, and in the end, they
commit suicide. Meanwhile, Saburo's wife, the princess, is beckoned to the absent lord
Hara's residence, but Sabur6 appears to her in a dream and asks her to pray for his
salvation. She thinks that this is a bad omen, and when she considers returning to the
Horie estate, she is abducted to the estate ofthe regional officer. Upon seeing the head of
her husband that has been brought there, she commits suicide. The princess' mother
follows her to the grave as well. The regional officer intends to kill the orphaned child
Tsukiwaka "ij ti, but the boy is miraculously saved. He grows up and assumes the name
of Taro :t:!B. One day, Taro hears the entire tale from a strange person. He raises an
army and attacks the regional officer's estate. He well avenges his parents, and just as
one might expect, he reclaims the territory...
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Illustration 1. The deserted house. From "The Tale ofHorie," intermediate volume
(Number Unknown). Collection ofMr. Murayama.
In the four fragments passed on to Mr. Murayama and Mr. Furumori, the revenge
section, corresponding to the latter halfof this stoI)', is painted. I have already mentioned
that the characteristics of the painting style closely resemble those of"Tokiwa in the
Mountains," but compared to "Tokiwa in the Mountains," there is not as much
unrestrained, extremely malevolent behavior; rather, it differs in its nuance, and
throughout it one can see elegant expressions that bring to mind classical handscrolls.
For example, Taro, on his way to seek revenge, looks upon the desolate remains of the
Horle estate. The scene (from among the Murayama fragments) is impressively filled
with deep emotion. The image of silver moonlight pouring down upon the roofand
pillars, which are buried in the grass and rotting away, is painted in a way filled with
emotion (Illustration I). As seen here, the depth ofclassical knowledge possessed by this
painter cannot be simply described as vulgar roughness.
The scene ofTaro's fight, which fills the entire section owned by Mr. Furumori,
is perhaps the climax ofthis handscroll. A particularly wondetful part is Taro's sudden
attack. The depiction ofthe interior ofthe regional officer's residence, where people are
screaming and running in a panic, people are disarming one another, and women are
sobbing loudly, is the epitome ofdisarray. By means ofhis skillful composition, mixed
with a sense ofhumor, the artist sufficiently enlivens the elongated space. The lively
expression is not unprecedented in classical handscrolls. However, if a viewer continues
on to the battle scene, there is what seems to be the origin of the artist's infamous "body
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slice" images, and as we might have expected, it is a bloody d~iction (plate 1). In
addition, at the end ofthis fragment, there is a cruel scene in which Taro ties up the wife
ofthe regional officer and, after stabbing to death her two children as she watches, he
cuts off her head.
The particular characteristics ofthis handscroll, similar to those of"Tokiwa in the
Mountains," become apparent in this section.
Incidentally, directly after the end ofthe Pacific War, the formerly powerful
families were forced to sell the twelve volumes of"The Tale ofHorie," most ofthe
images and text ofwhich seem to have been copied directly as sketches at a time when
these four handscroll fragments were all complete. Currently, they are in the collection
ofAtami Museum ofArt (From here onwards, I will refer to these as "the 12-volumes").
These themselves are pieces offabulous workmanship, and perhaps it is an artwork
produced by the same genealogy ofartists in a time period soon after the four fragments.
I have seen it, but as a critic, it is difficult to guess first ofall whether this is the original
appearance ofthe four fragments.· Ifyou compare the same scene from both works, you
realize that, although the 12-volumes are obviously sketches based upon the four
fragments, they are economized works, in which the artist changed the shape of
illustrations in places, skipped a few, and decreased the total number ofvolumes by about
six. In other words, "The Tale ofHorie," ofwhich only the four fragments currently
owned by Mr. Murayama and Mr. Furumori are left, was originally an enormous work
comprised ofeighteen volumes from beginning to end. Furthermore, in addition to the
enormity ofthis handscroll, another startling aspect about it is its content, which is
overflowing with the artist's interest in bloody atrocity.
The fifth of the 12-volumes, containing scenes from the battle on Mount Deda to
Saburo's seppuku, is entirely filled with depictions dripping with blood. In the sixth
volume, one finds scenes such as the one in which the bodies of the enemy soldiers are
carried to Hara's residence, turning the interior ofthe hall into a pandemonium of
amazement and grief. Another similar image shows a procession marching towards the
residence ofthe regional officer. The soldiers towards the rear carry a collection of
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severed heads, while the soldiers in front bear the severed head ofHorie. These scenes
are a bit too garish to look at directly (lllustration 2). Furthermore, the following scene,
in which Hara's daughter, the princess, commits suicide along with her mother, is
reminiscent ofthe "murder ofTokiwa" described earlier: the events are insistently and
elaborately described by means of persistent, repetitious forms. In the eighteen volumes
based upon those fragments owned by Mr. Murayama and Mr. Furumori, these kinds of
peculiar scenes are probably depicted with even more minute detail.
Illustration 2. Line ofsoldiers carrying the heads of the enemy. From "the Tale of
Horie," Volume 7. Collection ofAtami Museum of Art.
As another "sister work" of"Tokiwa in the Mountains," I need to now introduce
the twelve-volume work "The Tale ofPrincess Joruri" <-1:Jlf;4), also a handscroll
currently in the collection ofItami Art Museum. Along with "Tokiwa in the Mountains,"
this was passed down from the Matsudaira family, the former leaders ofthe Tsuyama
Clan. In Taisho 10 (1921), they were forced to sell it together with "Tokiwa in the
Mountains." It entered the collection ofOhashi Shintaro *1IfT:;t:aB, but according to
Mr. Hasegawa, the discovery of"Tokiwa in the Mountains" became an opportunity for
this work to receive similar attention from the world.
The twelve volumes of"The Tale ofPrincess Joruri" is a handscroll the text of
which is taken from the script ofa famous, twelve-partjoruri puppet play that deals with
the romance between Ushiwaka and Princess Joruri (ita). (At the time that it was
written, the characterjo [1:] was used instead of the characterjo [it].)
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Ushiwaka, along with Kaneuri Kichiji ~7t:er~ and others, heads east from the
capitol, and along the way, at a lodge in Yahagi *~I town in the province ofMikawa, is
charmed by the sound ofan orchestra in which the daughter of the head ofthe lodge is
playing. He himselfpulls out a flute and begins to play, at which point the daughter is
likewise charmed. Knowing that he is the child ofa member ofthe Genji Clan, she
secretly brings Ushiwaka into her residence. The princess ultimately assents to his
amorous and beautiful propositions, which are filled with waka poetry, and they
ultimately make love. The following morning, they part company, and Ushiwaka, again
goes on the road, but at a lodge inKanbara, he thinks about Jorori so much that he falls
sick and is left behind by his fellow travelers. The female innkeeper propositions
Ushiwaka, but is refused and gets angry, so Ushiwaka is thrown out by the seaside, where
he dies. At this point, the family treasure that he had been carrying transform into a large
serpent, a child, a white pigeon, and a chicken that vow to watch over Ushiwaka.
Meanwhile, after being informed by the deity of the Genji Clan, Shohachiman lEA.,
Jorori heads towards Kanbara, and after enduring a thunderstorm, finds Ushiwaka's grave
and digs his corpse out ofthe sand. By means ofthe great god Amaterasu ~mt and the
miracles ofHakone Shrine, Ushiwaka comes back to life. Ushiwaka follows through
with Jorori's request and orders a tengu (goblin) to send her back toYahagi, and again he
heads back down the road towards Oshu. In Oshu, he gathers a large army, and on the
way back towards the capitol, he drops by the lodge in Yahagi, but it is after the princess
has aroused her mother's anger, has been thrown out of the lodge, and has died ofillness.
Ushiwaka goes to Joruri's grave, and he presents a song about cosmic merit to her. At
this point, he can hear a response song coming from the grave, the tomb shakes, and the
five rings crumble into three. Ushiwaka builds a temple on top ofher grave and calls it
Reisenji ~*~. He then takes her mother, wraps her up in a reed mat and throws her
into the Yahagi river. Thereupon, he again heads out to subdue the Heike...
This is the plot of"The Tale ofPrincess Jorori." As the name "The 12 Stages of
Jorori" (J6ruri nijfi dan~Q=+~) implies, since it is connected with these popular
287
events, a few different versions of the script are known, but according to the comparative
studies of them by Mr. Wakatsuki Hoji and Mr. Watsuji Tetsuro, the period in which the
words of"The Tale ofPrincess Jorori" were written was from the Genna era to the
middle ofthe· Kan'ei era (ca. 1615-40).
The personality ofboth the first halfand the latter halfofthe story changes in
"The Tale ofPrincess Jorori" handscroll. The first half, from the developments from the
beginnings oftheit love affair at the Yahagi inn until they exchange promises, doesn't
have the kind ofmovement typical ofa handscroll. It is thought that the majority ofthe
content in the text (such as the enumeration ofwakas) and detailed descriptions (such as
the embroidery of their costumes) were extremely difficult to translate into the animated
forms ofa handscroll. In the second halfofthe scroll, which reverses this trend, the plot
ofthe story begins to progress at an extremely fast pace and becomes much more suitable
to the format ofa handscroll. However, the important part is the first half. According to
Mr. Watsuji'sexplanation, what made this story particularly popular as the script ofa
marionettejoruri performance is the mosaic ofbeautiful words that describe the plot
twists that occur at the Yahagi inn and the bewitching way in which the puppets sway.
These metors have an alluring, intoxicating effeet upon the viewers, and the recreation of
that effect in a handscroll is the challenge passed on to the painter. The painter of"The
Tale ofPrincess Joruri" seems to have solved the problem by means ofstartlingly minute
decorative effect and the thorough repetition of imagery.
Each scene ofPrincess Joruri inside her residence, the sliding doors, folding
screens, each piece offurniture, and the figures' costumes display such heavily applied
primary colors as gold, silver, green-blue, blue-violet, ochre, red, rouge, and orange and
are densely decorated with over ten different kinds ofpatterns. The details in the
patterning within the costumes is alarming. For example, all the words from the script of
"the Curiosity Stage" are written, and the material ofUshiwaka's costume is embroidered
with extreme details - the battle ofGenpei, Chinese and Japanese monkeys, a mandarin
duck, and a peacock are reproduced with microscopic precision. The detailed and
complicated style ofdecoration, in which gold, silver, and expensive pigments are used in
288
such large quantity that one cannot even see the paper is not limited to this scene; it is a
characteristic ·common to the entirety ofthe 12 volumes.
By means ofthis kind ofcareful, miniature work, the scene ofPrincess Joruri's
residence is like the one-cell-at-a-time method ofproduction for an animated film,
continuing from volume one to volume six while moving the characters just a bit from
frame to frame. Truly, a person who sees an image repeated twenty-five times will
certainly just fall into a stupor due to that frighteningly repetitive decorative spirit (plate
2). Mr. Hiromatsu Mamoru's description ofthishandscroll as "vulgarly gorgeous" (as
quoted in the art anthologyMo Hitotsu no Nihon Bi [Another Japanese Aesthetic]) was
quite fitting.
In the second halfofthe handscroll, the artist alters the mood, and we begin to see
more active change occurring. Particularly in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh volumes, this
kind ofintention obviously creates a curious effect. In the ninth volume, in the scene
where Ushiwaka's mmily treasure transforms into a large serpent, a child and a chicken,
firstly, a fisherman and his filmily, a tree twisted in the strong wind, and a net that curls
into an "S" shape, enter the scene in chaotic ways, and the appearance offonnidable
events are foreshadowed. Two spectral dragons suddenly appear. One has a black trunk,
and the other has a white trunk, and both have red bellies and are full of reptilian
gaudiness. In the scene from the tenth volume in which Princess J6ruri worries about the
lightning, within a device on the same stage, appears Raijin W*" the Thunder God, who
has grown golden bristles on his body and reminds viewers ofan arthropod (like a
centipede) (nIustration 3). In the eleventh volume, the enonnous chicken tengu (goblin)
who sends Joruri back home is also depicted in a strange way.
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Illustration 3. Appearance ofthe Thunder God. From "The Tale ofPrincess Joruri,"
Volume 10. Collection ofAtami Museum of Art.
Also in the final "Stage ofthe Crumbling Five Rings," a shocking scene suddenly
appears. It is the one in which Ushiwaka gets revenge on Joruri's mother, who tortures
her and allows her to die, by wrapping the mother in a mat and cruelly drowning her.
The scene is not in other versions ofthe story, and it may have been added only to this
handscroll.
If we look at the particular contents of this "Tale ofPrincess Jorur~ "we can
probably be satisfied with the reasoning behind why this handscroll is considered the
sister artwork of"Tokiwa in the Mountains" and the "The Tale ofHorie" fragments
owned by Mr. Murayama and Mr. Furumori. This relationship can be verified by the
particular way in which the characters are depicted. The consistent, visible, assertive
shapes in the appearance oftheir facial expressions, hands and feet, and bodies are
common throughout the artist's oeuvre.
Be that as it may, "The Tale ofPrincess Joruri" hanclscroll, in its thoroughly
decorative sense, surpasses Yamanaka and Horie. That fierce devotion to such a
decorative sense, in a way, feels like something that leads back even to the Heike Nokyo
handscroll. It is undeniable that, essentially, the production style develops similarities to
290
handicrafts, and the style ofexpression becomes "gentrified," and elements reminiscent
ofcollaborative workshop production increase.
At this time, I will touch upon one more work, the handscroll Oguri in the
collection ofthe ImperialHo~hold. It is composed ofatotal ofl5 volumes The length
ofeach volume from the first through the fourth is roughly the same as I have previously
men.tioned, but from the fifth onwards, the length ofeach volume doubles in length, and
the total length reaches an extraordinary amount of325 meters. As opposed to each of
the handscrolls introduced thus far, which have used the scripts of"oldjdron'" plays as
their text, Oguri uses the lecture "Oguri Hankan" (the semiofficial Oguri) as the text,. and
as a result, the flavor ofthe work is more or less different, but the painting style itself is
obviously that ofthe same artist. Nevertheless, in comparison to all the works discussed
up until now, the painting technique is inferior, and the enormous amount ofspace ofthe
combined volumes seems to be too much to deal with. It seems like the work ofan artist
who is at least one generation behind his time. Yet, close up depictions such as the scene
in which the Dragon King appears at Lake Mizoroga, and the scene in which Oguri
Hankan rides and manages to control the demonic steed, and the scene ofthe court of
Emma (Buddhist hell) have a shocking effect that harkens back to the second halfof
"The Tale ofPrincess Joruri. "
The discovery of"Tokiwa in the Mountains" by Mr. Hasegawa had immeasurable
benefits, leading to the revelation ofthe existence ofa unique group ofenormous "sister"
handscrolls, one after another. Since, with the exception of"Oguri," all ofthem use the
scripts of"old Jfuuri" plays as their texts, I have labeled these handscrolls, including
"Tokiwa in the Mountains," as the "Old Jdruri Handscroll Set." More than ten years ago,
when I was a graduate student, I was blasted by Professor Yamane Arimitsu, and
fortunately I was blessed to work for the first time alongside all the esteemed owners of
the Itami Museum ofArt, where the inspection and photographing oralI the volumes in
their enormous handscroll set was undertaken. For this reason, so many photographs that
291
I became sick ofthem, and as a result ofmy innumerable comparisons between various
works, I produced the following hypothesis.
All ofthe works associated with the "OldJorun Handscroll Set" were produced
at one workshop - I nicknamed it "The Yamanaka Workshop" - during a time period
from the Genna era (1615 -1624) through the Kan'ei era (1624-1644). This workshop
was led by one artist (Artist X) who possessed a unique sense, and within this set of
enormous handscrolls, the artist himselfpainted by hand "Tokiwa in the Mountains" and
"The Tale ofHorie" (the four fragments in the collection ofMr. Murayama and Mr.
Fummori). "The Tale ofPrincess Jorori" should be called a particularly painstaking,
gorgeous work centered around a professional painter (Artist Xl) who was acquainted
with Artist X's style, but the period ofproduction was perhaps slightly later than the
former two works. There is a high probability that "The Tale ofHorie" (the 12 volumes)
was also produced by Artist Xl. Oguri was the work ofother artists ofslightly inferior
skill, and th~ period ofproduction was also the latest.
As I see it, up until now, there has been no need to change this conclusion. (The
only alteration I would make to this hypothesis is that the production period ofthe four
fragments of"The Tale ofHorie" was slightly earlier than I originally stated; I have come
to think that it is possible to move the date ofproduction to around the end of the Keicho
era [1596 - 1615]). Here, I intend to focus upon the existence ofthe mysterious "Artist
X," who should also be called the leader of"The Yamanaka Workshop" and the father of
the unconventional "Old Jorun Handscroll Set." Who is he, and as we might expect,
could he be the artist traditionally called Iwasa Matabei? Here I have reached the point
of introducing to you readers the character lwasa Matabei, also called "Ukiyo Matabei."
It is well known that the spirit ofworldly affirmation prevalent in the beginning of
the modem era blew a breath offresh air into the field ofgenre painting and produced
many famous works ofNikuhitsu Fiizoku-ga (Ukiyo-e Genre Painting). In particular, the
period from the Genna era through the Kan'ei era (1615-44) was the period ofmaturation
for early modem genre painting (kinsei shoki fllzoku-ga), and simultaneously this
corresponds to a period ofnew development, in response to an expanded market,
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medium- and small-sized folding screens were mass-produced as "ready-mades" - so­
called shikomi-e ("slide-in pictures"). Also genre paintings ofbeauties, pictures that
show the conditions ofprostitutes and brothels, became popular around this time, and we
should call these works the direct models for ukiyo-e prints.
Incidentally, most ofthe genre paintings made in the Genna and Kan'ei eras
lacked the artist's seal and signature. Be they works by amateur painters who rebelled
against the world ofthe great family ofthe Kan6 school, or be they works by the
professional work ofnameless machi eshi (town artists), they were all anonymous.
However, among them, there are truly many works that are said to be by lwasa Matabei
~~X~. (Matabei X1Jl). For example, the Hikone Screen, a masterpiece
representative ofthe genre painting ofthe time, is one such work. On one hand, in the
writings ofHanabusa Icch6 (1652-1724), an artist oftaste from the Genroku era, the
following passage can be found: "Nowadays, lwasa what's-his-name, born in Echizen
district, is able to paint 'dancing girls' in contemporary, fashionable attire from him
imagination. People in the world nicknamed him 'Ukiyo Matabei' ... " Later, the book
Ukiyo-e RuikO (Various Thoughts on Ukiyo-e) (written by Ota Nanpo and Shuku Sanjin,·
ca. 1790) reasoned that Matabei is the one who founded the genre ofUkiyo-e. However,
among historians who specialize in the end ofthe Edo period and the beginning ofthe
Meiji period, it seems like, in actuality, they didn't have the slightest idea about whether
this traditional figure really existed or not. There were no objects that he was known to
have once possessed, and his biography was known to only a fragmentary extent. In
addition, "Stammering Matabei," created through imaginative embellishment of the
contemporary legend ofIwasa Matabei by Chikamatsu Monzaemon in his play Keisei
HangonkO (1708), inevitably merged with the image ofthe actual Matabei. The
historical Matabeibecame a mystery ofthe distant past, and it seems there were people
who doubted the veracity ofhis legend.
Nevertheless, in the 19th year ofMeiji (1886), Kawashiro T6sho, the chiefpriest
ofa Shinto shrine discovered the painting Portraits ofthe 36 Waka Poets, on the back of
which was written, "Completed on June 7, Kan'ei 17 (1640) by artist Tosa Mitsunobu
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MatsuryU lwasa Matabei Katsumochi." Since Matabei's standard work! had been found,
this became an opportunity, and after this, works with the seal ofKatsumochi were
identified one after another, and from the mmily identified as Matabei's descendants,
biographical materials and writings by the artist were discovered. At this point, one
aspect of the identity ofthe artist Matabei became clear: the outline ofhis varied life,
though vague, rose to the sur.f3.ce.
lwasa Matabei was born in the sixth year ofthe Taisei era (1578) as the son ofthe
mistress ofAraki Murashige, the confident retainer ofLord Ota Nobunaga in ltami City,
Settsu Province. However, in October ofthat year, his father Murashige plotted a revolt
against his lord Nobunaga. Thefollowing year, after a hard battle, Nobunaga reclaimed
ltami Castle, but before that, Murashige had fled. The angered Nobunagaordered the
execution ofeveryone who remained in the castle, and he brought Murashige's wife and
their more than thirty children out to the riverside along sixth avenue in the capitol and
beheaded all ofthem, even the infants. The atrocious scene at this time is written in
detail in Nobunaga Koki (Public Accounts ofNobunaga). It is believed that Matabei's
mother also died this violent death, but Matabeiwas rescued by his nursemaid and grew
up amidst the religious community ofHonganji temple in Kyoto. After becoming an
adult, it is said that he served under Nobunaga's son Nobuo, not as a soldier, but as
something like a personal assistant (otogishu) or secretary (sekihitsu). He discarded the
family name of Araki and took up his mother's maiden name ofIwasa, and he took the
personal name ofKatsumochi. He resigned himselfto the samurai lifestyle. He attended
poetry and music gatherings held at the residence ofNijo Akizane (1556-1619), a
kanpaku (chiefadvisor to the emperor). With his blessed artistic talent, he was able to
save himselfthroughout the twists and turns in his life as the surviving child of
Murashige.
I An artwork that could function as a criterion for determining the authenticity of other works attributed to
the same artist.
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In the summer ofKeicho 20 (1615), by means ofa camp in Osaka, the luck of
Toyotomi's forces ran out, and a new era - the Genna era - was ushered in. That year,
Matabei was 38 years old. Perhaps it was because he was too well known where he lived,
but before long, he left the capital and proceeded to Kitanosho in Echizen district. At that
time, the lord ofKitanosho castle was Matsudaira Tadanao (1595-1650), known from the
book Tadanao Kyagy6 J6ki written by Kiku Chikan (1888-1948). Matsudaira was the
grandchild ofTokugawa Ieyasu, and because ofhis violent misconduct, in the ninth year
of the Genna era, by order ofthe military government, he was exiled to Bungo province.
Later, I would like to discuss the deeply interesting meeting between Matabei and this
truly exceptional "big name ofKabuki." After the banishment ofTadanao, rule ofthe
Kitanosho area was continued by his nephew Tadamasa, who changed the name ofthe
town to Fukui. Matabei stayed in this area for a long time, and ultimately, for twenty
years, until the 13th year ofthe Kan'ei era (1636), he lived in the Echizen area.
There seems to be almost no records regarding Matabei's Fukui period, except for
an unusual document. A letter written by Matabei -a petition that had been retained has
recently been found at Ho'unji temple, located on the western side ofFukui city in a
fishing village facing the Sea ofJapan. An appeal was sent to Senshiiji temple in
Isshinden, Ise Province, complaining that it was unjust that Hatanaka Senshiiji, the
temple that previously stood on the grounds ofHo'unji temple, was being called the
headquarters ofthe Takeda denomination ofBuddhism, and this document, as a reply to
that appeal, was submitted to Lord Matsudaira Tadamasa in the tenth year ofthe Kan'ei
era (1633). It is believed that this was the product ofMatabei's experience as Nobuo's
secretary and a taste ofhis life experiences around that time, but it seems that his main
business was, as one might expect, painting. He developed his individual, unique
painting style in the climate and environment ofFukui, and his fame spread throughout
the area. In the fourteenth year of the Kan'ei era (1637), he received an order from the
descendants ofthe shogun, and so leaving his wife and child in Fukui, he departed,
heading to Edo by way ofKyoto. A travel log from this journey, signed and written in
his own hand, Kaikokud6 no ki (Record ofa Cross-country Journey), has been found.
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There is nothing particularly unusual about either the style or contents, but it is
impossible to overlook the depressed, pessimistic feelings that he had at this time at the
age ofsixty. For example, upon seeing the roadside attractions such as marionette shows,
rare animal exhibits, "strong woman" performances, and kabuki performances along the
riverbank offourth avenue, he writes:
There is nothing so sadas one who earns afew coins through
backbreaking laborand crosses the world to experience pleasure. He
becomes less and less able to deeply appreciate beauty.
However, when he reached Edo, he received a great deal ofwork. In particular,
from Kan'ei 15 (1638) through Kan'ei 17 (1640), he was extremely busy with both the
production offumiture for the palace ofKawagoe Tosh6 for the occasion ofthe daughter
of shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu marrying into the Owari family as well as with the
production of the Portraits ofthe Waka Poets. In Edo, where there was a shortage of
authentic artists at the time, his skills must have been very highly prized. He remained in
Edo, and in the'3rd year ofKei'an (1650), he died in Edo at the age of73.
One ofhis letters that is thought to have been sent to an unknown address while
he was living in Edo, has been located, and in this, various things are written: he
apologizes for bothering his associate, a contact by the name of"Yagoemon," with his
financial carelessness; he worries about the "cause" - his ill health; a folding screen that
had been ordered earlier was delivered later than promised, and this put him in a terribly
bad mood; and next time, he would be sure to deliver his work on time. It seems that his
troubles never ended.
A painting that is said to be a self-portrait that Matabei sent from Edo to his wife
and child in Fukui prefecture has been passed down (Dlustration 4). It is the portrait ofa
rather undistinguished old man with gray hair, a thin beard, and a head that's shaped like
a hammer. Due to the fact that the painting style does not exhibit the qualities of
Matabei's style, and to the mctthat he is holding rosary beads in his hand, I believe that
this is not a self-portrait but a posthumous portrait by an artist who knew him well.
296
Perhaps the mcial expression ofthis lifeless, somewhat melancholy old man capture to a
surprising extent the features ofMatabei at the end ofhis life.
We know ofas many as fifteen standard works, including folding screens,
hanging scrolls, and albums, that have Matabei's seals, such as "Katsumochi" and
"Aotomiyazu." Their themes range from purely Yamato-e style themes like the Waka
Poets to purely Chinese images like the Cultivation Picture (K&aku-zu). As seen in the
Kanedani Folding Screen2 and the Ikeda Folding Screen,3 his repertoire focused on so­
called wamn Ieo}ijinbutsu-zu (figure paintings of Chinese and Japanese legendary
figures). Chinese legendary characters such as Laozi or Qshakun as well as the
protagonists ofJapanese classics such as the Tale ofIse and the Tale ofGenji appear side
by side in his illustrative folding screens and handscrolls. Also, regarding his style,
various elements, including Muromachi ink paintings, Kana school paintings, works from
the Kaiho school, the Hasegawa school, the Unkoku school, and the Tosa school are
combined in a way that is more muddled than it is hannonious. This element of
crossbreeding so many Chinese and Japanese movements is a dominant characteristic of
his work. However, what we cannot overlook here is that in all ofthese styles is an
individual, assertive sense that cannot be categorized. This is a quality that runs deeply
through all the works. I'd like to focus upon the three particular elements ofhis standard
works.
The first ofthese is his eccentric, expressive personality. The tiger in "Tiger
Painting" (fonnerly the Kanedani Folding Screen) he creates some kind of reptilian, eerie
atmosphere that sticks to the bamboo
2 Originally paintings on paper mountedon a pair ofsix-panelfolding screens held by the Kanedanifamily
ofFukui City (one painting was attached to eachpanelofthe screens). Presently, it has been dismounted
from the screens and has become a set oftwelve hanging scrolls. These scrolls have been divided up into
various col/ections including that ofthe Tokyo National Museum. They are believed to have been produced
dUring Matabei 's Fukui period.
3 Originallypaintings on paper mounted on one eight-panelfolding screen held by the Ikeda family,
leaders ofthe Okayama Clan. Also known as the Sonshitsu Screen. Presently, this has also been separated
into eight hanging scrolls.
Illustration 4. "Self-portrait ofMatabei."
Collection ofAtami Museum of Art.
297
trunks like slime. In a powerful
example ofhis late work, The
Cultivation Screen (in the collection
ofMr. Uji'ie, Illustration 5), the
growing trees shake ever so slightly
back and forth, seeming unstable and
fractured, and a disturbing expression,
like some sort of living creature,
seems to be hidden among them.
In his pictures exists "a kind of
indescribable remoteness" and "a dull
horror." These are qualities that Mr.
Tanaka Kisaku indicated, thereby
partially provoking a debate about
Matabei that I will later discuss. They
are appropriate descriptions, I believe.
Illustration 5. "The Cultivation Screen," detail. Collection ofMr. Uji'ie.
Illustration 6. "Hitomaro Eigu."
Collection ofAtami Museum of Art.
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lllustration 7. "Laozi Crossing the River," detail.
Collection ofTokyo National Museum.
The second element is that, while dealing with classical, traditional themes, he
seems to replace the subject matter with vulgar, contemporary topics. This is an element
that ought to be described as that ofso-called korobi-ai-e ("fooling around" pictures).
The diptych "Hitomaro Eigu and Ki no Tsurayuki" (Illustration 6) includes a simplified,
black-ink portrait ofthe distinguished poet Hitomaro with a facial expression as ifhe's
299
pretending not to notice a woman's bare legs, epitomizes this characteristic. Also, the
Chinese immortal in "Laozi Crossing the River" (fonnerly "the Kanedani Folding
Screen," Dlustration 7) is depicted as an odd eccentric, and the "Image ofa Dragon," with
his nose hairs growing long and his comical look, seem to have similar function. In "the
Genji Monogatari Picture" (fonnerly "the Kanedani Folding Screen"), a scene in which
Genji holds a court lady in his arms on a dimly moonlit night and carries her to the
bedroom. I have never before seen this kind ofblatant depiction. These images take
classical imagery and pull it downto the status ofcontemporary genre painting.
The third element is the eccentric characteristic that runs throughout his depiction
of figures. The noblemen and noblewomen who appear in his pictures all have swollen
cheeks and long chins. The so-called hogy6 choi ("swollen cheeks and long chins")
are indicated. However, he exaggerated not only upon parts ofthe figure's face, but also
their arms, legs, general body shape, and clothing - all the various parts ofa figure's
expression - and this gives Matabei's figures an extremely eye-catching presence. In
"The Strong Priest HonjobO" (Honjobo Shinriku-zu), let us take as an example the shape
ofHonjobo's legs, with his legsfinnly planted as he makes a tremendous effort to pick
up a giant boulder (lllustration 8). The toes ofhis right foot are bizarre things that are
bent like the legs ofa crab, and with his left leg, the calf is blown up, taking on the shape
ofa spindle, and the toes are extremely warped, making me think of the "gourd legs"
often painted by artists ofthe Torii school. It's an extremely eccentric shape, and this is
very similar to what we fmd in other works by Matabei.
Ofcourse, we cannot entirely connect the characteristics ofthis kind offigurative
expression to Matabei's creativity. In handscrolls from the Kamakura and Muromachi
periods, we find what we could call the origin ofthese forms. However, we must not
overlook the fact that his particular conception ofthese forms derived from classical
origins changes them into an entirely different, individualized system ofexpression.
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Illustration 8. "The Strong Priest Honj6b6," detail. Collection ofTokyo National
Museum.
In these ways, the standard artworks ofMatabei are extremely rich in
unique qualities, but even ifthey are contemporary parodies ofclassical imagery, they
are not genre paintings ofbeauties that copy, as Hanabusa Icch6 put it, '" dancing girls' in
contemporary, fashionable attire." However, Icch6 said that people called the artist
"Ukiyo Matabei" for painting those kinds ofpictures. Even in the book Iwasa Kafu (The
Genealogy ofthe Iwasa Family), written around the same time, one finds the passage:
He copiedjigures in a new way, with aspects that his predecessors had
neverpainted, and in his departure from the social norm, he forms a
family ofhis own. People call him Ukiyo Matabei.
301
Could this really be true? Since no genre paintings ofbeauties that are definitely
attributed to Matabei have ever been found, it's natural that room for doubt concerning
this point remains. The discovery of"Tokiwa in the Mountains" by Mr. Hasegawa
Minokichi, who I mentioned before and that enormous exhibition sets an immeasurably
intense fire to this problem.
The truly fateful encounter with "Tokiwa in the Mountains" is due entirely to the
frantic efforts ofthe inspired Mr. Hasegawa. His devotion at that time to the handscroll
did not stop with the enormous exhibitions in Kyoto and Tokyo; he watched over it even
to the extent ofdistributing reproductions ofthe entire, enormous scroll.
Haruyama Takematsu (1885-1962), an art historian removed from the political
sphere and a friend ofMr. Hasegawa, wrote an article printed in the Osaka Asahi Shinbun
newspaper saying that he is confident that "Tokiwa in the Mountains" is a large work
from Matabei's middle period. It is needless to say that Mr. Hasegawa agreed with this
opinion. However, to pour cold water over their convictions, Fujikake Shizuya (1881­
1958), seen as an authority on ukiyo-e, submitted an article entitled ""Hikone Screen' and
'Tokiwa in the Mountains' Are Not Works by Matabei" in the Kokumin Shinbun
newspaper. In addition, Mr. Sasagawa Rinpu (1870-1949) presented a negative opinion
in the magazine Nation ofBeauty (Bi no Kuni). In response to this, Mr. Haroyama
presented a long dissertation entitled Matabei Romo no Kachu e (Into the Tornado ofthe
Matabei Debate), in which, by means ofa detailed comparative analysis with every idea
from color, figures, a bibliography, and style, he took the position that "Tokiwa in the
Mountains, " "The Tale ofHorie" (the fragments in the collection ofMr. Murayama and
Mr. Furumori), and "The Tale ofPrincess Jorori" were all by "Ukiyo Matabei."
This kind ofaffirmative judgment merely escalated the number ofnegative
judgments. In Mr. Fujikake's lifework, Ukiyo-e Research (Ukiyo-e no kenkyU)
(published in Showa 18 / 1946), he took the trouble ofincluding a chapter, entitled
"Regarding the Explanation ofIwasa Matabei as the Founder ofUkiyo-e," on the subject,
and in this, he says that in ''Tokiwa in the Mountains" and "The Tale ofPrincess Jorori,"
302
"the brushwork is extremely radical," and he regards it as a work painted by a town
painter who had adopted Matabei's style. Matabei did not paint the genre pictures so
popular at the time, he states, and accordingly, he concludes that it is a mistake that
Matabei was the founder ofukiyo-e. Beforehand, Mr. Tanaka Kisaku, a central authority
in the academic community, also expressed doubts about the authenticity of"Ukiyo
Matabei." He claimed that there was a remarkable difference between "Tokiwa in the
Mountains" and the works ofMatabei based on the rhythm of lines, the balance ofcolors,
the presence ofelegance. He contradicted Mr. Haruyama, presenting the opinion that this
was the work ofMatabei's descendant. As one might expect, these arguments by Mr.
Fujikake and Mr. Tanaka had a much stronger influence than the explanation ofMr.
Haruyama, who is unaffiliated with the government. For example, the article on "Iwasa
Matabei" in the World Encyclopedia (Sekkai Daihyakkajiten) published by Heibonsha
states, "Traditionally believed to be the founder of the genre ofukiyo-e, but now that
lineage has been completely denied.... Not a single genre painting in the ukiyo-e style
was produced by him." The outcome ofthe debate was obvious.
However, is there that much evidence to support these negative arguments? Now
that most ofthese participants in the debate have passed away. the fact is that doubt about
the conclusion ofthis debate has been intensifying among scholars.
I have previously indicated that the artworks that I have labeled collectively as the
"Old Jorun Handscroll Set" have a tendency to express figures in an extremely peculiar
way. Mr. Haruyama demonstrated with very detailed data the indisputable fact that those
exact same peculiar characteristics are found in the standard works ofMatabei. Those
scholars who defended the counter argument could not help but accept this point, yet
while the supporters ofthe affinnative argument all agreed with this theory, those who
defended the counter argument interpreted the artwork as products ofthe later school of
Matabei or as some town painter's rendition in Matabei's style. Ultimately, at the root of
the counter argument was the premise that such a "radical" and heretical work as
"Tokiwa in the Mountains" was impossible to handle.
303
Compared to Matabei's standard works, are the works in the "OldJ6ruri
Handscroll Set" so remarkably different? Certainly, perhaps that kind ofdesignation is
correct for works such as Oguri. However, can we also say that about "Tokiwa in the
Mountains" and the Murayama IFurumori versions of "The Tale ofHorie, " supposedly
painted by Artist X, the leader of"the Yamanaka workshop"? Even in the masterpiece
Court Ladies Looking at Chrysanthemums (Kanj6 Kangiku-zu) from the former Kanedani
folding screen (plate 8), in which court ladies gently lift the reed blinds oftheir Imperial
carriage and appreciate the chrysanthemums, is painted in the yamato-e style with
delicate, white lines. Let us now compare this painting to a section ofthe scene in the
fourth volume of"Tokiwa in the Mountains" where Tokiwa and her attendant are
stripped oftheir clothes (plate 3). Perhaps the scholars subscribing to the counter
argument would at this point emphasize the difference in "the rhythm oflines" and "the
presence ofelegance." However, can one look at the form ofthe women's heads and
faces, as we!1 as the rhythm ofthe lines that describe the women's fingertips, hair, and
chins, and say that these were painted by the brush ofa totally different artist? This is not
my only evidence. We must not overlook the fact that, in the faces of the court ladies
who are appreciating the chrysanthemums, any kind of lewd expression is hidden. Had
the figures been painted in a more vulgar light, the women would have flung aside their
classical presence and more blatantly and unreservedly displayed their figures. Aren't
hints of lewdness obviously absent from the images ofTokiwa and her attendant as well?
Also, in Matabei's standard works, the kind ofeerie atmosphere that Mr. Tanaka
Kisaku called "a dull horror" often exists deep within the pictures. This is connected to
the monomaniac expression found in all the works of"the Yamanaka workshop."
Elements such as the seriously sinister atmosphere that radiates from the scene in
"Tokiwa in the Mountains" in which Tokiwa is murdered, or the interest in gaudy
atrocities shown in the scene where Ushiwaka disposes ofthe thieves' corpses, or the
unusual bloodiness in the battle scene of"The Tale ofHorie" can be thought of the slime
ofdark pathos restrained within Matabei's standard works finding opportunities for
304
expression and exposing itselfwithout reservation. The strange coexistence ofvulgarity
and humor, sort oflike a dirty joke, is also found in the standard works.
Based on these reasons, I presume that, while Iwasa Matabei painted the official
"standard works," he also presided over the "Yamanaka workshop," run by several
professional painters, in which oldjoruri scripts were used as texts in the production of
enormous handscrolls. The headquarters ofthis colorful, underground workshop - now
we ought to call it "the Matabei workshop" - was probably originally in Kyoto, but
during Matabei's residence in Fukui. as one might expect, it was thought to have been in
Fukui. One piece ofevidence lies in the history ofthe Matsudaira family. After
Matsudaira Tadanao's banishment, his true child Mitsunaga took territory from the
Takeda family. and the Matsudaira family became the head of theTsuyama Clan. Within
that mmily, both "Tokiwa in the Mountains" and "The Tale ofPrincess Joruri" were
passed along from one generation to the next.
It seems that this "Matabei workshop" produced not only handscrolls but many
genre paintings that were popular at the time. One piece ofevidence supporting this
claim is "the Hokoku Saireizu Byobu" ("Folding Screen ofthe Festival at Hokoku
Shrine"). originally owned by the Hachisuga family. and currently in the collection ofthe
Tokugawa Renmeikai (plate 7). It depicts an extremely thriving festival held in the 9th
year of the Keicho era (1604) in commemoration ofthe seventh anniversary of
(Toyotomi) Hideyoshi's death. Aseparate work with the same composition, "Hokoku
Reizu Byobu" ("Folding Screen ofthe Festival at Hokoku Shrine"). painted by Kano
Naizen (1570-1616). depicts Hokoku Shrine. but the moods ofthe two works are quite
different. That is to say. while the latter work was painted with the serious intent of
faithfully recording for the sake ofposterity the elaborate rituals ofthe festival. it is
believed that the former work is not so worried about doing that.
Let us look at the line ofpeople in front ofthe tomb (otamaya) as depicted in the
right screen. In comparison to this neatly ordered line at the outer gate in Naizen's
painting, in the Renmeikan painting. since the main gate from which people are supposed
to enter is not painted. it is unclear why people are shown in this work to be standing in a
305
line. A horse is crying out as if it had gone crazy, and the people, on the verge offalling
into a panic, are terribly confused and disordered. In the upper left comer, a few kabuki
players are shown in the middle ofa gaudy quarrel and scuffle. In the left screen, the
condition ofthe street in front ofthe Daibutsuden, while Naizen painted it as quite
bustling as well, in the Renmeikan painting, we can only call the scene insanely wild. A
roadside spectacle shaded with reed blinds, in which a young performer holds a woman
in his arms, is casually painted, and the artist's bitter eyes focus relentlessly upon the
behavior of innumerable untouchable beggars who have gathered at the interior ofthe
Daibutsuden (Dlustration 9). Here, the "magnificent festival" that the artist was supposed
to commemorate is transfonned into a disorderly, sordid, farcical performance.
Among early genre paintings, this is one ofthe works that display an extremely unique
pictorial space. Innumerable characters - several thousands - are painted in gaudy
primary colors, and everything, including the costumes ofthe figures, is covered in gold
and silver decorations, burying the entire folding screen. In the strangely flat pictorial
space, they violently bump up against each other, and they mix together in a diagonal
pattern, creating a whirlwind ora convection. A shocking excess ofdecoration, as seen
in the first halfof"The Tale ofPrincess Joruri," is here accompanied by passionate
movement.
Incidentally, the extremely obstinate way in which figures in this folding screen
are depicted is certainly the "Matabei style." In particular, in several kinds offacial
appearances ofcharacters in "The Tale ofPrincess Joruri" perfectly match with those of
the characters in the Renmeikai screen, as ifthe faces in both were painted using the
same pattern. It may be wrong to profess that both works were made by the same artist,
but at the very least, they are undoubtedly works produced in the same workshop. The
Matabei workshop left behind unique, fashionable genre paintings like this one.
Mr. Fujikake and Mr. Tanaka never explored important documents that discuss
Matabei's adoption of the nickname "Ukiyo Matabei." Only twenty-five years after
Matabei's death, in the third year ofthe EnpO era (1675), Kurokawa Doyu (1622?-1691),
an erudite Confucianist, wrote the following article in the newspaper Enbeki Kenki:
306
Kano Misuke was an apprentice ofthe professionalpainter Sanraku from
the time period ofHideyoshi 's rule, and he ended up becoming a painter
himse/j Also, in addition to Ukiyo Matabei, there was a fellow named
Matagoto SaheL Ukiyo Matabei was the son ofMr. Araki. He lived in
Echizen. He visited Lord Tadanao. Then he lived in Edo and served
Fukutomi Ritsui. I remember this well...
Illustration 9. "Folding Screen ofthe Festival at
Hakoku Shrine:' detail. Collection ofTokugawa
Renmeikai.
Even when looking in books
and articles published at that
time, to ascertain the existence of
the person Kana Misuke and the
painter named Gota Sahei that
appear here, the memory ofthe
elder Fukutomi Ritsui seems
trustworthy, and ifyou intetpret
it directly that Matabei was called
Ukiyo Matabei during his
lifetime, an unquestionable piece
ofevidence arises. His workshop
not only made "the oldjoruri
handscroll set" and Hakoku
Saizu Byabu, but also in the field
ofgenre paintings ofbeauties and
perhaps in that ofhigiga (erotic
works) as well, he certainly
produced stylish, novel works.
The era from the Genna through the Kan'ei period was the period ofnew
development for genre paintings, and here I would like to consider the reason why
Matabei was called "Ukiyo Matabei."
307
Matabei was certainly not the only artist to breathe fresh life into genre painting at
that time. For example, "Rakuchu Rakugai-zu Byobu" ("The Folding Screen ofScenes
in and around the Capitol") in the collection ofthe Tokyo National Museum illustrates
the active lifestyles ofthe residents ofKyoto at the end ofthe Keicho era (1596-1615),
and by means ofthe vigorous curiosity and satirical spirit it embodies, especially
represents the pleasurable aspects oflife in Kyoto. It possesses art historical meaning as
a forerunner in a new trend in genre painting, and moreover, from the fact that the figures
are represented in a peculiar way closely resembling the style ofMatabei, I'm tempted to
guess that it might be a work from Matabei's Kyoto period, but this frank portrayal
overflowing with the rustic chann ofthe painted figures is too disconnected from his
internal endowment Rather, rd like to think that this is an anonymous work who should
be regarded as a member of"the school ofMatabei." Even the famous work "the Hikone
Screen" that is reputed to be a work ofMatabei, when analyzing the painting style, it
seems to be a so-called uragei (private artwork) by a master ofthe Kano school at that
time; it is clearly not a work by Matabei.
Nevertheless, the innumerable, colorful artworks that were secretly produced by
the "Matabei workshop" in Fukui, whether they be handscrolls like "The Tale ofPrincess
Joruri," or whether they be fashionable genre paintings ofbeauties, because ofthe fresh,
disorienting vulgarity ofhis new, fashionable depiction of"figures... with aspects that
his predecessors had never painted," we viewers are undoubtedly given intense insight
into the "floating world." Because of this, it is thought that the fame and painting style of
nearby "Ukiyo Matabei" was re-imported, and in addition, he was called to Edo, which
lacked painters at that time. And the new trend in genre painting that Matabei promoted
even in Edo developed a reputation among samurai and chonin; this was the prelude to
the later birth of"Ukiyo-e" by Moronobu and others. This is the surprisingly suggestive
reasoning ofFujioka Sakutaro (in his book The History ofEarly Modem Painting [Kinsei
Kaiga-shi]). Thinking along these lines leads one to realize that the theory ofMatabei
being the founder ofthe genre ofukiyo-e is not entirely unfounded. At the very least, he
was unquestionably one ofseveral founders.
308
III the article from EnbekiKenki that I previously quoted, the author said that
Matabei "met with" Tadanao in Echizen.
Tadanao, as we all know, was Ieyasu's grandson, and while a famous figure in the
Shinpan (the clan ofTokugawa relatives) who governed the 680,000 /coku ofEchizen,
because ofthat flagrant "rebellion," in the ninth year ofthe Genna era, by order ofthe
military government, he was exiled to Hagiwara City in Bungo province (modem day
Dita prefecture). Using this unusual incident as material, Kikuchi Kan (1888-1948)
wrote a f8mous novel, Tadanao KyOjoki (The Behavior o/Lord Tadanao), and in it, he
explains that the riot was a rebellion against the inhuman treatment ofsubjects by the
lords. This is, n~edless to say, no more than one literary interpretation, and it is believed
that more complex political fu.ctors were involved in sparking the incident.
Tadanao's father, Yuki Hideyasu (1574-1607), as Hidetada's older brother, was
essentially supposed to become the second generation shogun after Ieyasu, but when he
was an infant, he was sent by Ieyasu to Hideyoshi, who adopted him, and the adoption
was more like a kidnapping. III this way, he had an unfortunate childhood, and he was
walled up inside the castle at Ichizen. As the Ichizen family was "a royal family outside
the range ofthe law," these circumstances attracted attention from the military
government. Hideyasu's behavior towards Tadanao was overlooked. It is said that, as
his brother-in-law, Hideyori took a sympathetic position, but it seems that Tadanao's
behavior deeply bothered the shogunate.
Tadanao, who had been abused by Hideyasu, fought with Toyotomi and others,
but being a youth, his behavior was understandable. Meanwhile, he also had ambitions
of becoming a leader, and even though he proved his loyalty to the military government,
the shogunate's refusal to reward his loyalty was said to have been extremely unfair.
Later, he claimed to be sick, and laid about while visitors came to see him, constantly
displaying a rebellious attitude towards the shogunate. He fell in love with a beautiful
woman by the name of Ikokujo, and for no good reason, committed misconduct such as
murdering vassals and common people. Because he was flagrantly revolting against the
309
government, the shogunate, the members ofwhich couldn't bear to watch his behavior,
decided to exile him. The legends regarding his misconduct, which included tearing open
the belly ofan expectant mother, may have been generally fashioned by the Chinese
government, or perhaps they should merely be the subject ofethnologists specializing in
folklore. On the other hand, from the second year ofthe Genna era, he became involved
in the business he inherited from his father, the development ofa bird fields. Apparently,
he achieved good results and was beloved by settlers. Upon thinking about these facts, a
relatively strong interpretation ofthe reasons for his exile is that Tadanao was destined to
replace Hideyasu as shogun, yet his emotionally defiant attitude towards the military
government led to his exile, so that the shogunate-clan system could be strengthened.
However, when he was exiled, in a letter he left behind, he wrote:
Nothing more or less than hellawaits mein the nearfuture.
I look at this presentfrutt (o/my actions)
I sit, thinking deeplyabout the future.
Seeing these words, as if he were preparing himselfto fall into hell in the world
beyond, I cannot think that there is no factual basis to the stories that, to clear his heart of
his agonizing grief: he indulged in liquor and women, and occasionally, his temper even
reached the point ofbloody, devilish behavior.
I believe that "Tokiwa in the Mountains" was produced in the first halfof
Matabei's Fukui period - that is to say, it is a work from the time when he "met
Tadanao." (The MurayamaIFurumori versions of"The Tale ofHorie" are stylized, and
were painted before "Tokiwa in the Mountains." It is presumed that they were painted
between the end of the Keicho era and the beginning ofthe Genna era. There is a
possibility that these were also works he painted soon after arriving in Fukui, but we lack
essential details, I would like to abstain from guessing beyond this point.) If this is so,
then this artwork, overflowing with a radical, bloody interest in atrocity, the secret of
Matabei's bloody birth, and Tadanao'sself-abandoning behavior strangely overlapped
amidst the soCial conditions ofthe Genna Peace (Genna enbu), formed a trinity of
voluptuous blood.
Perhaps Tadanao's praise ofMatabei's genius upon seeing "Tokiwa in the
Mountains" is one ofthe acts of"misconduet" that he attempted.
310
Chapter One
The Grief-Filled World & the Floating World:
Iwasa Matabei
Plates
,'I
1. "The Tale of Horie," The Revenge Attack. Collection ofMr. Furumori.
2. "The Tale of Princess Joruri," Scroll 4, Seeing the Figure ofthe Princess. Atami
Museum of Art.
311
312
3. "Tokiwa in the Mountains," Scroll 4, Tokiwa and her lady chamberlain, stripped of
their clothes. Itami Museum of Art.
,r~ii-,>;;j~~ ,:~~
4. "Tokiwa in the Mountains," Scroll 8, Ushiwaka lures the thieves. Itami Museum of
Art.
5. "Tokiwa in the Mountains," Scroll10,
Wrapping the bodies ofthe thieves in bamboo
mats. Itami Museum of Art.
6. "Dragon," detail, Tokyo National
Museum.
313
7. "Festival at Hokoku Shrine," left screen, detail, Tokugawa Renmeikai.
8. "Court Ladies Looking at Chrysanthemums," detail, Yamatane Museum of Art.
314
315
Chapter Two
Convulsions of the Enormous Momoyama Tree:
Kano Sansetsu
Upon looking at the works he left behind, one finds many paintings whose
style is extremely different from that ofhis father Sanraku and which
surprise ordinary people.
From Biographies ofJapanese Painters
(Fus6ga Jinden)
Here is a pair of strange portraits. Kane Sanraku and his child Sansetsu, painted
by Kimura Kesetsu, a painter at the end ofthe Edo era. It is said that the original sketch
ofSanraku was done by Sansetsu and that Sansetsu's portrait was originally drawn by his
son Eine, but these drawings no longer exist. (Illustration 10)
Illustration 10. Portraits ofKane Sansetsu (left) and Kane Sanraku (right). (Copied by
Kimura Kesetsu.)
316
I don't know anything about physiognomy, but to the extent that I can analyze
these portraits, I think that the rugged, sturdy face ofSanraku painted here hints at his
endurance, warmth and steadfastness. By contrast, in Sansetsu's narrow face there is a
look ofuncompromising cold-heartedness and arrogance. Behind this striking contrast in
the facial features of father and son lies the fact that Sansetsu was not Sanraku's natural
son but was rather adopted by him, yet nevertheless Sanraku seems to have adopted
someone whose personality does not really fit his own. What is interesting is that the
appearance ofeach man, so different from the othees, perfectly matches the
characteristics ofhis individual painting style.
Before talking about Sansetsu, I need to mention about his teacher Sanraku. Kano
Sanraku was, alongside Kano Eitoku, Hasegawa Tohaku and Kaiho YOsho, one ofthe
four big artists ofthe Momoyama era. It is said that his career as a painter began when
Hideyoshi, who he served as an attendant, noticed Sanraku's extraordinary painting
ability and ordered Kano Eitoku to take him on as an apprentice. In the 18th year ofthe
Tensho era (1590), when Eitoku passed away at the age of48, Sanraku was 32 years old.
Considering how, even as an apprentice, Sanraku was permitted to use the Kano family
name, one realizes how much he was trusted by Eitoku in the last years ofthe teacher's
life. In fact, among the painters in the Kana school after Eitoku's death, he was the only
one who could achieve that revolutionary design ofpartition paintings (shohe,,!-ga;
folding screen paintings and sliding-door paintings), particularly that extraordinary, life­
size depiction ofenormous trees, which seems to bring into an interior space the wild,
blooming energy ofnature in all its majesty. In addition, he was the one who assumed
the heavy responsibility as head ofthe family.
The death ofHideyoshi in the 3rd year ofthe Keicho era (1598) and the battle of
Sekigahara that followed led to a delicate transition in the political situation ofthe
country, and it became necessary for the Kano family to think about how to manage this
change. Eitoku's eldest son Mitsunobu immediately responded to the order of the
Tokugawa family and headed to Edo, and Takanobu, the second son, began to work for
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the Imperial court. Meanwhile, Sanraku, whose obligations to Hideyoshi were
particularly deep, stayed in Osaka to serve as a painterfor the Toyotomi family. The
Kano family, in other words, decided upon a multifaceted strategy, as if it didn'tmatter
into whose hands power fell. Ultimately, this plan was successful and the status ofthe
Kano family was preserved, but among the members·ofthe family, Sanraku was the one
whose choice doomed him to poverty.
In the 20th year of the Keicho era (1615), Lord Toyotomi perished amidst the
flames ofOsaka Castle. For a while, Sanraku hid himselfaway on Mount Otokoyama,
but through the intervention ofhis acquaintance, Shokado Sh6jo (1584-1639), he was
pardoned by the Tokugawa family and resumed his duty ofproducing paintings as a
member ofthe Kano school. However, Sanraku was not employed as a painter by the
military government ofEdo, as Takanobu's sons Tanyii and Naonobu were, and
thereafter, Sanraku's descendants remained in Kyoto, generation after generation,
resigned to being treated as a subsidiary branch ofthe Kano school. As opposed to the
Kano painters in Edo such as Tanyii and Naonobu, Sanraku's descendants are referred to
as the Kyoto Kano school.
In the 12th year ofthe Kan'ei Era (1635), Sanraku passed away at the age of 71.
I have already touched upon the way in which Sanraku's abilities were suitable
for perpetuating Eitoku's large-scale painting style. More than anything else, the
magnificent depiction of enormous trees found in "Pine Tree and Hawk" (Suiboku Sh6yO­
zu) (Illustration 11) at Seisbinden Hall ofDaikakuji Temple, a work that is assumed to
have been produced sometime from the Keicho era (1596 - 1615) through the Genna era
(1615 -1624), and "Red Prunus" (Kimbyaku K6baizu), located in the same hall, speak
eloquently in support ofthis view ofthe artist. After Eitoku's death, the entire painting
community, including the Kano school, gave up speaking in flattering terms about the
bizarre (lcaikai kiki) images that Eitoku produced during his late years and began to
pursue more carefully arranged, graceful, decorative forms.
318
This aesthetic change was partially in response to the policies that were put into
effect by the Tokugawa military government that turned to the establishment ofa new,
isolationist feudal order after the battle ofSekigahara.
Sanraku was the only one who did not participate in this trend. He preserved the
grandeur and vitality ofpaintings ofenormous trees, which were the origins ofhis
teacher and which we should truly call monuments to the spirit ofthe Momoyama era.
He was, ifyou will, the last remaining masters of the Momoyama era. However, when
the unusual painting style ofthe adopted Sansetsu caught his eye in his later years, he
surely must have felt that his own era was already coming to an end.
Illustration 11. Kana Sanraku, "Pine Tree and Hawk," detail. Collection of Seishinden
hall at Daikakuji temple.
319
Sansetsu led a conventional, unexceptional life in the shadow ofadoptive father
Sanraku's fame. Mr. Doi Tsugiyoshi, however, has recently arranged the standard works
ofSansetsu that bear his signature and seal. Using the particular, individualistic painting
style found in those works as clues, Mr. Doi visited locations around Kyoto such as
tenkyUin Temple and analyzed sliding doors and folding screens that have long been
attributed to Sanraku. Quite a large number ofthese works, Mr. Doi revealed, were
painted by Sansetsu. Mr. Doi's research has furthennore provided a large amount of
material about Sansetsu's biography.
Sansetsu was born in Hizen Province (modem-day Saga and Nagasaki
prefectures) in the 181h year ofthe Tensei Era (1590), the year that Kano Eitoku died. His
childhood name was Hikozo. For some reason, his father Senga DOgen left Hizen and
moved to Osaka. It is said that, from the time ofhis early childhood, Hikozo liked to
draw, and even ifhis father told him to stop, he wouldn't listen. In the 10th year ofthe
.KeichoEra (1605), when he was 16 years old, his father OOgen passed away. Because of
this, he was placed under the care ofhis uncle, a monk whose name we do not know, and
thereafter he became Sanraku'8 apprentice. It seems that his teacher gradually realized
his amazing aptitude as an artist. He soon married his teacher's eldest daughter Take,
received the name ofKano, and changed his personal name (no) to HeishirO. Later,
Heishiro was called Nuinosuke and maintained that name up until the time he took the
artist name (go) ofSansetsu. ~te in his life, as an artist ofthe Kano school, he adopted
the peculiar literati-style pen-names (gago) ofJasoku Ken, Togenshi and Sh6haku Sanjin.
It is thought that from the second halfofthe Genna era (1615 - 1624) through the
first year ofthe Kan'ei era (1624), a period during which Sanraku one again began to
participate in the art community, Sansetsu worked as his assistant and developed, little by
little, into a self-sufficient painter. Around the 6th year ofthe Kan'ei era (1629), Sansetsu
led the production ofone section ofthe three handscrolls for The History ojTaimaji
Temple (Taimaji Engi) (in the collection ofMr; Noshi), a project executed primarily by
Kano artists such as Tanyil. This is the earliest example ofhis work, and shortly
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thereafter~ in the 8th year ofthe Kan'ei era (1631), as I will discuss later, he helped the
aged Sanraku and played an important role in the production ofpartition paintings
(sMhe/dga) for Myoshinji Tenkyuin. In the 9th year ofKan'ei (1632)~ he produced 21
portrait scrolls ofmany saints and sages such as Fuxi (Japanese: Fukugi tRIO and
Confucius (Japanese: Koshi 1L-=f) for the Hayashi School (Hayashi-shi Gakumonjo)
founded by Mr. Veno Shinobugaoka.
Sanraku had one child late in his life. His name was Mitsunori. However,
Mitsunori, unlike his father, displayed mediocre art talent, and on top ofthat, he died at
the young age of21 while his father was still alive. Therefore, in the 12th year ofKan ~ei
(1635), when Sanraku passed away, Sansetsu became his successor. At that time,
Sansetsu was 46 years old. Two years later~ in the 14th year ofKan'ei (1637), Sansetsu
painted the large-scale work "Votive Picture ofa Roped Horse" (Keiba-zu Ema) at
Kiyomizudera Shrine. In addition, in the 4th year ofthe Shaho Era (1647), at the age of
58, through the intercession ofKujo Tadahide (1586-1665), Sansetsu repaired 2 ofthe 33
portraits ofBodhisattva Avalokitesvara which were painted by Mincho and passed on to
Tofukuji Temple, and in honor ofthis service, he received from the Imperial Court the
so-called honorary title ofpainters, hoklcyO. I
In August of the same year, that is to say, in the month when he was conferred the
title ofhokkyo~Sansetsu painted the majestic, powerful "Dragon in the Clouds" on the
ceiling of Sennyilji Shari-den Temple. Four years later, on the 12th day ofthe 3rd month
in the 4th year ofthe Keian era (1651), his life came to an end at the age of62.
Notable within Sansetsu's social sphere was a group ofConfucianists led by
Fujiwara Seika (1561-1619) and including Fujiwara's pupils Hayashi Razan (1587­
1657), Hori Ky6an (1585 -1642) and Naba Kassho (1595 -1648). It seems that
Sansetsu himselfpossessed by nature a scholarly side to his personality. He detested
having to deal with the common world; he was the type ofperson who would shut
himselfaway in his house and think only about painting. He was well-versed in the
Chinese classics, loved to read biographies ofChinese painters, and he was extremely
I Translator's note: literally, "Bridge ofthe Law."
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knowledgeable about the field ofChinese painting. He was also familiar with historical
facts about China.
When a painter depicted historicaland legendary Chinese figures, he would often
indicate the artist's mistakes in detail and correct the appearance. He was skilled at
appraising old paintings and copies ofpaintings from the Song, Yuan and Ming dynasties,
and he was also very knowledgeable about the biographies ofJapanese painters. His son
Ein6 later published History ofJapanese Art (Honcho Gashi), Japan's first collection of
biographies about painters~ and according the afterword written by Eino~ it is an edited
work based upon the biographies ofmore than 100 painters ofJapan as they appeared in
the manuscript that Sansetsu left when he died.
This is an outline ofSansetsu~s biography, the so..called official record drawn
mainly from the "Preface to the Scroll Paintings Inherited by Kano Eino." The document
that I will. introduce next, however, tells ofa surprising incident that affected the elderly
Sansetsu.
This is a letter written on a small scrap ofpaper and sent by Sansetsu from prison
to Bina (in the collection ofMr. Suzuka Sanshichi, Illustration 12),2
As it says on the envelope ("Private document by Sansetsu")~ this was secretly sent
from within the prison to Eino. "The oracfes of the three shrines" (sonja takusen) are the
oracles ofIse, Hachiman, and Harujitsu shrines who relate to the virtues ofhonesty,
purity and mercy, respectively. While in prison, Sansetsu had a dream about the oracle of
purity, but since he could not remember which ofthe three shrines this related to, he told
Ein6 to find out.3 He asks Ein6 to pray to the spirit ofAwataguchi at the shrine ofthe
Great God Amaterasu, to the Great Bodhisattva Hachiman at the Hachiman shrine on
Mount Otokoyama, and to the god Kasuga at the shrine found within the estate ofthe
Imperial Palace in Kuj6 district.
2 Translator's note: Tsuji transcribes the contents of the letter in classical Japanese and then carefully
paraphrases it in modern Japanese. In order to avoid redundancy, an English translation ofthe transcription
has been omitted here. The letter is signed "Sh6haku" and dated the 4111 day ofthe 10111 month.
3 Translator's note: Tsqji mentions that the oracle was from the shrine ofthe Great God Amaterasu at Ise,
but Sansetsu himselfdoes not realize this.
Illustration 12. Kana Sansetsu, Letter
from prison. Collection ofMr. Suzuka.
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From the time he entered the prison,
every morning he prayed to heaven and then
chanted the Nenbutsu. Ultimately, he trusts
that his dream ofthe oracle communicated to
the gods the purity and honesty within his
heart. In letters to her, Sansetsu made this
same request to his mother as well. The
contents ofhis letters show the intensity with
which he brooded over these thoughts
throughout his imprisonment.
In short, what one wonders after reading
this letter is, what were the charges and reasons
for suddenly imprisoning the aged Sansetsu,
who had received the title ofhokkya and who
seemed to have risen to fame? We still do
not know what kind of crime it was. At the very least, Sansetsu himself seemed to have
believed in his innocence, but some question still remains about whether he was freed of
charges and return safely home, as he believed he would. If so, it is believed that Eino
would have had no reason to keep this secret note from prison, which we should consider
as an appeal of innocence, in his possession until his death. Perhaps Sansetsu died in
prison. Even if he was released before his death, it is easy to imagine that this incident
resulted in shortening his life.4
Why did this kind of tragedy occur to Sansetsu in his old age? At this time, since
we do not know what the crime was, we can only guess. If one was to go by the contents
4 In the Freer Gallery of the Smithsonian Institute in the United States, there is a landscape painting of the
four seasons that bears the signature "Kano HokkyU Sansetsu at the Final Age of 62" as well as the seals
"Kinmon Gashi" and "Sansetsu". If this was painted by Sansetsu himself, then he was eventually released
from prison and died at home. However, the brush strokes are quiet and gentle, completely lacking his
characteristics. From the qualities of the painting style, I presume that perhaps his son Eino painted it
instead.
323
ofhis letter, he was innocent and fell into a trap somebody had set for him. However, no
matter how truthful that may be, we are still left with the question ofhow he managed to
develop such an enemy. It is thought to be a rather ironic conclusion that his unworldly
nature might have led him to get tripped up in some worldly situation. Not only that, but
he may also have had a narrow-mindedness that caused others to misunderstand and
despise him. One thing that causes me to presume this is the imagery in his artwork.
As a result ofMr. Doi's investigation over several years, several dozen artworks
made by Kana Sansetsu, including those I have discussed here so far, have been
identified. The painting fonnats include ceiling murals, votive tablets, partition paintings
(shOheiga), and hanging scrolls, and his techniques include sumi ink and kinpeki (use of
gold and blue pigment). He explored a wide variety ofsubjects ranging from landscapes
and figures to kach6ga (bird-and-flower paintings). These works testify to the breadth of
Sansetsu's skill, which was equal to ifnot greater than that of Sanraku. In particular, we
can say that, in large-scale works such as his ceiling murals, framed paintings and
shoheiga, Sansetsu is often seen as the successor ofSanraku, who was enonnously
influential in these fields. When comparing the works ofthese two individuals, I must
say that it is rare to fmd an example ofa pair who, while sharing a relationship not only
as teacher and student but also as adoptive father and son, possessed such essentially
dissimilar styles.
Among Sansetsu's paintings, the ones in which we know the date ofproduction
are limited to those at the very end ofhis teacher's life, from the 6lJt year of the Kan'ei
era (1629) (when Sansetsu was 40 years old). We also know that in the 10th year ofthe
Kan'ei era (1633, when Sansetsu was 44 years old), he was known by the name of
"Sansetsu" but we don't know exactly when he assumed the name. Accordingly, it is
difficult to estimate what kind ofpainting style he had in his thirties, when it is thought
that he actively helped his teacher in the production ofpaintings.
There are several clues, however, from which we can presume that the
individuality that was so foreign to his teacher developed within Sansetsu quite early.
324
One such clue is the polychromatic painting on a pair ofgilded, six-fold screens,
"Huangshi and Zhang Liang"S and "The Three Laughers at Tiger Ravine" ("Koseki Ko
Choryo" and "Kokei sansho;" in the collection of the Tokyo National Museum).
This work is a rare example ofa gilded folding screen that bears the signature and
seal ofSanraku, and formerly, it was judged from its superior workmanship to be the
most standard ofSanraku's works. Mr. Doi Tsugiyoshi, however, noticed that the stiff,
eccentric (kikyo na) drawing style seen in the stones, trees and figures is certainly that of
Sansetsu. As Mr. Doi points out, this is clearly a work which Sansetsu painted in place of
his teacher. Probably Sansetsu intended nothing more than to produce a folding screen
that mimicked his teacher's painting style as closely as possible. Nevertheless, his own
artistic sense, which was completely different from that ofhis teacher, did not permit him
to do so.
Illustration 13. "Dragon and Tiger," Left Screen. Collection ofMr. Yoshimura.
Another clue is found in "Dragon and Tiger" (Ryt1ko-zu byobu) from the
collection ofMr. Yoshimura Tokuhei (Illustration 13). Due to such characteristics as the
5 Translator's note: See Chapter Four ofthe thesis accompanying this translation for further information on
the legend ofZhang Liang as depicted by Iwasa Matabei.
325
bold inscription on this artwork, which is a bit different from those found on Sansetsu's
other folding screens, as well as the painting style itself, in which the direct influence of
his teacher Sanraku is quite strongly evident, this is thought to be a relatively early work
inSansetsu's career. In this painting, however, he reduces the feverish dynamism of
Momoyama painting, and within the cool, static order, an inner consciousness that seems
about to cause the imagery to coagulate has already unmistakably emerged. Sansetsu's
sensibility clearly rejects the Momoyama style. On the contrary, the slimy, fantastic form
ofthe tiger allows us a glimpse ofhis own original expression.
Sansetsu's singular personality is even more apparent in the sliding door paintings
at TenkyUin temple.
TenkyQin was established within My6shinji temple in the 8th year ofKan'ei
(1631) at the suggestion ofthe younger sister ofIkeda Terumasa (1564-1613), the lord of
Himeji Castle. At that time, the sliding-door paintings that were displayed in the living
quarters ofthe temple, particularly the polychromatic works on gilded doors in three
rooms ofthe south wing were renowned as the last ofthe un-restored partition paintings
(shOhekiga) paintings from the Momoyama era. The artisans chosen to produce new
paintings were Sanraku and his family, yet Sanraku had already reached the venerable
age of 73 years, and so it is thought that the actual person responsible for the production
was Sansetsu.
Works that clearly reveal the importance ofthe TenkyQin sliding-door paintings
within the development ofMomoyama-style partition paintings (shohekiga) are the
depictions ofbirds and flowers from the four seasons (shiki kachozu) located in the
southwest section ofthe temple.6 Particularly impressive is the eccentric (kikyo na)
branch ofthe white prunus, so reminiscent ofan enormous bonzai, that is depicted in
"Pheasant in a Plum Tree" (Ume ni sanchO zu) on the north side ofthis room (Plate 10).
Here we have a silent competition between the vitality of the robustly growing tree and a
monomaniacal force that seems intent upon enforcing a geometric order upon the tree.
The latter force somehow seems likely to win the struggle, and for this reason, the old
6 This room is officially referred to as J{j/can Hi no Ma J::r"l.:::.V?oo.
326
plum tree, as if spellbound, assumes an awkward posture and coagulates within the gilded
space. Ivy with vivid, red leaves clings to the prunus' trunk, from which flowers bloom;
such contradictory indications to the season are boldly ignored for the sake of decorative
effect. Rather than the pulsation ofthe natural world, an artificial construction now
commands the viewer's attention.
The Japanese apricot tree (Latin: pnmus mume) painted on the west side (Plate
11) stretches out small branches that seem frozen and paralyzed from the snow covering
them. When staring at the shape ofthis ash-brown tree trunk that has a strange three­
dimensionality reminiscent ofwestern-style paintings from the Edo period, one can sense
a strange, reptilian feeling hidden within it To the viewer's left, a brown cliffprotrudes
like the face ofa sea goblin (um; bozu).
Illustration 14. "Tiger amidst Bamboo," detail ofthe north side of the installation.
Collection ofTenkyt1in Temple.
327
The attention that Sansetsu, who enjoys artificial inventions, pays to formalism is
also very apparent in "Tiger amidst Bamboo" (Take ni tora zu) (Illustration 14), a work in
the central room. In particular, Mr. Minamoto Yoshihiro recently pointed out a shocking
geometric trick hidden within a square section composed ofthree narrow sliding doors in
the center portion ofthe north side.' The tip ofthe vertical rock, Mr. Minamoto explains,
lies exactly along the diagonal of this square, and with the rocks to the right and left of it,
it forms the vertex ofa perfect isosceles triangle. Also, an extension ofthe left side of
this triangle passes the deteriorating tip of the bamboo rising up on the right and connects
to the upper right comer ofthe square. Furthermore, an extension ofthe right side of the
triangle connects to the upper left comer ofthe square, from where some bamboo leaves
are peeking out. In this way, motifs from nature are appropriated for the sake ofnothing
more than a geometric construction.
It is believed that, in this way, the production ofpartition paintings (shohekiga) at
TenkyUin temple in the 8th year ofthe Kan'ei era (1631) came to be an important
opportunity that wakened Sansetsu's own qualities. He must have keenly felt that the
style ofthese works, which we should consider masterpieces among the Momoyama­
style partition paintings ofthe Kan6 school, was entirely different from the frank style of
his teacher.
In his later work, Sansetsu abandoned the effort to faithfully convey his teacher's
style. Depending upon the situation, as in his production ofthe ceiling painting at
Sennyflji temple in the 4th year ofthe Sh6h6 era (1647), he still sometimes displayed such
restraint, but otherwise, it is thought that he decided to emphasize his own qualities in the
Momoyama style.
The most representative example is "Old Plum Tree" (Robai-zu) (Plate 12), one of
the sliding-door paintings at Tacchti Tenshoin subtemple ofMy6shinji temple complex
(said to have been founded around the 3cd year of the Shoh6 era [1646]). This
7 See Minamoto Yosbibiro. "Geometrie Compositions ofthe Genna - Kan'ei Period" ["Genna kan 'ei ki ni
okeru ki1a:Jgaku teki kOzu keishiki"], Biju/sushi, no. 50.
328
polychromatic, gilded (kinj; sozai) sliding-door panel was attributed to Sanraku, but
thanks to Mr. Doi, it has been added to the list ofSansetsu's works.
Kohitsu Ryochu (died 1736), author ofBiographies ofJapanese Painters (Fusoga
Jinden; published in the 16th year ofthe Meiji era [1883]), offered an appraisal of
Sansetsu's artworks that I quoted at the beginning ofthis chapter, and in regards to "Old
Plum Tree" at Tenshoin subtemple, his comments are truly accurate. You know that the
same branch ofwhite prunus found in the flower-and-bird paintings at Tenkyuin
reappears in this painting fifteen years later, but the extreme transformation that it has
undergone since then is startling, isn't it? The tree's ash-green trunk rises and falls,
bends and convulses amidst the brilliance ofthe gilding just like an enormous, flightless
dragon writhing and tossing about. The enormous tree ofthe Momoyama painting style
has ultimately been transported to a bizarre fantasy world. Here the artist displays
without reservation the maniacal quality that he inserted with restraint, so to speak, into
the paintings at TenkyUin.
"Hanshan and Shide" (Kanzan Jittoku zu; from the collection ofShinsho
Gokurakuji Temple; Plate 9), in terms ofgrotesquerie, is comparable to "Old Plum Tree"
at Tenshoin. In particular, the disgusting shape from the mouths ofthese laughing figures
down to their chins has a connection with the bizarre boulders that often appears in such
workS as "Wang Xizhi's Poetry Party at Lanting" (Rantei kyokusuien zu byobu; in the
collection ofZuishin'in temple) and clearly displays his obsession (henshu) with
particular abstract forms. The "Song OfEtemal Grief' handscro1l8 (Chogonka Zumaki;
Illustration 15) depicts a geographically unidentified landscape, and not surprisingly, it is
a good example ofSansetsu's maniacally formalistic sensibility.
I may have overemphasized the somewhat abnormal, perverse (hyo-teki na)
aspect ofSansetsu's artworks, tying together the imagery in those works and the tragedy
ofhis imprisonment late in his life. Basically, Sansetsu was an artist who could bring a
classical stillness and elegance to his paintings.
8 Translator's note: This image is based upon the Chinese poem "Changhenge" written by B6 Juyi (772­
846).
329
It is thought that the artist's discerning sensibility made him unusually gifted at
expressing the mood ofsuch subjects as moonlight, evening, and a snowy landscape,
depictions diametrically opposed to something like the peace ofspring sunshine. The
work that expresses this quality most clearly is "Waterfowl by Snowy Shore" (Settei
suikin zu by6bu; Plate 13).
Illustration 15. "Song OfEtemal Grief' Handscroll.
The vitality ofthis picture derives from the shockingly detailed rhythm ofthe waves, in
which he applied silver paint upon a layer ofgojim9. Despite the thoroughly craft­
oriented characteristic of that painting technique, the artist succeeds in giving a definite
reality to his mental image ofa moonlit winter night on the beach. The gulls are arranged
in a row, and the calculated rhythm ofthat line creates a lively sense ofmovement rarely
found in Sansetsu's work. Furthermore, the methodical and artificial construction of the
pines and clusters ofboulders, so typical of the artist, do not seem so unnatural. Here, a
precise, rational compositional structure, particular to his paintings from the Kan'ei era
(1624-44), his unique individuality, and the traditions of decorative yamato-e painting
combine to form a splendid trinity. It would not be incorrect to say that, in this kind of
refined, rational decorative sensibility, we find an element that runs through the works of
a later artist, Ogata Korin (1658-1716).
9 Translator's note: Gofun is a painting material composed of ground oyster shells.
330
I am more interested, however, in "Old Plum Tree" at Tensh6in temple than I am
in "Waterfowl by Snowy Shore." This is because I believe that the convulsions ofthese
grotesque, enonnous trees do not only symbolically express the death throes ofthe spirit
of the Momoyama era but also herald the "Kyoto school ofeccentricity," composed of
.Jakuchu, Sh6haku and Rosetsu, that appears more than a century later. In contrast to
Tawaraya Sotatsu's emphasis upon tremendously bright romanticism, the Kan'ei era
(1624-44), in which the obsessive personalities (henshu) and eccentricity (kiso) ofIwasa
Matabei and Sansetsu ran rampant, seems to be a time period more complicated than a
single historical narrative can express.
Chapter Two
Convulsions of the Enormous Momoyama Tree:
Kano Sansetsu
Plates
331
9. "Hanshan and Shide," detail, Shinsho Gokurakuji temple.
10. "Pheasant in a Plum Tree," Tenkyilin temple.
332
11. "Plum Tree in Snow (Pronus Mume)," Tenkyilin temple.
333
12. "Old Plum Tree," Tenshoin temple.
13. "Waterfowl by Snowy Shore," detail, right screen. Collection ofMr. Kawamoto.
334
Chapter Three
The Natural History of Fantasia: Ito Jakuchti
Strange condensations that are strictly molded into theforms ofchickens
createforms thatseem to churn in one's heart. Amidst the amorphous
cacti, they bite at one another, shake andflow onward. Jakuchu does not
enslave the cacti; he lets the cacti decide their own shapeless shapes and,
one on top ofanother, he piles these liberatedforms thatfreely express
their inner selves. They seem to create an eternally expanding world
Sugimata Tadashi
This opening quote is a passage from an article by Sugimata Tadashi (1914-1994)
that appeared in Bijutsu Techo magazine more than ten years ago (March 1957). It was a
short remark about Jakuchfi's "Cacti and Fowl" (Saboten Gunkei-zu; in the collection of
Saifukuji temple) which was being shown in the Exhibition ofFamous Chicken Paintings
(Keiga Meisakuten) that opened in the Year ofthe Chicken (1957), and it impressed me
in a strong and lasting way as perhaps the first critique to grasp the nature ofJakuchfi's
paintings with the eyes ofan avant-garde artist. l However, in tenns of specialized
research about this curious painter, almost no progress has been made since the
achievements ofMr. Akiyama Mitsuo at the end ofthe Taisho era. Though it is rather
too late, in this chapter, I need to resume this research.
Regarding Jakuchu's biography, the first clue we find is the inscription by Zen
priest Daiten that is carved into the side and rear of Jakuchfi's tombstone in the graveyard
of Shokokuji temple. In the third year ofthe Meiwa era (1766), at the age of51, having
neither a wife nor a child, and with not even his youngest brother left alive, he made up
his mind to erect his own tombstone while he was still alive, and he asked his close friend
Daiten to write the inscription. Valuable proof about Jakuchfi's birth, personality and
manner ofworking is included there. I believe that a far better stone than usual was used,
I Translator's note: All English titles for works discussed in this chapter are consistent with those used in
either Money Hickman's The Paintings ofJakuchu or Kyoto National Museum's Jakuchu: tokubetsu
tenrankai botsugo 200-nen: bunkazai hogoht5 50-nen kinenjigyo""-Jakuchu!
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for now, two hundred years later, this inscription is still clearly legible, but the entirety is
also printed in Daiten's collection ofpoetry Shoun SeikO (11'41••). There are a few
other documents, but it is unfortunate that letters or diaries, which would be direct proof
ofhis words and deeds, are totally unknown.
Ito Jakuchu was born on Nishiki kosuji street in Kyoto in the first year of the
Kyaho era (1716). Some ofthe remains ofNishiki kosuji street still remain today, but at
that time, as a market selling fish and vegetables, it was packed with people every
morning. Jakuchu, as the eldestbrother in his family, was in charge ofthe family
business, a greengrocery called Masuya. However, for some reason, this person showed
no interest at all in commerce or making money, but not because he had taken to a life of
debauchery. He was more or less uninterested in the various pleasures of the floating
world such as artistic accomplishments. Furthennore, he was deeply devoted to
Buddhism. In pursuit ofspiritual development, he shaved his head, he abstained from
eating meat, and he even decided to remained celibate. Also, he saw some people
catching sparrows and selling them, and he felt so sorry for the birds, he bought several
dozen and released them in his garden. From his childhood, he was interested in living in
seclusion. For two years, he disappeared deep into the mountains ofTanba, and rumors
ofhis death from illness spread. He detested academics since he was a young boy, and
since he was not adept in reading and writing. He was no more than an odd person with
no particular merits other than his religious devotion. However, there was one thing
through which this person could forget everything else and immerse himself: painting. I
don't exactly know when Jakuchu became aware ofthis ''vocation,'' but in his thirties, he
suddenly left the family business to his younger brother. He constructed a studio - a
remote, quiet place on Nishiki kosuji street that he called "the nest ofsolitary
pleasure"(dokuraku-ka) - and there he began a new life basking in the samtidhi ofartistic
production. From this point onward, he continued this spiritual development through
painting for more than half a century until he died.
As the child ofa wealthy merchant family who later devoted himselfto painting,
JakuchO's biography has strong similarities to that ofOgata Korin, who died the same
336
year that Jakuchu was born. However, since Korin ultimately turned to a life ofpainting
after squandering his family's fortune on debauchery, he needed to court the patronage of
the imperial family and other famous people. In contrast to the sorrow which Korin's
worries about social relations caused him throughout his life, Jakuchu inherited the
produce shop from his parents, and with the blessed ability to sustain his livelihood
merely through the interest from this business, he was free from worldly constraints and
could continue making whatever he wanted. These financial circumstances enabled him
to even donate all thirty scrolls ofthe Colotful Realm ofLiving Beings (Doshoku Sai-e)
series that I will later discuss to Shokokuji temple.
The repertoire ofworks that run throughout Jakuchu's long period ofartistic
production include Buddhist paintings and portraits, but it is mainly limited to dOshoku
butsuga (paintings ofanimals and plants). Among these, his chickens are particularly
famous, and in.the inscription on Jakuchu's tomb, Daiten wrote the following explanation
ofhow JakuchO: cameto exclusively paint animals and plants, particularly chickens. He
says that, at first, Jakuchu, like all people interested in becoming painters at the time,
studied under an artist from the Kano school. However, one day, he realized that, no
matter how much he internalized the techniques ofthe Kano school, ultimately, he would
not be able to transcend the Kano school model. Such a training would be inferior to
studying Chinese paintings from the Song and Yuan dynasties. Accordingly, he copied
innumerable Song and Yuan paintings, but yet again, he realized that these Song and
Yuan painters had painted ''things,'' and he was merely repainting the painted images of
those things; he had never painted ''things'' directly. But ifhe were to do so, what
''things'' should he choose? Flying creatures like a kirin (Chinese phoenix), or Chinese
legendary figures and landscapes - one can only find such things existing within other
works ofart. Accordingly, how about animals and plants? Peacocks and parrots are not
constantly available to look at, but nothing can be more intimately studied than chickens,
which have colorful feathers.
At this point, he decided to raise dozens ofchickens under his window, and for
several years, he continued to sketch their appearance. He then expanded his observation
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to include flowers, insects, fish, and similar creatures. As one might expect, he wondered
whether or not this process was the most orderly and rational, but anyways, Jakuchu's
realization about the significance in making paintings from direct observation of"things"
can also be infelTed from another source in which Daiten quotes Jakuchu as saying, "all
ofthe so-called paintings ofthese days are just copies ofother artworks; I have never
seen a painting ofa 4'thing." His practice ofraising and observing chickens at his home
was probably true as well.
Needless to say, Maruyama Okya was the one who despised the idea ofcopying
classical artworks for the sake ofposterity and who, feeling that the most important goal
ofpainting was the depiction ofactual things, advocated so-called artistic naturalism.
However, in words, Jakuchu's painting philosophy as well was no different than that of
Okya's. Nevertheless, Jakuchu was seventeen years older than Okya. This seems to
mean that Jakuchu preceded Okya as a painter who advocated artistic naturalism.
However, when looking at actual works ofart, it is believed that there was a rather
essential gap between the 4'thing" in Jakuchu's mind and the 41hing" that Okya advocated.
Let us consider DOshoku Sai-e, the artwork representative ofJakuchu's naturalism.
In the 22nd year ofthe Meiji era (1889), the thirty scrolls ofDoshoku Sai-e were
dedicated by Shokokuji temple to the Imperial family as compensation for financial
assistance, and presently, it is in the custody ofthe Imperial Household Agency.
How much time he spent on this ambitious work is not precisely known, but in the 8th
year ofthe Hareki era (1758), at which time he was forty-three years old, or slightly
before that time, he began with the aspiration ofcompleting thirty scrolls; in the 11th year
of the Hareki era (1761), twelve scrolls had been completed; and in the 2nd year ofthe
Meiwa era (1765), three scrolls ofShaka (Shakyamuni), Monju Bosatsu (Sanskrit:
Bodhisattva Manjusri), and Fugen Bosatsu (Sanskrit: Bodhisattva Samantabhadra) were
added to twenty-four scrolls and donated to Shokokuji temple. Then, according to the
inscription (on JakuchQ's grave) by Daiten, in November of the 3rd year of the Meiwa era
(1766), at which point JakuchQ was 51 years old, all thirty ofthe scrolls were donated to
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Shokokuji temple. In other words, he spent the entirety ofhis forties producing this
series.
Like the name Sai-e implies,2 these are vividly chromatic works painted in a
shockingly detailed manner on silk. The theme ofthe series deals with birds, such as
peacocks, mandarin ducks, parrots, cranes, and ofcourse chickens; as well as trees and
flowers ofthe four seasons, including plum trees, pine trees, sunflowers, cotton roses,
peonies, heavenly bamboo (nandin, or nandina domestica), and hydrangeas. They are
mainly bird-and-flower paintings or flower-and-grass paintings that are classified as
Chinese paintings. In addition, creatures from various fish and shellfish, insects to
worms appear. In terms ofthematic painting categories, these images fit into the
traditional repertoire of Chinese paintings as kelp-and-fish pictures, images ofshellfish,
and grass-and-insect pictures, but in the broad sense ofthe word, they can also be
categorized as being related to bird-and-flower paintings. Just as Daiten described,
Jakuchu greedily learned his painting style from the bird-and-flower paintings ofthe
Song, Yuan, and Ming paintings- particularly Ming paintings - possessed by Shokokuji
and all the other temples in Kyoto, and the results are obvious. However, when Jakuchu,
who was knowledgeable about Chinese paintings in this way, once again distanced
himself from models and began an original conversation with ''things,'' a unique vision of
the world that can only be described as entirely his was born.
Let us take "Insects and Reptiles at a Pond" (Chihen Gunchu-zu) (plate 15) and
~~Shellfish" (KaikO-zu; Plate 14) as examples. The former painting presents all kinds of
lesser animals and insects - ranging from frogs, tadpoles, snakes, spiders, and lizards to
centipedes, house centipedes, oriental mole crickets (gryllotalpa jossor), and pillbugs
(oniscedea) - at a lakeside in the middle ofsummer. The latter painting could described
as an illustrated manual ofvarieties of shellfish thrown up upon the seashore. This kind
of interest in categorizing animals and plants can be thought ofas reflecting the vigorous
desire for knowledge about natural history at that time, as represented by the popularity
ofbotany. In Okyo's sketchbook, there are clearly precise depictions ofan even wider
2 Translator's note: Sa;== color; e== picture.
339
variety ofinsects and shellfish. However~ there is a truly strange mixture ofhumor and
grotesquerie in the "insect paradise" painted in ~~Insects and Reptiles at a Pond" as
opposed to Okyo's effort to produce precise copies oftheir shapes by means ofa
methodical manner~ which reminds viewers ofan illustrator ofpicture books about
animals and plants. In addition, it is impossible to think that other artists ofthe time~
including Okyo~ possessed the sensitivity needed to grasp the fantastic beauty in the
shapes and colors ofshells found in "Shellfish." In particular~ I'd like to draw the
reader's attention to the way in which the tip ofa wave creeping up onto the beach in
"Shellfish" seems to be an organism like a tentacle ofa mollusk or an amoeba. This
shocking image that seems to be associated wIth surrealist works ofart is a part of
Jakuchii's originality.
This kind ofinternal vision runs throughout his depictions ofchickens which
comprise seven ofthe thirty scrolls ofDOsholcu Sai-e. According to Daiten's inscription
on Jakuchfi's gravestone~ Jakuchfi raised this foreign variety ofornamental chickens and
gamebirds, which flaunt the gorgeous beauty oftheir multicolored wings, and the artist
persistently observed and painted them, but in the opinion ofornithologists who
specialize in chickens, the overall proportions ofthe chickens in Jakuchfi~s paintings as
well as the shape and placement oftheir organs are imprecise compared to those in
Okyo's paintings. As examples of life painting, they say~ it is difficult to find positive
qualities in Jakuchii's chicken paintings. However, is Jakuchu's ~~ing" based upon that
kind ofexact reproduction ofhis subject's external appearance? For example, in "A
Group ofRoosters" (Gunkei-zu; Illustration 16), which according to a critique by
Yamashita Kiyoshi is famous as a reproduction, the fantastic orchestration of feather
pattemstransfonned into an abstract design and the repeated fonn ofthe comb, so
reminiscent ofa shooting star, indicates the artist's intention. Like a chicken painted by
Picasso, the grotesque beauty ofthe gamecock in "Black Rooster and Nandin" (Nanten
Yukei-zu; Illustration 17), with its deformed, fierce legs and bea~ speaks of the intensity
ofJakuchfi's inner vision. Wasn't his life painting, based upon the ~~ing" that he
mentions,
340
no more than the means by which that kind ofpeculiar internal vision is ultimately
triggered? The author ofGajo Yoryaku refers to this vision when he says about
JakuchQ's life painting, "it respects sha;3 without striving for mimesis."
All oftile scrolls ofDoshoku Sai-e possess a common characteristic regarding
their pictorial sPaCe. It is a space that we can say is placed in a kind ofstate ofweightless
diffusion. The various forms ofanimals, plants and rocks that are reduced to a
combination ofwavy curves float and wriggle within that space in which there is no room
to visually seize them. Among such works is "Fish in a Lotus Pond" (Renchi YUt/en;
Plate 16) in which the lotuses evoke mental associations with science~fiction subjects
such as a city at the bottom ofthe sea or a plant on Mars. Another example is "White
Phoenix and Pine" (Rosho Hakuo·zu; Plate 17), in which there are images that even elicit
psychedelic hallucinations, like the phoenix's madly dancin& heart-shaped mark of
peach-oolored feathers.
"Eyes" that secretly gazes at us and vacant "peepholes" that invite us to look
through them are also cleverly hidden within the pictorial space ofthe Doshoku Sai-e
series. I do not mean to only include the eyes of living organisms like those ofthe
chickens in "A Group ofRoosters." I am referring to the innumerable white flowers
(Cherokee roses [Rosa Laevigata Michx]) set into a kind ofdizzying carpet of roses in
"Wagtail and Roses" (Bara Kodori-zu; Plate 18), as well as to the strange, smallholes
opened by the knots in the stalk ofthe palm tree in "Roosters and Hemp Palms" (Shuro
yCllcei-zu; Plate 19), to the hollowed.aut holes in the fantastic designs that the newly~
melting mottle ofsnow creates in "Golden Pheasants in Snow" (Secchu Kenlcei-zu;
Illustration 18), as well as to the spots, holes, and bugbites in the leaves of"Rooster,
Sunflowers and Morning Glories" (Himawari yClkei-zu) and of "Rose Mallows and Fowl"
(Fuyd sokei-zu). Even with the aid ofdepth psychology, the riddle ofthese mysterious
"peepholes" is not easily solved.
3 Translator's note: shai = expressionism, an antonym to the life painting practiced in China.
341
Illustration 17. "Black Rooster and Nandin"
(from the series Doshoku Sai-e in the
Imperial Household Collection.)
Illustration 16. "A Group ofRoosters"
(from the series Doshoku Sai-e in the
Imperial Household Collection.)
~,.. c,
lllustration 18. "Golden Pheasants in Snow"
(from the series Doshoku Sai-e in the
Imperial Household Collection.)
The workmanship ofDoshoku Sai­
e, which was donated to Shokokuji
temple, developed a reputation among
residents ofKyoto. In the fifth year of the
Meiwa era (1768), Jakuchft heard rumors
to this effect and asked for a leave of
absence from Shokokuji temple, saying
that he deeply yearned to see the remains
ofthe gate ofHigashi Honganji temple.
When he left, he temporarily removed
these paintings from the temple's
collection and brought them with him. As
a result, Jakuchu's name can be found in
the
342
Records ofFigures in Kyoto (Heian jinbutsu-sm) published that year between the names
ofMaruyama Okya and Ike Taiga. With this record, there is no doubt that his fame
developed extremely fast. However, according to this record, the role ofa landowner
didn't fit Jakuchu's nature. At this time, having accomplished his dream ofdonating
thirty paintings to the temple, he had already prepared his own tomb, and in exchange for
making arrangements to transfer his home and estate over to the city after he died, the
town agreed to celebrate the anniversary ofhis death every year by offering money and
gifts to the temple. At last, with no worries about his death, he became absorbed in his
favorite activity ofpainting.
In that way, he lived for many years, painting everyday from morning until night,
and one day, he encountered great misfortune. In the eighth year ofthe Tenmei era
(1788), at which time Jakuchu was seventy-three years .old, Kyoto was struck by a fire of
unprecedented size, and the central area ofthe city was burnt to the ground.
The grounds ofShokokuji were also burnt, and only the hatto (structure similar to a
lecture hall) remained standing. The DOshoku Sai-e series was miraculously saved, but
his studio there, the one near Nishiki kosuji street, and one more on the edge ofthe Kamo
river burned up, and it seems that a large number ofworks burned up at that time..It
should not surprise one to know that Jakuchu was apparently wounded in the disaster,
and the following year, he contracted a serious illness. Furthermore, in the following
year, the third year ofthe Kansei era, "due to extreme hardship," the city government said
that they wanted to cancel the previous contract in which Jakuchu agreed to transfer his
home and estate to the city after his death.
However, during the time period that should be called the great misfortune ofhis
life (the second year ofthe Kansei era), Jakuchu painted one more representative work,
the "Cacti and Fowl (Saboten Gunkei-zu)" at Saifukuji temple (Plate 20).
Saifukuji is a temple in Toyonaka City, Osaka Prefecture that is associated with
the Nishi Honganji school ofPore Land Buddhism. It is believed that the way in which
Jakuchu, who was left homeless by the fire, came to stay here and paint the sliding-doors
was through the intercession ofthe parishioner Yoshino Kansei V, who Jakuchu and his
343
father had met earlier. Kansei was the present head ofa wealthy merchant family that for
generations ran the Rakudane Monya store in Osaka. He was a curious person oftaste
who enjoYed such activities as playing a flute while riding on a camel's back. He also
had commercial relationships, and at his home, it is said, he collected such foreign, rare
animals and plants as cacti.
"Cacti and Fowl" is painted on six gilded sliding-door panels that separate the
section ofthe main temple hall where idols are enshrined. The dazzling surface ofgold
leaf that, perhaps due to the fmancial power ofthe Yoshino family, is ofan unusually
high quality for this time period, no longer allows the repetition ofdetailed, complicated
forms that can be found in the Doshoku Sai-e series. The background is entirely omitted,
and the motifs are strictly limited to the chickens at which Jakuchu was so skilled in
depicting and the cacti from Mr. Yoshino's curious collection. The painting is flavored·
with the atmosphere ofdaily life, with the lovely forms ofchicks found between cocks
and hens that have emerged from the Doshoku Sai-e series. However, in accordance with
Jakuchu's unique vision, the forms ofthese birds are subdivided into circles, ovals, and
triangles. They get restructured and "condense" in this golden space. They are tempted
by the fluid forms ofthe cacti, which suddenly begin to churn in a violent and dazzling
way like primitive people. As a medium, the gold leafcreates intense color effects like a
daydream: the garish green ofthe cacti at both ends of the painting, the fantastic blue
forms (the one on the right side looks like a rock, but what might the one on the left,
which resembles a shark's tailor like an enormous piece ofkelp, possibly be? Perhaps it
is a succulent), the tosca red ofthe chicken, and the exquisite black, white, yellow, brown,
and peach-colored arabesque in its wings... Even without listing these descriptions that
leave me tongue-tied, Mr. Sugimata's description quoted at the beginning ofthis chapter
is sufficient, but what I would like to simply add is that, at this time, Jakuchu took a
progressive approach to the tradition ofhighly chromatic bird-and-flower paintings on
gold leaf that his predecessors Sanraku, Sansetsu and Korin developed. Placing these
ideas, including Korin's "life-painting" style ofbird-and-flower paintings, into the
melting-pot ofhis intense individuality, he recast them as a new kind ofbeauty. By
344
means ofthis one artwork, Jakuchfi attained an origjnal approach to the tradition of
decorative painting.
In addition to these kinds ofchromatic paintings, Jakuchfi even displayed his
originality in the field of ink painting.
The sliding-door paintings in the library (shoin) ofKinkakuji Temple, painted in
the ninth year ofthe H8reki era (1759, at which time he was 44 years old), are
representative works among his ink paintings. Grape vines, pine trees, cranes, chickens,
Japanese banana trees (Latin: musa), and bamboo are painted throughout five rooms in a
superb style to which sophisticated humor and sarcasm have been added, exemplified by
the crane whose beak in which teeth have grown makes it look like a dinpsaur (Plate 21)
and the bamboo grove that looks like a bunch ofskewered dumplings. It is an artwork
that we must not overlook, exhibiting a new element, precisely equivalent to the painting
style ofpainters ofikl«:iku4 in the Ming and Qing dynasties. On the reverse side ofthe
previously discussed Cacti and Fowl at Saifukuji temple is an exemplary, awkward
painting in black ink depicting lotuses that seem to have originated in a science~fiction
story (Illustration 19; presently converted into hangjng scrolls). This is also one ofhis
masterpieces of ink painting. Other than this, there are still extant a large number of
Jakuchfi's ink paintings created in his final years after the disaster of the Tenmei era. All
ofthem are quite unlike his carefully detailed polychromatic paintings. He creates the
effect of ink seeping out from inside the soft paper, and his simplified use ofbrushstrokes
connects these works to the zenga paintings ofHakuin Ekaku. The interesting shapes in
"Crane" (tsuru-zu; private collection, United States, Illustration 20), are witty, and in
"Vegetable Parinirvana" (Yasai nehan-zu; in the collection of the Tokyo National
Museum, Plate 22) or "The Two Transcendents Lui Haichan and Li Tieguai" (Gama
Tekkai-zu; Collection ofMr. Takahashi; Illustration 21), Jakuchu deals with the subjects
in a manner reminiscent ofcomic books. In response to a flood ofrequests for his work,
Jakuchfi painted these kinds of improvisational ink paintings, and for each one, he always
4 Translator's note; lkkaku (Ch: yige) is synonymous with ippin (Ch: yipin). See Chapter Two ofthe thesis
accompanying this translation for further information onyipin.
345
requested payment ofone to (approximately 18 liters) of rice. His artist name (go) of
Tobeian ("one-to-of-rice hermitage") or Beito-O ("one-to-of-rice old-man") originated
from this custom. He did not put on airs, and at this time, the elderly Jakuchu's true face
as a natural humorist clearly shows.
Jakuchu's unassertive eagerness to produce artwork was not limited to the field of
painting. According to Mr. Doi Tsugiyoshi's estimate, from the middle ofthe An'ei era
(1772-81) through the beginning ofthe Tenmei era (1781-89), a period when he was in
his sixties, Jakuchu drew the sketches and supervised the carving ofa group ofstone
sculptures left on the mountain behind Shakubuji Temple in Fukagasa district (plate 23).
Ifone were to pass through the temple's Chinese-style gate, whose red color and use of
plaster is particular to architecture of the Obaku sect, and follow a narrow mountain road,
between the bushes on either side ofthe road, like Buddhas performing austerities in the
wilderness, the weathered and vague stone sculptures appear one after another and offer
Illustration 19. "Lotus in a
Lake." Collection of
Saifukuji Temple.
Illustration 20.
"Crane." Private
collection, United
States
Illustration 21. "The Two
Transcendents Liu Haichan and
Li Tieguai." Collection ofMr.
Takahashi.
346
strange greetings. These incomparable works, commonly called "The 500 Arhats"
(Gohyaku Rakan), actuality represent in stone the entire life ofShakyamuni from his birth
to his parinirvana. Their superficial treatment and terribly simplistic, naive shapes bring
to mind stone figures from the Kofun and Asuka eras or wooden kokeshi dolls more than
sculptures ofthe Buddha. Still clearly carved into the individuality of their ragged shapes
and facial expressions is Jakuchii's unending eccentricity (~1£t kiso), humor, and, to
borrow a critique from one ofhis contemporaries, his spirit ofcuriosity.
Speaking ofstone, it is unfortunate that I don't know the location anymore, but
"Stone Lanterns" (Sekitoro-zu; lllustration 22) was the subject ofan illustrated book
published before the war. The various shapes ofthe lanterns, which are painted in a
unique, pointilistic style as ifthey were a mirage, possess an unpleasantness like a group
ofgoblins and, at the same time, a friendly presence as if they wanted to say something.
Be they the stone sculptures at Shakubu-ji Temple or these charming goblin lanterns,
these works offer a taste ofJakuchii's animistic sensibility.
After the great fire of the Tenmei era, Jakuchii moved his residence to a location
in front ofthe gate ofSakubuji Temple and lived here for the remainder ofhis life with
.!m
Illustration 22. "Stone Lanterns."
347
Illustration 23. "Ornamental Flowers." Ceiling painting, Collection ofShingyoji Temple.
his widowed, younger sister. He passed away in September ofthe twelfth year ofthe
Kansei era (1800) at the age ofeighty-five.
"Ornamental Flowers" (Saishiki kaki-zu; lllustration 23), a painting on the ceiling
of Shakubuji temple's Kannon hall, speaks ofJakuchft's ability to maintain his passion
about art and a fresh sense until the verge ofhis death. Due to the decay of the temple,
through the intervention ofpeople in the Meiji era, presently it is located at Shingyo-ji
Temple near Higashiyama Niomon gate. The fact that these paintings are signed "Beito­
0, age eighty-eight" confuse the verdict about when he actually died. The truth is that, at
the age of eighty-four, in order to avoid the ominous number four, in order to fit with his
artist name "Beito-o," he fudged his age, and this apparently relieved him, but at any rate,
there is no argument that this is the last masterpiece that he produced in his life. Jakuchft
installed circles, his favorite shape, in each of the one hundred sixty-seven square frames
of the lattice ceiling. He created endless variations to a witty rhythm based around the
theme ofcircles and ovals, and images ofvariously shaped flowers, such as peonies,
chrysanthemums, cockscombs, and hydrangeas, were composed to fit each .circular
format. One can discover here his state ofmind in the final year of his life; it seems as if
348
he was washing away the glaring obstinacy ofmaturity and wondering ifhe had yet
become the "spirit" ofthis picture.
It may be an eccentric way ofthinking, but when looking at this ceiling painting,
"Ornamental Flowers," and such naive paintings so reminiscent ofchildren's art as
"Fushimi Doll" (Fushimi Ningyd·zu), which is also thought to be a late work, I came to
think that, ifwe were to remove some variations in Jakuchu's style as well as his
expressionistic tendencies, we would probably be left with a naive artist quite similar to
Henri Rousseau. Then we could add other artists to this lineage ofmasters ofprimitivism.
Wouldn't this be an unexpectedly useful way in which to discover the essence ofthis
group ofartists?
349
Chapter Three
The Natural History of Fantasia: Ito Jakuch6
Plates
<1;- ~. .;:
14. "Shellfish" (From Doshoku Sai-e in the
Imperial House Collection)
15. "Insects and Reptiles at a Pond" (From
Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House
Collection)
16. "Fish in a Lotus Pond" (From Doshoku
Sai-e in the Imperial House Collection)
18. "Wagtail and Roses" (From Doshoku
Sai-e in the Imperial House Collection)
17. "White Phoenix and Pine" (From
Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House
Collection)
19. "Roosters and Hemp Palms" (From
Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House
Collection)
350
351
•
-21. "Cranes," Kinkakuji Temple20. "Cacti and Fowl," Saifukuji Temple
22. "Vegetable Parinirvana," Kyoto
National Museum.
23. "500 Arhats," detail, Shakubuji
Temple.
352
Chapter Four
Demented, Outcast Immortals: Soga Shohaku
He wasfrom the province ofIse and traveled between the capitol and
Settsu Province (Osaka-Hyogo area). He appeared to be an ordinary,
dementedperson ofthis world His painting style changedfreely
according to his state ofmind He has works like hisflower paintings in
which he seems to have applied ink to pieces ofstraw andshuffled them
around (on the paper). In addition, when he paints veryprecisely, his
work is unlike that ofany other artist.
From History ofDeviantArtists in the Early
Modern Period (Kinsei itsrdin gashl)
In my profession dealing with Japanese and Chinese classical paintings, I have
had more than a few opportunities to see various strange things. However, I recently
beheld an old work that was unimaginably intense. It was Soga Shohaku's "Immortals"
(Gunsen-zu byObU),l shown in the plates here (plates 24-25).
By means ofthe Liexian quanzhuan (Japanese: Ressen zenden; Complete
Collection ofBiographies ofthe Immortals), compiled in the .Ming Dynasty, we can
determine to some extent the identities ofthe strange characters appearing in this work, a
pair ofsix-panel folding screens. However, I have absolutely no idea what Shohaku used
as a source in painting this folding screen. From the fact that Wan xiao tang hoo zhuan, a
book of figure illustrations produced by a painter in the Qing Dynasty named Shangguan
mou (b. 1665), closely resembles this screen in terms ofthe artist's style and the figures'
clothin& it is possible that Sh6haku saw and used as a source an illustration book ofthe
same origin that was imported to Japan around that time.2 However, one could not go to
the more or less extreme extent ofsaying that "Immortals" was a faithful copy of such a
source. In particular, we ought to call the eccentricity ofhis depiction a quality that is
unprecedented and probably unrepeatable among the old and new works dealing with this
1 Translator's note: All English titles for works discussed in this chapter are consistent with those used in
Kyoto National Museum's Burai to iuyuetsu: tokubetsu tenrankai (ShOhaku Show).
2 Translator's note: See Chapter Two ofthe thesis accompanying this translation for a discussion of
Shangguan's influence upon this painting.
353
kind ofpainting theme. The facial expression ofXiwangmu (Japanese: Seiobo; Queen
Mother of the West),3 who looks out cross-eyed through a gauze fan (on the left end of
the left screen) appears more idiotic than the final period ofukiyo-e beauties. The small
animal that is trying to steal the peach in her hand must be Dongfang Shuo (Japanese:
TobOsaku). We can call him a child that is a cross between a human and a pangolin (a
scaly anteater). He is an extremely strange character. Another extremely vulgar
depiction is that ofLiu Haichan (Japanese: Gama Sennin), who resembles a hobgoblin,
with his pale and swollen belly like that ofa waterlogged corpse. Here, he is having a
beauty clean out his ears. To the right ofhim, the old man with the white beard who is
wearing a robe made ofa rope-like material is Zuoci (Japanese: Saji). It seems that he is
using magic to draw fish out ofa shallow container ofwater. Ifyou look closely at this
container, you will notice that it is decorated with a monster's face. Next, the style with
which the artist metamorphoses H4riti (Japanese: Kishi Mojin) into a bearded man does
not exudes good feelings, and the pink faces ofthe demon children could not be called
cute even as flattery. On the left side of the right screen, above the troubled waters, a
dragon seems about to capitulate to the blue-robed Lu Dongbin (Japanese: Ryodohin),
and the dragon's face seems to be going wild like stalagmites in a limestone cavern. The
depiction of this unique wave seems to foretell ofHokusai's print "Wave off the Coast of
Kanagawa." A figure who may beLi Tieguai (Japanese: Tekkai) faces this wave and
calls out with both arms raised, and the way in which his robe is shown to be flapping in
the wind is truly surreal. The grotesque feel ofhis palms and toes ultimately makes
Shohaku seem like an Edo version ofMatthias Grunewald. To his right, playing a flute
to the phoenix near him is the Han emperor whose red face, like that ofa player in a
classical Chinese opera wearing traditional makeup, distinguishes him from ordinary
humans. On the far right is this leader fellow, perhaps Mayizi (Japanese: Maiko). He
wears a robe like a kusari katabira (a nittia outfit) that appears to be made ofhemp, and
3 Translator's note: See Chapter Four of the thesis accompanying this translation for an alternative
interpretation ofthe figures in this painting.
354
both his hair and beard are disheveled. He shades his eyes with his small hand and
squints. Perhaps this is meant to be Shohaku's self-portrait.
What further emphasizes the unique expressionism in this kind ofdepiction is the
personality ofthe colors. Since this is a work ofShohaku, who is particularly adept at
ink painting, rather calling this a polychromatic work, it would be more correct to say
that this is basically an ink painting in which color is applied to such places as the
characters' clothes. However,this spotty use ofcolor produces truly fierce disharmony
between the glaring reds, yellows, blues, and earth tones. What is particularly impressive
is the yellow crane and the yellow applied to the clothes ofthe woman cleaning Liu
Haichan's ears. It has a grotesque vividness reminiscent of florescent paint that
stimulates the viewer's nerves. One cannot find a similar example ofthis kind of
painting at that time; as we might have expected, we should probably consider it to be the
product ofSh6haku's peculiar exhibitionistic urge. This impression is particularly strong
in the gaudy red on Liu Haichan's lips.
On the outer edges ofthe pair of folding screens, the following signatures are
written:
(Right side)
Painted by Saga Teruo, 35years old at the time ofhis death
ShOhaku Sakonjiro, a tenth generation descendent·ofJasoku Ken
Terumasa Asomi, Captain ofthe Saga llyOgo clan
Subordinate rank ofthe lowerfourth class
(Signed with a hand-painted seal [top] and an impressed seal [bottom])4
(Left side)
Painted by Saga Sakonjiro Shohaku Teruo,
a.t.a. Shikibu Taisuke Jasoku Ken Kikaku NyUdo the Tenth
(Signed with an impressed seal [top] and a hand-painted seal [bottom])5
4Vf: Imfi'Cf~~~.9l.1>ti'lll'li
+iIt~~~fF.I3tr.)fttXM
~;pj;IdUtff&¥'::: +3i~.
:m~ ~
5~i15i:.!lrt:~fF.HAj!+iIt
~atr.)fttX~~.13.ifU~
~ :m~
355
Here, ShOhaku puts on airs to a terrible extreme by boldly writing that he is the
descendent ofSoga Jasoku (died 1483; founder ofthe Soga school), and to say that he
himselfdied at the age of35 is an extremely sarcastic comment. A conspicuous aspect to
these inscriptions is that the left one and the right one have bizarre seals with strange
shapes. Needless to say, this is not the proper way to paint a hand-painted seal. We
ought to call the exaggerated form ofthe seal a fIrst-class prank by ShOhaku. We can
fInd this kind of"hand-painted seal" on other works by ShOhaku, but all ofthe shapes are
different. Shohaku's attitude towards authority and convention, like peeking at another
person's private parts, shows through in this instance.
Even those people who are authorities ofclassical art know little about Soga
Shohaku. Such publications as a survey ofhis work published after the war treat him as
one ofEdo's second-rate artists; he is a character who was bmshed over in at the most
one or two lines oftext. However, recently his particular expressionistic style has
suddenly come to receive intemational attention. Presently, art historians have hurriedly
set out upon the discovery ofhis buried biography and the examination ofhis works.
The materials about Shohaku's biography are, at the present moment, extremely
scarce. In a way similar to Jakuchu, neither diaries nor letters ofhis can be found. The
only bit ofevidence we have is the grave ofhis only son, an infant at the time ofhis death
in the sixth year of the An'ei era (1777). On the almost entirely destroyed gravestone
that has been recently recognized at Koshoji temple in Kyoto, Shohaku had his own name
inscribed beside that ofhis son, and above these he inscribed the names ofthe people
thought to be his own parents (Illustration 24). Next to this grave, the grave ofhis
younger sister has been found, and together with the registry at the same temple, this has
only yielded a bit ofinfonnation about his place ofbirth, relatives, and the year he died.
It is believed that Shohaku was born into a Kyoto merchant family with the store
name ofTanbaya or Tangoya, and it seems that his actual name was Miura. The year that
he died was the first year of the Tenmyo era (1781), four years after his infant son's death.
356
There are no precise records regarding how old he was when he died, but the only clue is
the following memo written by the Meiji painter Momosawa Josui (1873-1906), who I
shall discuss later. He says that one ofShohaku's paintings ofrakan (arhats), a
haritsuke-ga (a painting later affixed to a panel), is located at a temple known as Jokoji
and located in the suburbs ofTsu City, and upon it can be found the inscription, "Painted
by Soga in ninth year ofthe Horeki era (1759) at the age of30." Since this painting is no
longer extant, we cannot ascertain the truth ofthis statement, but according to this, he
was born in the fifteenth year of the Kyoho
era (1730) and died in the first year of the
Tenmyo era (1781) at the age of 52.
Needless to say, we don't have any
information about the way in which
Shohaku, who was born into a merchant
family, became a painter, but according to
legend, he studied under Takada Keiho
(1673-1755). Keiho was the disciple of
Kano Sansetsu's son Kano Eino (1631-97),
and among Keiho's verified works, I have
only seen "Plum Trees" (Bokubai-zu; in the
collection ofTokyo University ofFine
Arts). He was a character discussed in
lllustration 24. Shohaku's gravestone (prior Continued Biographies ofEccentrics in the
to restoration), Collection ofKOshoji
Temple. Early Modem Era (Kinsei kijin-den zoku),
and according to this short work, he possessed a similarly unique personality.
Momosawa Josui, who appears later, said about Keiho's style, "he would become
depressed in very dramatic ways, and he also obstinately avoided the use ofcolor in
paintings." Perhaps this person had some sort of influence upon the development of
Shohaku's painting style. In addition, I'd like to draw your attention to the fact that
Sansetsu, in this lineage ofteachers, used the name (go) ofJasoku Ken that Shohaku
357
mentioned, and Sansetsu's painting style also displays a strangeness similar to that of
ShOhaku's paintings. One can see this characteristic in Sansetsu's way ofpainting
landscapes even after he studied under artists in the Unkoku school. However, in the
development ofShOhaku's painting style, one group that is thought to have influenced
him rather directly is the Soga school.
The Soga school was a powerful school ofChinese painting that began in the
Muromachi era and continued until the beginning ofthe Edo period, but the way in which
their ideas were applied are often vague. According to art biographies from the middle of
the Edo period, it is said that Yi Chuman (Japanese: Ri Shubun) came to Japan from
China during the Ming Dynasty, succeeded Soga, vassal ofEchizen Asakura, and
,founded the Soga school. Several of Shubun's works were already known at the time,
and according to rani BunchO and others, people said that his peculiar painting style
indicated that he was probably Korean. This was indeed the case; the fact that he was an
artist who came to Japan in the first halfofthe fifteenth century has recently been more
or less ascertained through analysis ofthe inscriptions on his artworks. It has been said
that Shikibu Jasoku, famous as the artist ofthe sliding door paintings at Shinjuan temple,
was the son ofShubun. However, it seems that he was merely one among many teachers
that stopped in Echizen and served the Asakura family, and it is presumed that it was
Soga Chokuan who moved out from there to Sakai city at the beginning ofthe
Momoyama era.
Chokuan ranks among such people as Kaihoku Tomomatsu, Hasegawa TOhaku,
and Unkoku TOgan as a unique painter who, using Sakai city as his base, actively
participated in the Momoyama painting community during the KeichO era (1596-1615).
His artworks are based upon Muromachi kanga paintings (Song-style and Yuan-style
painting), particularly the conservative style of Shubun's painting lineage. His works
employ deeply saturated ink and rough brushwork. He possesses a strange, obstinate
style in which he distorts the forms oftrees and rocks. Chokuan's painting lineage was
inherited by his son Nichokuan and others, but by around the middle ofthe Edo era, he
was forgotten. ShOhaku discovered the Soga style and affirmatively adopted it into his
358
own style. For example, when looking at the previously mentioned "Immortals"
(Gunsen-zu byobu), this stylistic influence is clearly shown in the trees with hollows that
resemble the suckers ofan octopus as well as in the depiction ofrocks that look like the
remains oftrees chopped down with a hatchet. Ofcourse, the reason why Shohaku came
to think ofhimselfas the successor to this lineage, calling himself"Jasoku the Tenth,"
was simply because Nichokuan made a family tree ofthe Soga school in which the first
generation was Shikibu Jasoku, and in which Nichokuan called himself"the grandchild
ofJasoku the Sixth/'
It is thought that Sh6haku first began calling himself"Jasoku the Tenth" at an
extremely young age - probably the latter halfofhis twenties. In terms ofthe time
period, this was the H6reki era (1751-1764) which began the latter halfof the eighteenth
century. During this period, the elite painting community was a seedbed of literati
painting - that is to say, they were fostering a new Chinese painting style that was
imported from China during the Qing Dynasty. Ike Taiga, the amazing bud oftalent, was
pursuing the success of"Japanese-style literati painting." Maruyama Okyo was
abundantly producing megane-e (stereoscopic paintings), which were based upon a
system ofperspective drawing imported from Europe, and this was also the period when
he prepared the basis ofhis later "philosophy ofHfe painting." In the previous chapter, I
discussed how the fantastic painter JakuchQ advocated a painting style based upon
''things'' and became absorbed in life painting and the observation ofchickens. Among
these new trends in the painting community, why was Shohaku, who was second to no
one in terms of talent and skill, persuaded to follow the Soga school, a relic of the
previous era? Ofcourse, nothing written by the artist himself that explains this decision
remains. The only clear thing we know is that the eccentric elements of the painting style
ofthe Soga school and the dignified title "Jasoku the Tenth" were employed by Shohaku
entirely as a vehicle for his sarcastic self-expression.
As a curious example that escalates the pompous nature ofthe title "Jasoku the
Tenth," the following inscription is written on the painting "Hawk" (Taka-zu; in the
collection ofMr. Murayama Nagataka [1894-1977]):
359
Painted byJasoku Ken Saga Sakonjiro Teruo Nyudo Shohaku, the 14th
generation descendant ofThe Great Founding Emperor ofthe Ming
Dynastl
On the back ofthe lid ofthe box in which the scroll is contained, the following
explanation about this inscription is written:
Regarding this hawkpainting, Xiao Zhao (lip'«; Japanese: ShOsho;
113()..62), distant descendant ofXiao He t1rfiiJ; Japanese: Sh01«J; d 193
BeE) ofthe Han Dynasty (206 BCE·24 CE) was admired by Emperor
Huangdi (1082.1135) ofthe Song Dynasty (Northern: 960-1127;
Southern: 1125-1200), His bird-and-flowerpaintings showed
extraordinarily talent, Atfirst, the emperor employedXiao Zhao as a
teacher, and he made good hawkpaintings, Later, Xiao Lan Of.;
Japanese: Shoran), assistant to thefounders ofthe great Ming Dynasty
(1368..1644), near the end ofXiao Zhao's (1130-62) life also made good
hawkpaintings. AndEmperor Huangdi made these paintings, The great
founder, the Crown Prince.Yiwen (Mx; Japanese: !bun) employedXiao
Lan (Ifill; Japanese: Shoran) as a teacher. His child Shubun (early 15c)
came to Japan and lived in Echizen. He (Shubun) was the true father of
Jasoku (d. 1483),7
If! were to add a few annotations to these quotes, Sh6ka was a servant ofthe
great founders ofthe Han dynasty, and Sh6sh6 (113()"62) was a famous artist in the
Southern Song painting school and was defmitely a historical figure, However, I can't
believe that they were related,
6~**ll:li:fl!f+ 1mitt~~!IrE.IE:*t~~tiur(X~~ IIifUlAJi.13iii.
7Jltll / ~/,~ / .{iiI/*~.Jf« l'~A {±
*/it*:li:'Fjf.::.ttAtlt
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~fl!f~affif.Jf« '7 t1iii J-. ~J.I'7 :3 ? A
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~-r~X S*-"*9 ~iW'::'{±AJ!j{ljtE..@/ ~x:-I:t!.
Translator's note: The dates cited for each character are based upon the views ofcontemporary historians.
The dates currently ascribed to Xiao Zhao and Emperor Huangdi obviously contradict SMhaku's
inscription.
360
The artist referred to as ShOran, who served the first emperor (Hongwu; Japanese:
KObutei; 1328-98) ofthe Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) and who taught painting to the first
crown prince Yiwen <fjx; Japanese: Ibun; also known as Zhubiao [*_; Japanese:
ShuhyO}; 1355..92) is someone I have never heard ofbefore.
About Shilbun, since, as I previously mentioned, he was not a citizen ofMing
China but rather was born in Korea, the idea that he was the SOl) ofYiwen is extremely
suspicious. That doubtful lineage was not written by ShOhaku himself, but rather,
needless to say, probably an owner ofhis work who he had never met In short, ShOhaku
was said to have traced his own lineage back to Jasoku and Shilbun and finally to a
descendant of the first Ming Emperor, and this verges on being an exaggerated publicity
stunt, but before classifying it as delusional insanity, here again we should interpret this
as the finest kind ofparadoxical sarcasm aimed at that era in which lineages and titles
were regarded so highly.
History ofDeviantArtists in the Early Modern Period (Kinsei itstlji" gashl),
published forty years after ShOhaku died and written by the erudite scholar from Edo,
Okada Choken (also known as Nakao Choken, d. 1821), says that ShOhaku was born in
Ise. An examination ofhis grave and the registry at KOshOji temple that I mentioned
earlier has weakened the grounds for this theory, but there is no lack of reason for the Ise­
birth theory. In the eighth and ninth years ofthe Horeki era (1758-9) - in other words,
from the age of29 through 30 - he roamed all around Ise and alarmed people with his
eccentricity.
There are few records from the Edo period that tell ofJakuchu's comings and
goings through Ise City, but in the eighth year ofthe Bunka era (1811), thirty years after
Sh6haku died, Mon Kosen (1743-1848), a wealthy merchant from Matsusaka City (Mie
Prefecture), published Tales ofthe Horeld Era (Horeld hanashl), a kind ofmemoir, in
which he writes:
361
A painter by the name ofShOhaku came into the Yanagiyashop, and
because ofhis extremely grotesque behavior, nobody did anything to
assist him.
Also, according to the book Hanbaku Zawa, written by the localliteratus Moritori
Nagashi (and which is believed to have been published during the Bunsei era [1818­
1830]), while in Ise, Shohaku "was supposedly drunk all the time and rode on the back of
a palanquin or in the cargo hold, playing his shamisen (lute)." Even according to these
fragmented accounts, Shohaku's conduct in lse can be imagined, but the episodes of
Shohaku that remained in abundance all throughout lse City until the Meiji era further
reinforce this image ofhim. When Momosawa Josui (1873-1906), a painter who studied
under Hashimoto Oaho, spent the final years ofhis life in Ise City, he decided to
investigate traces ofShohaku, and in Meiji 39 (1906), he published notes about his
discoveries in the magazine Japanese Art (Nihon bijutsu). Let me introduce two or three
quotes from that text.
In a village next to Matsusaka lived a wealthyfarmer. While on his way
homefrom an errand, when he got to the base ofKong6saka hill, he came
upon ayoung man who had collapsed on the roadside. Near his headwas
a zuda-bukuro (bag worn around the neck ofa Buddhistpriest in which
rosary beads etc are placed during asceticpractice) andsomething that
looked like apaintbrush lay close to his head Upon gently arousing him
and inqUiring what the matter was, he said that he was a painter and that
he was resting since he couldn't walk so early in the morning due to
hunger. Since, the farmer couldn'tjust leave him there, he kindly brought
him home to thefarm. This seems to have been the first time Shohaku
stayed in Ise andpainted there.
Kuroda village is a villagejust two ri outside ofTsu City in which there is
a surprisingly large temple calledJ6kOji. Shohalcu came to this place and
was therefor about one year. Everyday in the summer time, Sh6haku
went to the main hall ofthe temple and napped there. One day, he went to
the main hall without eating brealifast. Later, I inquired about whether he
had been sleeping since the morning. Since it had already become his
habit, 1 didn't consider this behavior to be particularly strange. However.
he didn't emerge at noon, and he didn't come out at nigh/either. So I
went to the main hall to see what was the matter. Sh6haku wasn't there,
and nearby there was a ladder. Upon looking carefully, there were posts
362
in the middle ofthe left and right walls ofthe naijin (area ofthe temple
where the idols or sacred objects are placed), and a wall ofcloth nine­
shaku wide (about ninefeet wide) had been stretched across these posts.
On the exteriorface ofthis wall were painted the sixteen arhats, and
grapes werepaintedon the transom window (the window above sliding
doors), but there was no trace ofthe artisthimselj It seems that, after
ShOhalcufinishedpainting these, he departedfor somewhere.
While painting a gildedfoldlng screenfor Hisai Yoshl, ShOhalcu came to
be afreeloader. Everyday, he drank wine andate a lot, but as before, he
didn't paint anything. For a while, he braggedabout himself, but since
this request was very serious, one day, he was urged to work. He then
decided to paint. He prepareda great deal ofi1lk. poured it into.a bowl,
and also preparedsuchpreciouspainting materials as Prussian blue,
ultramarine blue andgoldpaint. He lined up aboutfifteen pairs offolding
screens andspread them around that area. Then he grabbed a broom
(s6ryo hoki), painted a curved line with It onto one ofthe folding screens.
With his remaining energy, he painted the portrait ofthe karO (the
supervisorofactivities within the house), and with that, he casually left.
The karO wasfurious about Sh6halcu 's contempt, but since the artist had
already left, there was nothing he could do. When looking at the screen,
he couldalmost make out an image In the areas where the ink haddried,
and when all ofit had dried, a brilliant, seven-color rainbow appeared
I assume that the passage oftime has embellished the facts and led to this
unflattering story, but it is certain that Shohaku's sarcastic Bohemianism and
unconventional manner ofpainting left an intense impression in the hearts ofordinary,
peaceful people.
There are various other stories ofShohaku's eccentric behavior besides those
about incidents that occurred during his wanderings through Ise. An artist named
Katsuyama Takushu, who belonged to the lineage ofKano Tanyti, had painted a
pedestrian bridge inSano City, and when Shdhaku saw this painting on a cool evening
one summer, he noticed that Takushu had added a handrail to his depiction ofthe bridge.
Shdhaku felt that this was a disgrace to professional painters throughout the capital, and
so he demanded that he repaint it. Takushu replied that he had followed the example of
Tanyti in his depiction. An argument ensued, Shdhaku took out his knife and he slashed
363
at Takushti until finally those people standing nearby subdued him. At a meeting of
portrait painters in Higashiyama, Sh6haku noticed that the artists who were painting
figures only painted as low as the model's waist, at which point he suddenly dipped his
own facecloth into some ink and continued to paint the figures from the waist down.
Also, when the chiefpriest ofHonganji temple sent a messenger to Shohaku's home to
order a painting, the messenger stood in front ofShohaku's gate and called out in a
haughty manner, "I am the chiefpriest's messenger. Is Sh6haku here?" At this point, a
loud voice replied from within the house, "Shohaku isn't here!" As a result, the
messenger ran away. He had a terrible temper and an insolent manner, and it seems that
in some ways his personality resembled that ofUeda Akinari (1734-1809).
The notes ofMomosawa Josui record a great deal about the artworks ~fShohaku
that were left all over Ise at that time. The inscription "Painted at the age ofthirty" on the
images ofarhats at Jok6ji, which I mentioned before, is one example, and there have been
others, such as at Sairaiji Temple in Tem district ofTsu City, where there was a sliding­
door painting of"Seven Sages in a Bamboo Grove" (Chikurin shichiken), upon was
supposedly written "Age 29." Tennenji temple in the same Tera district similarly
possessed Sh6haku's large-scale sliding-door paintings. Unfortunately, most ofthese
have been lost, but while there are only a few, some such works are still extant. The
large-scale, polychromatic work on silk "Sessan Doji Offering his Life to an Ogre"
(Sessan DOji-zu; Plate 27) in the collection ofKeishoji temple in Matsusaka City depicts
a legend in which Shakyamuni, in his previous incarnation as a bodhisattva was
practicing asceticism on Mount Sessan in the Himalayas. During this time, he threw
himself in front ofa demon in order to increase his understanding ofthe Truth. The
gaudiness ofthe colors and the vividness of the depiction are identical to those of
"Immortals." Also identical in these regards are a painting on a door ofJapanese cedar
(sugido-e) and an ink-painting mural at Chodenji temple in Matsusaka City. This mural,
located on both sides ofthe altar in the main hall, is comprised oftwo large paintings,
each of which is 2.5 meters wide and about 2.25 meters high. On them, a male and
364
female lion dog (shishi; Plate 29) are roughly scribbled with a brush like a split piece of
bamboo. The force ofthe brushwork reminds one ofthe return ofKano Eitoku, the
breadth of whose spirit was described as truly strange (kaikai lffld). Among paintings of
the Edo period, works that make viewers feel an explosion ofsuch intense pathos as this
are rare. When the local people saw this work, they must have been astonished.
Through these artworks left behind in Matsusaka
and "Immortals" that Shohaku painted when he was thirty­
five years old, we know that Shohaku's heterodoxical style
had already been established in an early period of his life
from the end ofhis twenties through the first half of his
thirties, but the development ofhis style after that time until
he died at the age offifty-two is difficult to gauge since
there are few works in which we know the date of
completion. However, ifwe look at works such as "Stone
Bridge" (Sekibashi-zu; Illustration 25) that was inscribed in
the 8th year ofthe An'ei era (1779), two years before his
death, it seems that he continued to preserve his eccentric,
individual personality his painting style in his late years and
that he added a degree of delicacy and flexibility to his
Illustration 25. "Stone painting style.
Bridge." The number ofartworks that Shohaku left behind in
his rather brief life span is not as high as those of 6kyo and Taiga, but there are quite a
lot, and the subject matter ranges from landscapes and bird-and-flower paintings to figure
paintings. Looking at his entire oeuvre, the certainty ofhis knowledge about the craft of
painting and the breadth ofhis expression are extremely impressive.
Most of Shohaku's landscape paintings are constructive works reminiscent of
formal-style painting (kaitai), and in them, one ofthe canons oftraditional Northern
Chinese painting (hokuga), structural method in the use of the brush, is perfectly
managed., However, he reverses the direction ofthe academic techniques to express a
Illustration 26. "Landscape in Moonlight," detail.
365
unique world. By means ofsaturated ink that creates areas ofbreathtaking tonal contrast,
this wild, fantastic, otherworldly landscape is constructed offormless boulders that seem
to be oozing like lava, other boulders that, like the cliffs ofthe Alps, plunge acutely into
the void beneath them, and trees that, though slightly resembling poisonous bamboo
shoots or umbrella goblins, are ultimately indescribable. "Landscape in Moonlight"
(Getsuya sansui-zu byObu; Dlustration 26), a pair of six-fold screens originally owned by
Mr. Nakaoka ofKyoto, represents this kind ofwork. Like "Castle in a Landscape"
(R6kaku sansui-zu oshi-e hari-byObu; in the collection of Tokyo University ofArts and
Music; Plate 30), it is a work that displays an original attempt to reduce rocks, buildings
and trees into pseudo-cubist, geometric figures.
Ifwe roughly trace
back to its origin this kind of
eccentric style in which
Shohaku paints landscapes,
we would eventually
encounter the so-called
Rikaku style found in
Northern Song landscape
paintings from the 10th
through the 11th century that
use as motifs wild and
bizarre images ofnature in
Northern China. This style
was popular in the Yuan and Ming dynasties as a revival style, and it was also transmitted
to Korea, where artists added a particular, dark expressionism. By means ofartists such
as Shilbun, this style was further transplanted in Japan during the Muromachi era, and
after a period oftime, this style suddenly and unexpectedly popped up in Shohaku's
landscape paintings.
366
Among his figure paintings, the polychromatic "Immortals" that I previously
discussed is a representative work in which Shohaku discovered his real ability.
However, also famous among his large-scale ink paintings is "Hanshan and Shide"
(Kaman Jittoku-zu; Illustration 27), a pair ofhanging scroUs, each ofwhich is morethan
two meters long, that is owned by K6shoji temple. The appearance ofthese ugly, unusual
giants who can be defmed as neither human nor beast, painted in a style that truly "is like
dipping a handful ofstraw in ink and stirring it around on the painting's surface," makes
the muscles in a viewer's back go cold. In terms ofgrotesquerie, it cannot be compared
to any other works in the history ofJapanese figurative ink painting, and ifyou were to
compare them to figures painted by the Zhe school in the 16th century Ming dynasty, a
school that was called "the school ofeccentricity," you would clearly not be able to help
but say that this was the source ofShohaku's style. This goblin-like image ofHanshan
and Shide is reminiscent ofa few fierce artworks in Shohaku's particularly exalted
repertoire that are no less important than the works ofKoshoji.
On one hand, in ~~Four Pure Souls on Mount Shozan" (Sh6zan shilcO-zu by6bu; in
the collection ofthe Boston Museum ofFine Arts; Illustration 28), that shows four
hermits drinking wine and chatting under a tree, the depiction ofan enormous tree is
reminiscent ofthe paintings ofKano Eitoku (1543·90), and the brawny, simplified
characters make one think ofthe influence ofHakuin's pictures. It emits a positive
humor in contrast to the image ofHanshan and Shide. Also, "Immortals" (Gunsen-zu
nikyoku byObu; Collection ofTokyo University ofFine Arts and Music; Plate 31) is a
work in which the same motifs as in the polychromatic "Immortals" that I previously
discussed are handled in ink and gold paint. However, the fine-grained, radical line-work
reminiscent ofan etching and the dry harmony between black and white display a fine
and lucid sense that is one aspect ofShohaku's pel)Onality. One can point to the same
acute sense in "Immortals Li Tieguai and Liu Haichan" (Gama Tekkai zu-by6bu;
CoUection ofTokyo National Museum) in which the wild hair ofTieguai, who has a
goblin-like facial appearance, is described in detail. "Ogress under Willow Tree" {Ryuko
367
kijo-zu; Collection ofTokyo University ofFine Arts and Music; Plate 32) is, as the title
implies,
Illustration 27. "Hanshan and Shide." Collection ofKoshoji Temple.
Illustration 28. "Four Pure Souls on Mount Shozan," Right Screen. Collection ofBoston
Museum ofFine Arts.
a painting ofan ogress, but in the same way, rather than calling it a rough painting, on the
contrary, the clarity ofthe delicate, expert brushwork heightens the terrifying effect ofthe
subject matter.
368
In the polychromatic "Immortals," Chinese beauties reminiscent ofthe fmal
period ofUkiyo-e are painted, but rarely did Shohaku make paintings devoted to the
genre ofbeauties as it was known at the time. "Beauty" (Bijin-zu; lllustration 29) in the
collection ofMr. Yura Tetsuji, is a standing pose ofa crazed beauty that appears to be a
scene from the Kabuki play "Summer Madness" (Onatsu kyOran). However, it is a work
in which one cannot overlook the history ofthe depiction ofbeauties in Ukiyo-e:
Shohaku's particular sense about such things as her messed-up skirt, her red inner
kimono (kedashi), and her thick, sensual lips tells ofhow a type oflate-Edo, decadent
beauty was already being prepared in Kyoto more than haifa century beforehand.
"Children at Play" (Gundo yUg;-zu by6bu; lllustration 30)
is a rare, large-scale genre painting in which beauties appear
in a pastoral summer scene along a riverbank.
(Unfortunately, the current location of this artwork is
unknown.) All of the wicked children, with their blue noses
running, are wearing slightly unsettling facial expressions,
and the entire scene is filled with an unusual, eerie
atmosphere.
The polychromatic "Hawk" in the collection ofMr.
Murayama is offered as an example ofShohaku's work with
the theme offlowers, birds and animals. This work
continues the repertoire ofhawk images in which Chokuan
and Nichokuan specialized. This depiction that surpasses
the bird paintings of both Jakuchft and Okyo, and to it,
Shohaku adds the coloration found in yamato-e images of
autumn grasses. It is a dense work in which the artist's
deformation ofthe bird's body and the vivid yellow of its
Illustration 29. "Beauty." talons emphasizes its ferocity and creates an impressive
Collection ofMr. yura. effect. I have already mentioned about the inscription on
369
Illustration 30. "Children at Play," Left Screen.
this painting that says, "the 14th generation descendant ofThe Great Founding Emperor
of the Ming Dynasty."
As simplified ink paintings ofbirds and flowers, works such as "Dragon and
Tiger" (Ryfiko-zu; Plate 33) in the collection ofthe Boston Museum ofFine Art and
"Group ofChickens" (Gunkei-zu) are works in which Shohaku discovers his real ability.
"Group ofChickens," painted in the mokkotsu style,8 has an acute sense unlike in
Jakuchu's chickens, as ifwe could hear a metallic buzz emanating from the passionate
brushwork. In "Dragon and Tiger," the face of the tiger, sunk into its trunk is if it was
just recently flattened with a roller like a noshiika (a delicacy consisting offlattened
squid), has a reproachful look. I presume that such a bizarre metamorphosis as is shown
in this tiger's body is difficult to even find in contemporary comic books.
At one time, Shohaku said, partly as a joke, "Ifyou want a painting, you should
ask me; if you want a pretty picture, you should go ask Maruyama Shusui." I take this
statement as a sharp criticism ofart styles, including Okyo's so-called "realism," that
8 Translator's note: mokkotsu = a style ofAsian painting, particularly bird-and-flower paintings, in which
ink or pigment are applied directly to the subject without the use ofoutlines. Also known as "boneless
technique."
370
produce empty~ meaningless imagery~ but to some extent, I also detect a sense ofenvy
about the fame that his rival enjoyed in the Kyoto painting community. On the other
hand~ ShBhaku seems to have had a strangely good rapport with Ike Taig~ another
vendor at the time. According to a famous story~ once when they bumped into each other
at the buckwheat noodle shop~ Taiga invited Shohaku to go thereto eat together
sometime. ShBhaku responded immediately, visited Taiga's home, and spent time
chatting, but they became so absorbed in their conversation that they completely forgot to
eat the noodles. They stayed late into the evening~ and when they headed home, ShBhaku
didn~t have a lantern, so Taiga offered him his, and Shohaku used it to get home. It is
believed that this was because they identified each other as brethren eccentrics (kijin),
because Taiga's well-rounded and carefree personality had the ability to unravel
Shohaku's obstinacy, and because Shohaku's subjective philosophy about painting was
surprisingly similar to that ofa literati painter.
ShBhaku bragged about how fast he could paint, saying that he started by painting
a figure's toes and finished by painting his head. He derided Taiga's slow brushwork as
inconvenient, and it is said that he was chided by Taiga, but it seems that the sharp­
minded ShBhaku couldn't forget that he had incorporated the merits ofTaiga's way of
painting into his own style. Among the works by ShBhaku that I have recently seen, I
was deeply interested in "Mount Fuji and Miho no Matsubara" (Fuji Miho-zu byObu;
Plate 34) that has recently gained public attention and has entered the collectionofthe
American Mr.Powers. It is mounted on a folding screen (oshi-e hari-byObu) that was
brought about an even high degree ofartistic fruition by means ofTaiga's influence. It
was painted in a seemingly fun, Taiga-esque style to the point of imitating the
handwriting in Taiga's signature. Various aspects, such as the odd shape ofMount Fuji,
towering on the left side and the way in which the fields that surround it stretch all the
way down to sea level, are very typical ofShBhaku, and the panoramic vista of the Mino
pine forest on the right side is impressive. The many islands and distant mountains are
sensitively melded together in light ink washes, and he depicts the fresh expansiveness of
the atmosphere after a rainfall. A little bit of light coloration in the rainbow glimmers
371
like a wet jewel. The fresh feeling ofthe color and the sense ofspace even surpasses
these kind ofpictures painted by Taiga. Even those people who are annoyed by the
degree ofobstinacy in Shohaku's pictures need to alter their perception of the artist when
standing in front ofthis painting.
Shohaku is definitely a painter who was forgotten here for several decades.
However, upon tracing the public's former appraisal ofhim, it becomes obvious that he
was extremely popular at least in the Meiji era. For example, in the graveyard ofKoshoji
temple, in the 41st year ofthe Meiji era (1908), a splendid gravestone two-meter taU with
an inscription written by Tomioka Tessai was erected by the organizer ofa historical
society (onko-kai). (Ironically, though, in order to do so, the original gravestone that
Shohaku erected himself was lost.) Also, at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, there is a
huge collection ofworks by Shohaku - as many as fifty pieces, including such works as
the aforementioned "Four Pure Souls on Mount Shozan" (Shozan shikO-zu byObu) and
"Dragon and Tiger" (RyCtko-zu). These are works that Bigelow, who stayed in Japan for
seven years starting in the 14th year ofMeiji (1881), took back to the States with him.
In the 26th year ofthe Meiji era (1893), the following explanation of"Hawk"
(Taka-zu), which is in the collection ofMr. Murayama, appeared in the journal Kokka:
Ifone looks at the rare bird-and-flowerpainting ofMr. Murayama
appearing in this issue, it is something that makes one want to shake
Shohaku's hand and cry. 9
It is interesting that, not surprisingly, the author raves about the painting in a way .
that would even have made Shohaku blush.
Regarding Shohaku's popularity from the time ofhis death through the end ofthe
Edo era, considering the fact that forgeries made during this period are surprisingly
numerous, it seems as if he had quite a following, and ifyou look at biographies of
painters published at the time, the following passage by Shiroi Kayo, author of Gajo
9*-ij-mttA}vffl J #UJ~f$.J{E"@7'. v/'\Jt v~, ";1 A-'F-?t t"l3 l-Jt.:f.7';ji!J m%tVT
rtLj) ";/ t-*?)v.:c .I ,. '7 ";/.
372
yOryaku (published in the 2nd year ofthe TempO era [1831]), is a bit stilt but anyways he
gives Shohaku a favorable evaluation.
"I once saw Shohaku's painting ofa beauty playing the harp, and her appearance
was like that ofa demon. At that time, I disliked it. In his recent painting style, when he
depicts abeauty, he tries as much as possible to make her appear voluptuous and lustrous,
but ultimately Shohaku's works are individualistic and strange. One ought to say that he
has guts. Perhaps painters these days wouldn't be so inferior ifthey followed his
example. Occasional works by ShOhaku that display a slightly frank style are quite
comparable to those ofthe great painters ofthe past."
Nakabayashi Chikudo (1776-1853) was a literati painter with a wicked tongue
who was active at the end ofthe Edo period. In his books Thoughts by Chikudo on
Painting (Chikudo garon) and Gado kOgosho, which were based upon his own personal
theories ofpainting, he condemned painters working in the tradition ofOkyo as ''painter­
fairies" and launched at them an unending stream ofthe most offensive verbal abuse,
saying that their paintings were saccharine and lacking in truth like the chatter ofa
prostitute. He also disparaged Shohaku, saying, "He's a pervert who relies solely upon
his talent, and such ability has a negative effect upon the field ofpainting." It seems that
in some way the unexpected popularity ofShohaku's eccentric style offended Chikudo.
In his work "Evaluation ofPast and Recent Painters and Paintings" (Kokon gajinhin hyo),
he constructed the category "Perversion" (ja) especially for Shohaku and classified Okyo
along with two other artists in the category "Saccharine" (amattaroi). At least we can say
th~t he gave more attention to Shohaku than he did to Okyo. .
If this is so, regarding the public evaluation ofShohaku during his lifetime,
Fujioka Sakutaro, in his famous work History ofEarly Modern Painting (Kinsei leaigashi,
Meiji 36 [1903]), says the following. To paraphrase, it says that while Shohaku
possesses superior skill in painting, his anachronistic style was not publicly acceptable,
and for this reason, his passionate and envious personality became increasingly distorted,
reaching the point at which he painted pictures that epitomized the grotesquerie and
desolation that he perceived. However, to some extent, 1disagree with this opinion. For
373
example, let us consider the History ofFigures in the Capital (Heian jinbutsushl), a
record offamous persons in Kyoto that was published in the 4th year ofthe An~ei era
(1775), at which point ShOhaku was 46 years old. The names oftwenty painters who
represented the Kyoto painting scene at the time are listed, including OkyO, Jakuch~
Taiga, and Buson, and towards the end ofthe list, one finds ShOhaku's name. Also,
though many forgeries exist among the ShOhaku paintings left at locations (mostly
temples) in such areas as Ise and the SanyO district, there are also defmitely more than a
few authentic works. More than anything else, these artifacts attest to the positive public
appraisal and demand for his works during his lifetime, and this is the reason why I
disagree with Fujioka's opinion. Regarding ShOhaku's paintings, the description ofhis
"wanderings" between Kyoto and the province ofSettsu (modern~day Osaka and Hyogo
Prefectures) in History ofDeviant Artists in the Early Modern Period (Kinsei itsujin
gashl) seems to not necessarily be an exaggeration. It seems undeniable that at times
ordinary people frowned at his naturally eccentric personality and that he displayed a side
ofhis personality that people called demented, but on the other hand, it is believed that
there were also more than a few people who secretly rejoiced in his extremely merry
attitude towards·daily life and in his artistic output. ShOhaku as well sufficiently
understood this, and I wonder ifperhaps he at times he decided to merely play the role of
"The Lunatic." Even in the figures in the polychromatic ''Immortals,'' which represents
his maniacal painting style, the frightful degree ofcare and accurate brushwork that we
can see in his execution ofdetailed patterns in their hair and clothing speak ofthe clear
. .
consciousness ofa painter who orchestrates the effects of "perversion."
Previously, I pointed out the wave painted in the polychromatic "Immortals" and
said that we can consider this a precedent for Hokusai's "Wave offofthe Shore of
Kanagawa." Certainly, we can say that Shohaku and Hokusai closely resembled one
another as a type ofartist. Even if the conservative and contemporary nature of
Hokusai's work indicates a difference between them, a dry, thoughtless imagination, a
spirit ofspectacle, a compulsion for bizarre forms ofexpression, an assertive vulgarity,
and the popular approval upon which these characteristics were based might be called the
374
essential common elements connecting these two artists. Within the works of Shohaku
that I have shown and that turned inside-out the so-called "oppressive coat oftradition" ­
that is, the extremely classical atmosphere ofthe stagnant, former capital- one can find
works that foretell the expression ofukiyo-e that blossomed in Edo halfa century later at
the end ofthe Tokugawa era, and I believe that this foreshadowing has surprisingly deep
significance.
Fortunately, after having put into words what I have written up until now about
Shohaku, Mr. Hickman ofthe Boston Museum ofFine Arts came to Japan to conduct
research on Shohaku. He is a likeable person, unsophisticated in appearance and with a
gentle feel, and his wife is Japanese. He pulled out a shower ofphotographs showing
details ofShohaku's works in Boston, and in a serious explanation comparing various
elements, we could SYmpathize with each other as fellow sufferers of this passion about
Shohaku.
Among the photographs that Mr. Hickman brought with him, there were several
extremely interesting works from the Boston Museum ofFine Arts collection that he
showed me such as "Parody ofKume the Transcendent" ("Kume no sennin-zu"), a work
painted at the age ofthirty - the earliest work by Shohaku I had seen up until then, as
well as "Hawk" ("Taka-zu"), believed to be a preparatory work for an enormous painting.
Among them, something that I unconsciously screamed about was the large work
"Dragon in Clouds" ("Unryfi-zu," Plate 28; Dlustration 31), which I was pleased to see
could be included among the illustrations for this book; a work that bears the inscription,
"Painted by Soga Shohaku at the belated age of34 years old."
Illustration 31. "Dragon in Clouds." Collection ofBoston Museum ofFine Art.
375
In my estimation, it seems to be a work in which eight sheets ofpaper were tom
away from both sides ofa continual composition that may have been installed in a room
in which a Buddhist sculpture or a memorial tablet was enshrined at a temple somewhere
(perhaps in Ise). The center ofthe image is missing, but that isn't a problem.
Is this nothing-less-than extraordinary beast perhaps a dragon originally painted in
black ink by someone such as Soga Chokuan or Kaih6 Yush6 and then transformed by
means ofSh6haku's magic? A particular characteristic ofhis paintings, a dry, metallic
grotesquerie swells and rises here into an overwhelming image - without any more
explanation, by simply looking at the plate, let us firstly be content with the fact that this
is the most skilled ofthe works by Shohaku that we know. Ifwe combine this work in
our minds with "Immortals," which bears the inscription "Painted at the age of 35 years
old," then it seems that the period when Sh6haku was 34-35 years old was when his
amazing endowment of imagination reached a boiling point.
As the story goes, up until two years ago, this shocking painting ofa dragon in the
clouds was long believed to be a forgery, and during that time, it lay on the far side ofthe
Boston MFA storeroom until one day, Mr. Hickman happened to find it, and from that
point, at last, he has been obsessed with Sh6haku.. Among the large number ofartworks
that the pair Fenalossa and Bigelow brought back to America are works like the "Tale of
Heiji Handscroll" (Heiji monogatari emaki) whose loss breaks the hearts ofJapanese who
have passed on to the next life, but ifthey hadn't "discovered" these works in the Meiji
era, it is believed that works such as this picture, which seems at a glance to be an oddity,
'.' '.' .
along with many similar sliding-door panels painted by Sh6haku, would have
disappeared, and upon thinking about the matter this way, we ought to be thankful for
Fenalossa's and Bigelow's contributions.
I toured Mr. Hickman around, and one day in the late autumn, we visited Keish6ji,
Ch6denji, and Kans6ji, and seeing a painting by Sh6haku which still remains in
Matsusaka City.
Here in Japan as well, such works as the mural painting ofthe Chinese temple
dogs at Ch6denji have slept for many years amidst people's apathy, and because they
376
were receiving attention for the first time in many years, they were covered with dust, the
cracks in the surface ofthe painting had become terrible, and their immediate restoration
was requested. At any rate, the high quality ofthe Shohaku paintings possessed by those
temples are important works, but in the opinion ofMr. Hickman, who seemed to be
thinking that most ofthe important works have been acquired by the Boston museum, the
tour seemed to have been more than a little shocking. What pleased him even more was a
tour by the chiefpriest of Chodenji to an old house six kilometers away from the temple
(next to Kongozaka, where Momosawa Josui's notebooks are kept), we were able to view
several sliding door panels painted by Shohaku, and to myselfas well, this was an
unexpected encounter with unknown paintings by Shohaku.
In this way, our pursuit of traces ofShohaku is currently progressing at a truly
fluid rate, and I am still filled with the thrill and jubilation in thinking that something else
may pop up in the near future.
Chapter Four
Demented, Outcast Immortals: Soga Sh6haku
Plates
24. "Immortals," right screen, detail, collection of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs.
25. "Immortals," collection ofthe Ministry ofCultural Affairs.
377
26. "Hawk," detail. Collection ofMr.
Murayama.
378
27. "Sessan Doji Offering his Life to an
Ogre," right screen, detail, Keishoji temple.
28. "Dragon in Clouds," detail. Collection ofBoston Museum ofFine Arts.
"29. "Lion Dogs," detail, Chodenji
Temple.
379
30. "Castle in a Landscape," details, Tokyo
University of Fine Art and Music.
{..
•.. \',?"
. • .. -I. li -;1
.
I'
t
•. -
31. "Immortals," right screen, detail, Tokyo 32. "Ogress under Willow Tree," detail,
University of Fine Art and Music. Tokyo University ofFine Art and Music.
33. "Tiger," detail, Boston Museum ofFine Arts.
34. "Mount Fuji and Miho no Matsubara," right screen, detail.
380
381
Chapter Five
Birds, Beasts and Mischief: Nagasawa Rosetsu
His mind and hands were always moving, andsince his life was tinged with
an element ofbusyness, he seemedto have been the kind ofcharacter who
could have appeared in an act at the Imperial Theater.
Aimi Ko'u (1874-1970)
Following Jakuchu and Shohaku is Nagasawa Rosetsu, a disciple ofOky6 who
displayed amazing ability within the painting community ofKyoto.
Rosetsu was born in the 41h year ofthe Horeki era (1754), and his father was
Uesugi Kazusaemon, a soldier who was said to have first worked for Aoyama
Shimotsuke no Kami in Tamba Sasayama (modem...<fay Hyogo Prefecture) and who was
. .
later transferred to Yodo (in Kyoto city) to work for Inaba Tango no KamL As a child, it
is said, he was adopted by Ashigaru Nagasawa ofthe Yodo clan and took the name of
Nagasaw~but this legend has not been verified. In short, he grew up in Yodo as the son
ofa poor soldier from the lower class, and pursuing his love ofpainting, he frequented
Okyo's studio, and in the process ofimproving his painting skills, he demonstrated rapid
and remarkable improvement. Soon thereafter, he moved to the capital, and it seems that
in the 2nd year of the Tenmei era (l782), at the age of29, he had already set up his own
workshop as the head pupil ofOkyo. In the list ofpainters in the Heian jinbutsu-shi
(History ofIndividuals in Kyoto) published the same year,' Oky6 is listed at the top,
followed by Jakuchfi and Buson, and though appearing quite a bit further down,
Rosetsu's name also appears.
In the 61h year of the Tenmei era (1786), Gukai, a priest at Muryoji temple in
Kushimoto city, Nanki (present-day Wakayama prefecture) visited Okyo, with whom he
had always been close, and requested a set ofsliding-door paintings for temples in Nanki
such as Muryoji that were connected to the Tofukuji sect. However, since at the time,
Okyo found himselfunable to travel to Nanki,the project was entrusted to Rosetsu.
382
From the end ofthat year until the beginning ofthe spring ofthe following year, the 7th
year of the Tenmei era, he painted several sliding doors and folding screens for Jojuji in
Nishimukai district, Sodoji in Tonda district, Kozanji in Tanabe city, and ofcourse
Muryoji. Works such as "Tiger" at Muryoji which have received a great deal ofattention
in recent years are from this time period (from age 33 through age 34; see Plate 36 and
Illustration 32).
Illustration 32. "Chickens among lllustration 33. "Flock ofBirds among the Waves
Roses," detail. Collection ofMuryoji and Rocks," detail. Yakushiji Temple.
Temple.
Ifone were to take a quick look at his artistic production since this time, in the 2nd
year of the Kansei era (at the age of 37; 1790), when the palace in Kyoto was
reconstructed, he was ordered along with artists from the Kano school, the Tosa school,
and the school of Okyo to produce sliding-door paintings for the Imperial Residence
(Goryosho). In the 4th year ofthe Kansei era (1792), he donated "Monkeys" (Saro-zu), a
383
votive picture (ema), to Hie Shrine in Sakamoto district. Around Kansei 5, he painted
such sliding-door paintings as ''LandscaPe,'' "Flock ofBirds among the Waves and
Rocks" (lwanami GunchQ..zu; Illustration 33), and "Tiger among the Pines" (ShOko-zu)
for Yakushiji temple. In the 6th year ofKansei, he traveled to Hiroshima and painted
"Sketchbook with EightViews ofItsukushima" (Itsukushima hakkei gachO), and in the
following year, the 7th year ofKansei, he collaborated with Okyoon a sliding-door
painting at Daijoji temple Tajima (Hyogo Prefecture) and at that time painted "Group of
Monkeys" (Gun 'en-zu). In the 9th year ofthe Kansei era, he donated the famous work
"Yamauba, the Mountain Woman" (Yama'uba-zu; Plate 41) to Itsukushima Shrine. Later,
in the 11th year of Kansei (1799), he died in Osaka at the age of46 years old.
By writing these accomplishments in this kind ofresume-like fashion, it seems
that, though he unfortunately died at a young age, this blessedly talented painter had a life
in which his sails were constantly filled with a favorable wind. However, it seems as if,
for some reason, his lifestyle was in fact not peaceful and free from incident. Rosetsu
had one son, but he died at infancy, and though Rosetsu's apprentice Rosho. became his
heir, it is said thatRosho. lost all the collected writings ofhis adoptive father's life in the
war-fires ofthe Meiji Restoration. It is unfortunate, but perhaps Rosetsu's relative, the
painter Takegawa Tomohiro, remembers the various strange acts ofRosetsu that were
written there. Takegawa presents these memories in the article "The Tale ofRosetsu
("Rosetsu monogatan''') written by old-man Aimi Ko'u, the great elder ofthe art history
field who was born in Meiji 7 (1874).1 According to that article, Rosetsu was expelled by
his teacher three times. The statement that Rosetsu was temporarily expelled at least
three times seems to be a fact, and in the book Discussion ofFamous Writers andArtists
ofthe Early Modern Era (Kinsei meika shoga dan; two volumes, published in 1844),
Rosetsu's expulsion is recorded. The reason was that, when Rosetsu was asked to present
his work to Okyo for critique, Rosetsu dared to submit the unmodified example-drawing
that Okyo himselfhad made, whereupon Okyo criticized and slightly corrected it. When
Rosetsu later corrected a drawing himselfand brought it to Okyo, the teacher approved of
1 This article was published in the August TaishO 7 [1918] issue ofChud bijutsu magazine.
384
it. Oky6 was later informed ofthis tric14 and Rosetsu was expelled. It isn't impossible
that he was expelled for this reason,·but when considering the fact that in the 7th year of
the Kansei era Rosetsu and Oky6 collaborated on the project at Daij6ji temple, it seems
that Oky6 did not ultimately wash his hands ofthis abundantly talented student who
could at any time offer a perfect copy ofOky6's own work. At any rate, it seems that this
mischievousness was part ofRosetsu's nature, and it is expressed in his paintings.
According to "Rosetsu monogatari," the artist had various interests and talents:
equestrianism, swimming, fencing and music, and a strange artform that would lead him
nowhere: the refined ability to spin tops. One time, he was summoned by the leader of
the Yodo clan to perform ''top acrobatics" in front ofthe garden, and in the middle ofms
performance, a top that flew high up into the air came falling down and hit in the eye, and
blood came gushing out. Rosetsu attempted to nonchalantly continue the performance,
but one ofthe lord's assistants forcibly picked up the tops and stopped the performance.
In this way, it is said, he lost one ofms eyes. If that were so, it would be a grave injury to
an artist, but I will touch upon this topic once again at a later time.
From the Tenmei era through the Kansei era, during which time Rosetsu was
active as an artist, the person who played the role ofa manager among the literati in
Kyoto was Minagawa Kien (1734-1807), but in his later years, Rosetsu seemed to have
become congenial friends with Kien. According to a popular story, they gathered people
at a temple within the Gion district, and Rosetsupainted pictures, to which Kien added
inscriptions. From one side ofthe room, buyers would enter, and to some extent, money
entered both oftheir bags. With the money they made, they would hire a woman for the
evening and go philandering until all the money they had earned was· gone.
During the Kansei era, Kien became a promoter ofpublic events and every spring
and autumn organized what was called an "Exhibition ofNew Paintings and Calligraphy"
("Shin shoga tenkan"). One could call this event the forerunner of the Koboten (ajuried
art exhibition). Each time, several hundred works were exhibited, and according to The
Collected Writings ofKien (Kien bunshu), painters in Kyoto caught the attention of
385
visitors by "competing to see who could create the most original work." However, even
in this environment, Rosetsu was viewed as a celebrity, and each time he exhibited an
extremely eccentric work that startled viewers. Among them, it is said, the work that he
exhibited in April ofKansei 10 (1198) was a depiction ofthe 500 arhats, along with
extremely small figures such as a lion dog, an elephant, a dragon and a tiger, all on a
scroll measuring one sun (3.03 cm) in each direction. According to an article in Kien
bunshu, his death the following year while traveling through Osaka in June was known,
but regarding the cause ofdeath, the author of"Rosetsu monogatan'" proposes the theory
that he was poisoned. This theory speculates that he was poisoned by a member ofthe
Y000 clan since he owed a great deal to the clan leader for various kinds ofassistance
and because his selfish behavior had provoked the leader's anger. There are many
explanations, including one that reasons that, when the head ofthe Tosa clan (or perhaps
the head ofthe Geishft clan) heard ofRosetsu's fame and invited him to become their
resident artist, the current artist, overcome with envy, invited Rosetsu to see a
performance in Osaka, and murdered him by putting poison in his box-lunch. These
theories are unsubstantiated, but nevertheless old-man Aimi assumes that his death by
poison in Osaka is a fact. Another possible theory that is introduced in "Rosetsu
monogafarf' is a rumor that arose soon after the incident. After 6ky6's death, it states,
Rosetsu felt great self-pride, but thereafter his painting deteriorated uncontrollably, and
ultimately left penniless, he hung himself in Osaka. It is difficult to believe that he
committed suicide due to financial problems, but at any rate, upon noticing these
, , ..' .
unpleasant rumors, we can imagine that there was some aspect ofRosetsu's attitude
towards daily life that had provoked the antipathy ofthe common world. Perhaps a
related episode occurred at a memorial held on the seventy-seventh day following6ky6's
death in which Rosetsu, upon seeing his rival Goshun sit in the place ofhonor, cursed
him aloud. Exploding with spirit and unparalleled dexterity, numerous interests and
skills, his compulsive need for attention and his mischievousness, his extreme excess of
self-confidence and arrogance - the image ofthis personality through oral rumors, ifone
were to sum it up in a single phrase, felt like a slightly more vulgar version ofSh6haku.
386
On many ofthe artworks by Rosetsu that remain in Nanki is impressed a seal, the
Chinese character for "fish" within an outline ofa tortoise shell, that is thought to perhaps
have self-deprecating meaning. It seems as ifhe was extremely attached to this seal, and
he used it until the end ofhis life, even after the surrounding outline was largely worn
away. Regarding the origin ofthis eccentric (JI.~b l? t~) seal, the following episode is
discussed in Kinsei meika shOga dan. During the time when Rosetsu was traveling from
Yodo to Okyo's residence on Shijo avenue and finishing his training, on a cold winter
morning, he passed along his way a small stream that was frozen. In the stream, he saw
that a fish had gotten trapped in the ice and, unable to rise.us, seemed to be suffering. As
he was troubled by this sight, he took a peek at it on his way home, and upon doing so, he
found that the ice had considerably melted, and the freed fish was happy. The following
day, upon talking to his teacher about this incident, his teacher was interested, saying that
Rosetsu during the years ofhis training also suffered but that along the way the "ice" had
gradually melted and he gained versatility in painting. This interpretation was deeply
engraved in his memory, and it is said that, until the end ofhis life, Rosetsu used that seal.
This might be a true story, but I don't think his teacher had to labor hard or be patient for
a long time in order for Rosetsu to acquire his skills and melt the ice wall. By the time he
was in his twenties, he had already mastered the skills ofhis trade - techniques of ink
painting, together with which Okyo had knit the shading methods ofwestem painting­
including one that we should call Oky6's patented method, tsuketate (applying ink
without using an outline and gradating the ink [bokashi] on its surface - a technique by
which Okyo imbued his work with three-dimensionality). Furthermore, it seems that he
had polished his own additional skills. The work that he produced in Nanki at the age of
33 or 34 was an opportunity for him to vividly demonstrate this progress.
Various aspects ofRosetsu's natural disposition seem to have been integrated into
the artworks that he left behind in Nanki such as the sliding·door paintings at Mury6ji,
S6doji and other temples.
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The skill and level ofexpression that Rosetsu expresses in these works are
astonishing. For example, ifone were to compare the rooster perching on a boulder in
Rosetsu's "Chickens among Roses" (Bara ni kei-zujusuma-e) (in the collection of
Mury6ji temple, Illustration 32) with the rooster in Oky6's "Pair ofChickens" (SOkei-zu)
(in the collection ofYasaka Shrine), Rosetsu's sketch-work appears in no way inferior.
On the contrary, we can even say that in Rosetsu's rooster, the tense beauty ofthe form,
the acute look of its eye and beak, and the realistic depiction ofsuch aspects as the way in
which its feet grasp the boulder surpass Oky6's work. Even the unfaltering, fluid rhythm
ofthe painted lines that describe the robes ofthe children, supported by the similarly
accurate sketch-work, in "Chinese children engaged in the Four Accomplishments"
(Karako kingoshoga-zu/usama-e; in the collection ofMury6ji temple) makes me want to
dub him "Edo's high priest offeathers." The humor of these children and puppies
painted by means ofthat sort of line-work is that the atmosphere ofa temple-based
kindergarten (terakoya) is being offered in the guise ofclassical imagery.
One can understand Rosetsu's intention oftransferring this classicism that his
painting style to some extent assumes to the intimate world ofthe common people. The
lively appearance ofanimals such as monkeys, cows, dogs and birds can be found within
Rosetsu's artworks in Nanki; the cute, playful puppies in "Chinese Children Engaged in
the Four Accomplishments," and the weasels that display a look ofmischievousness
among the morning glories in "Morning Glories" (Asagao-zu fusuma-e; in the collection
ofS&l6ji temple) area few examples.. Among them, "Tiger" (Tora-zu; Plate 36) at
Mury6ji temple, an image that has recently received critical attention, proves him to be
the foremost specialist in "animal painting" since S6tatsu. In a close-up shot, Rosetsu
focuses upon a tiger as it leaps towards its prey. The entirety of its body' fills the three
sJiding-doors upon which it is painted, and this scale has a startling effect upon viewers.
At the very least, I believe that this sort ofexpression is an iconoclastic image that cannot
be found among conventional paintings ofanimals and that this is the product of
Rosetsu's sense of freedom after having distanced himself from Oky6's watchful eye.
The only aspect that bothers me is that this tiger completely lacks the awesome presence
388
ofa ferocious beast; rather, it has an innocence that reminds me ofa housecat. In this
way, 1agree with the view ofMr. Yamagawa Takeshi, who says that "I don't think that
Rosetsu tried to paint a tiger and found that he couldn't, because 1have seen paintings of
virile tigers by him at such temples as Saikoji in Matsue City and Yakushiji in Nara. 1
can only imagine that Rosetsu, an ironic artist, painted an enormous housecat with
secretly whimsical intent." This kind ofeccentric expression by Rosetsu can also be seen
in such works as "White Monkey atop a Boulder" (/wajo hakuen-zu byobu; in the
collection ofSodoji temple; Plate 38), in which the artist
sits a white monkey humbly atop a pyramid-shaped
boulder that resembles a slagheap, and also in
"Whaling" (Hokei-zu; lllustration 34), found within the
Changing Picture Folding Screen (E-kawari byobu) in
which the lower halfof the picture plane is entirely
covered with ink in order to signify the presence ofa
whale.
"Dragon" (Bokuryfi-zu fusuma-e; Plate 37) at
Saikoji temple in Matsue City, a work thought to have
been produced around the time when he traveled to
Nanki, shows the twisting and turning body ofa dragon
painted in the tsuketate method with diluted ink. The
image covers the expanse offour sliding-door panels
and was painted in a single breath. Like an example of
gary6 tensei (completing a dragon painting by adding
the pupils), Rosetsu used concentrated ink only on the
Illustration 34. "Whaling," eyes, thereby drawing attention to them. Even now, on
from the Changing Picture
Folding Screen. occasions such as Green Day (midori no hi), sidewalk
painters attempt to paint a dragon's form in one brushstroke, making the obligatory
scream as they do so, and one can probably say that the origin ofthis superhuman feat
was somewhere around the time ofRosetsu's dragon painting.
389
What I felt in looking over all of the artwork by Rosetsuthat still remains in
Nanki is that many works strangely lack any sense ofdepth. That element is particularly
noticeable in his figure paintings, such as "Daikokuten" (Daikokuten-zu; in the collection
ofMr. Sayama, Plate35) and "Zhongkui" (ShOki-zu; in the collection ofMr. Okamoto),
in which the figure is facing directly towards the viewer. Like the image printed on a
piece ofKintaro candy, the face lacks any sort ofthree-dimensional relief. This sort of
two-dimensionality is found not only in figure paintings but also in "White Prunus"
(Hakubai-zu; in the collection ofMr. Norioka) and in the boulder in "Chicken among
Roses" (Bara ni lcei-zu; in the collection ofMuryoji temple) which uses line-work
together with the technique of tsulcetate which makes certain objects appear to protrude,
but nothing depicted seems to have any sense ofdepth. Even in the "Tiger" (Tora-zu),
the extreme close-up ofthe face does not give enough ofthe impression that it is coming
forward and attacking.
In a portrait depicting the artist (Illustration 35), both eyes are properly painted, so
I can't immediately believe the legend ofthe "one-eyed dragon," but the idea that the
sight in one ofhis eyes was weakened and that he was unable to clearly perceive depth
seems plausible.
One can say that Rosetsu's production in Nanki, by adding subjectivity and
expressiveness to the painting techniques that he learned from Okyo, expresses Rosetsu's
desire to surpass his teacher's painting style, and later, his work developed more or less
along these lines for more than ten years until he died at the age of46. As seen in
examples such as the crows in "Flock ofBirds among the Waves and Rocks" (Iwanami
Gunch6-zujusuma) (in the collection ofYakushiji temple, Illustration 33) and the
monkeys in "Group ofMonkeys" (Gun-en-zuJusuma; in the collection ofDaijoji),
Rosetsu's specialty as a "painter ofwildlife" was increasingly displayed through
caricatures reminiscent of"The Frolicking Animals Handscroll" (Ch6ju Giga) painted
Illustration 35. ''Portrait of
Rosetsu."
390
with free and witty brushwork. In such works
painted near the end ofhis life as "Liu Haichan and
Li Tieguai" (Gama Tekkai-zu sojUku) (in the
collection ofMr. Kometa, Dlustration 36) and "The
Four Sleepers" (Shisui-zu) (in the collection of
SOdoji temple, Illustration 37), the automatic
character ofhis line-work became increasingly
noticeable, and it seems almost as ifhis arm were
being pulled along by the brush. One can find an
example ofhis surprising imagination in works like
"Chinese children at play" (Karako y(tgi-zu byobu)
(plate 39), in which the heads of
Illustration 36. "Liu Haichan and Li Tieguai."
Collection ofMr. Kometa.
lllustration 37. "The Four Sleepers."
Collection ofSodoji Temple.
391
children, lined up like a long string ofrosary beads or like an army ofpolitical
demonstrators, gradually diminish into the background by means ofperspective
reminiscent ofstereoscopic pictures (megane-e).
In Rosetsu's late works, however, we find the element ofgrotesquerie that did not
appear up until then. As an example, Jet me discuss the left halfofa pair of6-fold
screens gilded and painted in ink which left Japan in the generation following the war and
which is presently in the possession ofa certain American collector. (This folding screen
is difficult to title, but for the time being, I will can the left half"Extraordinary Vista on
the Seashoreu (Kaihin kisho-zu; Plate 40].) In it, the silhouette ofstrangely shaped beach
rocks is roughly painted in jet-black ink upon the gilded background using the close-up
technique at which he specializes, and the scene gives the viewer a kind ofodd shock. It
is believed that this bizarre view is based upon a scene ofMatsushima island ofKi
Province outside Katsu'ura harbor, and the inscription on this work says that it was
produced after the 6Ut year ofthe Kansei period. Perhaps it is the record ofa journey to
the former province ofKi that, within Rosetsu's image, assumed this particular
appearance. "The Four Sleepers" that I mentioned earlier has been identified through
analysis ofthe writing style in the inscription to be, unlike other works in the collection
ofthat temple, one ofRosetsu's late works, and accordingly, there is a kind ofdisgusting
quality in, for example, the way the clothing ofthe figures are described with a tumbling,
unmodulated line-work that reminds one ofa pinworm as well as in the way the veins of
the old man Fenggan (Japanese: Bukkan) are accentuated. "Depiction ofthe Hall of the
Great Buddha in Flames" (Daibutsu enjo-zu) (in the collection ofMr. Kishimoto) is
Rosetsu's impression, painted in a sketchy style, ofan event in the lOUt year ofKansei
(1799), when the artist was 45 years 01d.2 In July ofthat year, the Daibutsuden hall of
HOkOji temple in the Higashiyama district ofKyoto was struck by lightning and caught
fire. The flames, shown in a faint red, create an eerie atmosphere like that ofa will-o'­
the-wisp. In addition, "Yamauba, the Mountain Woman" (Yamauba-zu; Plate 41) at
2 Translator's note: Here, Tsuji mistakenly writes ''the 10th year ofKan 1ei,~ which would correspond to
1625.
392
Itsukushima Shrine is even touched upon in the novel The Grass Pillow (Kusa malcura)
by Natsume S6seki and acknowledged as a masterpiece ofgrotesque painting from the
Edo period. Accordingly, among all ofRosetsu's artworks, "Yamauba, the Mountain
Woman" has the most theatrical tension, and I know ofno other example ofJapanese
painting (nihonga) in which the tremendous sense ofobscenity regarding age and
ugliness is painted through such orthodox methods as this. As opposed to Sh6haku's
biza.noe portraits ofHanshan and Shide and of immortals, who live in a transcendental
realm, Rosetsu's image ofthe Mountain Woman, as has been indicated by others, has a
sense ofrealism that arises from the vulgar realities ofHfe as a commoner. However,
without the influence ofthe biza.noe images by Sh6haku, who left this world when
Rosetsu was 28 years old and whose fame rapidly developed thereafter, I doubt that this
image ofthe Mountain Woman would have been born.
This idea may be refuted by fans ofRosetsu's paintings, but I think that, in terms
oforiginality, he somewhat pales in comparison to Jakuchft and Sh6haku. I do not mean
to scorn the fact that he was a follower ofhis teacher Qky6, but ifI were to criticize
Rosetsu, I would say that, in focusing upon his own various eccentricities and trying
throughout his entire life to escape from them, he absorbed too perfectly the painting
stYle ofhis teacher, and ultimately it seems that Rosetsu was not able to remove himself
from Qky6's "water." Likewise, in his devotion to grotesquerie duringhis late years, it
seems fair to say that Rosetsu was following in the footsteps ofSh6haku's talent, and
. .
ultimately he could not avoid being derivative. Nevertheless, Rosetsu's claim to fame,
most clearly shown in the several works he produced in Nanki, is nothing less than his
exceptionally prominent skill as a virtuoso of line drawing regardless of the scale at
which he was working. In this respect, perhaps he should he be evaluated as an artist
who revived the tradition of linear fine art within Japanese painting, previously
exemplified by works such as the "Frolicking Animals Handscroll" and "the Sh6gun
Tsuka Scrolls," to express the world ofthe common people at the end ofthe 18th century.
Also, among his bird-and-flower paintings and his paintings ofChinese beauties, there
393
are some truly witty and lustrous works, and I would like to imagine that, ifRosetsu had
traveled to Edo and had tried to become an Ukiyo-e artist, perhaps he would have become
a virtuoso on an equal with Tori'iki Kiyonaga and Kitagawa Utamaro. Anyway, one
mustn't overlook the acute aesthetic sense ofthe residents ofKyoto in the Tenmei (1781­
89) and Kansei (1789-1801) eras. In their distain for dull stagnation, they eagerly
awaited Rosetsu's shocking dramatics as a champion, following Jakuchu and Sh6haku, of
eccentric painting. These people embraced his agile images that shed the grime of
traditionalism haunting Kyoto even now, and at the end ofthe Tokugawa era, their
aesthetic sense was inherited by the citizens ofEdo.
Chapter Five
Birds, Beasts and Mischief: Nagasawa Rosetsu
Plates
35. "Daitokuten." Collection ofMr. Sayama.
36. "Tiger," Mury6ji Temple.
394
37. "Dragon," SaikOji Temple.
395
38. "White Monkey Atop a Boulder," Sodoji Temple.
39. "Chinese Children at Play," left screen.
396
40. "Extraordinary Vista on the Seashore," left screen.
41. "Yamauba, the Mountain Woman," Itsukushima Shrine.
397
Chapter Six
The Bizarre Transformation ofCats
at the End ofthe Edo Period: Utagawa Kuniyoshi
"Imagining that cats have morality, a quality which I suspect only humans
find necessary, is the epitome ofegocentricity. Cats eat whatever they want
to eat and drink whatever they want to drink,· perhaps this could be
consideredmorality. Cats possess a more authentic lifestyle than humans,
don't you think? They live nobly: they're lively, playful, and unattached to
worldly things, and theypossess not a speck ofdeceit in their hearts. "
Uchida Roan, "Baku no shita"
When I read this quote, I had afeeling that Kuniyoshi would concur.
Suzuki Yoshikazu
In the Tenmei (1781-89) and Kansel (1789-1801) eras, during which artists such as
Kiyonaga, Utamaro, and Sharaku were active, is called the "Golden Age" ofulciyo-e, and
since then, the so-called late period ofuldyo-e, with the exception ofthe landscapes of
Hokusai and Hiroshige, has been rated rather poorly as an excess of decadence and decay.
Up until now, this has been the orthodox view ofthe history ofukiyo-e. However, it
seems that we have arrived at a point in time at which we ought to gradually amend this
way of looking at the history of ukiyo-e.
Mr. Ono Yoshiro'scoUectionofKunisada prints, which was publicly exhibited
several years ago, has been one opportunity to embrace this new awareness. This
exhibition clearly expressed how an anti-elassicist aesthetic, which could have been
called "The Beauty ofImbalance" (Anbaransu no bi), and which was seen as the germ of
works by Sharaku and the late prints of Utamaro, was warmly received by the talented
artists who followed them and who pursued that aesthetic to its utmost extent.
Furthermore, recent investigations by Mr. Hirosue Tamotsu and others has shed light on
the work ofan iconoclastic ukiyo-e artist by the name ofEkin who, even during the time
period spanning from the end ofthe Edo period through the early years of the Meiji era,
398
transplanted the realm ofthe Tosa school onto the stage and produced Kabuki prints that
overflow with the energy oftremendously intense coloration.
Even in the case ofHokusai, treating him as a pioneer ofmere landscapes is,
needless to say, rather one-sided; it is needless to say that the essential significance ofhis
production of images was in the astonishing diversityofhis visual vocabulary, which
included everything from animals, plants and figures to goblins, as well as in his
"eccentricity" (/dsd), in other works, in the original wit and dramatic imagination that he
displayed in any genre ofpainting. The name ofUtagawa Kuniyoshi who, as an artist
following in the tradition ofHokusai,displays inestimable work in this field of
"eccentricity," has finally come to receive long-overdue attention in recent years due to
earnest introductions by the British scholar Mr. Robinson and, within Japan, Mr. Suzuki
Jtlzo.
Kuniyoshi was born at the home ofa dyer (somemonoya) in the Nihonbashi
district ofEdo in the 9th year ofthe Kansei era (1797). He was a lively "Edo kid." He
was precisely the same age as Hiroshige, and he was 37 years younger than Hokusai.
When he was 12 years old, as a legend goes, Utagawa Toyokuni, a friend ofKuniyoshi's
father, saw him draw a picture ofZhongkui (Japanese: Shoki) the Demon Queller and,
acknowledging the boy's extraordinary talent, took him on as an apprentice. Later, when
he was 18 years old, the gdkan book The 47 Loyal Retainers (Gobuji chQshingura) was
published, and this is believed today to be his debut work. This means that around this
time, he began his apprenticeship as a member ofthe school ofUtagawa, but upon
looking at an entry made in the journal Hirose rolcusae zakki during the 3rd year of the
Ansei era (1856), the circumstances ofhis early days seem to have been quite terrible:
"He fell into debauchery, and eventually he was abandoned even by his relatives..." It
seems that the Bunsei era (1818-30), when he was in his twenties, was a trying period for
him. Perhaps it was due to his behavior, but according to Biographies ofArtists in the
.Utagawa School (Utagawa retsuden), during this time, he was not able to see the artist
Toyokuni very much, and he was given no illustration work to do; instead, he simply
399
bided his time. On the other hand, Kunisada, who was the senior apprentice, produced
many actor prints and portraits ofbeauties during this period. One day, Kuniyoshi
happened to witness a group ofgeishas calling Kunisada ''teacher.'' He was greatly
aroused by this incident and henceforth dedicated himselfto researching methods of
image production.
What caught Kuniyoshi's eye were the yomihon novels, written by Bakin and
illustrated by Hokusai, that received extremely high acclaim when they entered the
market during the Bunka era (1804-18). Hokusai's yomihon illustrations during this
period were for Chinsetsu yumi harizuki (plate 43). As seen in that book, Hokusai's
extraordinary imagination, stimulated by Bakin's magnificently bizarre ideas, offers a
spectacle as ifit had erupted. Certainly, these books are revolutionary works in the
history ofJapanese illustration. By enlarging his dramatic, expressive scenes
overflowing with this vitality on the picture plane ofhis nishiki-e (brocade prints), which
he produced in various formats such as triptychs and collaborative single-images,
Kuniyoshi attempted to surpass Kunisada, who was still popular at the time as a well­
known maker ofbeauty portraits and actor prints.
Around the 10th year ofthe Bunsei era (1827), Kuniyoshi decided to capitalize
upon a current fad regarding the novel The Water Margin (SuiMden). He began to sell a
series ofsingle-image prints displaying the five characters such as Kao Sh6 and Rochi
Shin, and he gave it the eye-catching name of One of108 Heroesfrom the Popular Water
Margin (Tsflzolr:u suikOden go'ketsu hyaku-hachi-nin no hilori). It was an enormous hit,
and ultimately he decided to extend the series and produce portraits ofall 108 ofthe
characters. Their vigorous designs were even appreciated as patterns for tattoos, and the
artist's fame as "Kuniyoshi, Producer of Warrior Prints" suddenly skyrocketed.' At the
age of 30, at long last he rose to the pinnacle ofstardom. After that, from the Tenpo era
(1830-1844) through the K6ka (1844-48) and Ka'ei (1848-54) eras, his remarkable
activity can be seen in every possible theme: not only warrior prints but also portraits of
beauties, actor prints, landscapes, caricatures and even depictions of fish. His particular
"eccentricity" (kiso) developed in proportion to his research on western-style forms of
400
expression, and particularly in the field ofwanior prints, his landscapes and his
caricatures, he displayed that element ofhis personality.
When Kuniyoshi's Water Margin series was receiving high praise from the public,
Hokusai, on the other hand, was releasing his famous series 36 Views ofMount Fuji
(Fugalcu sanjii rokkei), which also received an enthusiastic response. Kuniyoshi, who
was inspired by these novel landscapes by the great superior who he adored, produced
both the Famous Sites in the Eastern Capital (Toto meisho) as well as the View of-in the
Eastern Capital (Toto - no zu) series immediately afterwards. It became a question of
debate whether this Eastern Capital series, which one can say was based on the precedent
ofHokusai's 36 Views ofMount Fuji, was nothing more than a blatant imitation. One
can say that Kuniyoshi offers a fine answer to this visual problem, an answer that is not
inferior to that ofHokusai. He added his acute sense ofcomposition and furthermore
brought to the series his understanding ofwestem..style painting techniques. However,
what I myselfwould like to point out is that in these works Kuniyoshi also expresses his
particularly fantastic creative endowments.
That quality ofKuniyoshi's appears in the most focused way in "The Eastem
Capital: The Rendezvous Pine" (Toto shubi no matsu) (plate 44). What people call the
Rendezvous Pine is located in the area ofKuramae on the west bank ofthe Sumidagawa
river, and this image is presumably seen from the boat which one would take when
commuting to the Yoshiwara district. The scene ofa comer ofa stone wall upon which
crabs and sea slaters squirm is oddly drawn as if()fie is approaching it, and the pine tree
that is the subject of this print creates a suspicious shape as it looms up from behind the
stone wall. On the other side ofa strange, enormous rock .. I imagine that it is part of the
crumbling wall - a boat and people are drawn in miniature, and the bridge in the even
further distance looks as small as a poppy seed. Because ofthis sort ofunbalanced
proportion between the foreground and background, the crabs and sea slaters appear to
have bathed in radioactivity and swollen up to become strange creatures, and this
impression is dramatically heightened all the more by the disturbing shadows ofthe
401
enormous boulder in the foreground as well as by the strange appearance ofthe "western­
style" clouds shaped with tones of indigo. The silhouette ofthe enormous dandelion that
peeks in from the upper edge completes the surreal atmosphere ofthis image.... The
same kind offantasia also appears the slimy clouds in the sky of"The Eastern Capital:
View ofMitsumata" (Toto: Mitsumata no zu) as well as in the disturbing silhouette of
what appears to be a sea goblin at an Imado pottery kiln in "Famous Sites at the Eastern
Capital: Asakusa Imado" (Toto meisho: Asakusa lmado).
This kind ofunusual connection between western-style expression and fantasia as
found in the Eastem Capital series creates an even more unique expression in ''The
Brave Woman Okane ofOmi Province" (Omi kuni no yuju Okane) (produced ca. TenptlS
[1834]; Plate 42). A physically powerful prostitute (asobi-me) named Okane was at an
inn in the Kaizu area in the province ofOmi. One day~ a horse that dipped its legs into
the lake and chilled them suddenly began to rampage~ but when Okane~ without even the
slightest struggle, stepped on the horse's reins, the horse immediately calmed down.
Kuniyoshi presents this classic tale that originally appeared in Collection ofOld andNew
Writings andDiscussions (Kokin chobunshu) in an eccentric~ western-style setting. A
belt of fantastic clouds, expressing a strange longing for western Europe, gushes forth
from the odd-looking, distant mountain range and, as it swirls back down towards the
horizon, fills the blue sky spread out over the quiet water of the lake. The fluffy mane~
the whirling tail, and the gray-brown shading ofthe elegant horse that seems to have
come from the copper etchings ofAcXltl Denzen vibrate beautifully against the clouds in
the background and further deepens the fantastic character ofthe picture. Among the
arrangement ofthese essential tools, the main character Okane who, with her bull-neck,
her slouching posture, and her long trunk, is surely made up to look like an archetypical
ukiyo-e beauty ofthat time, and she is supposed to be striking a smart pose~ but ifyou
were to try covering this figure with your hand, I think you would understand what a
powerful shock her out-of-place appearance in this dramatic event gives to the picture. I
doubt that we could find another example ofan artwork that expresses as symbolically as
402
this one does the bizarre encounter between Europe and Japan in the days of its
isolationistic foreign policy.
These uniquet western-style landscapes ofKuniyoshit which currently are
receiving high praise~ seem nevertheless to have not received·as enthusiastic a reaction at
the time they were first made as one might have expected. Hiroshigets se~es Famous
Sites at the Eastern Capital (Drawn by IchiyUsai) as well as his 53 Sites along the
TokaidO (TokaidO goj'itsan tsugf) were released at precisely the same time. Since they
had a familiar lyricism, they captured the popularity ofthe people ofEdo, and probably
as a resultt Kuniyoshits landscapes were overlooked. UltimatelYt Kuniyoshi appealed to
the public by returning to his triptych warnor prints, his essential repertoiret and filling
them with increasing eccentricity (kiso). From the end ofthe Tenpo era (1830-44)
through the Koka (1844-48) and Kaei (1848-1854) eras, this undertaking gave birth to his
manYt unique figures ofthe Bizarre (kikai no zugara).
Here, Kuniyoshi's ingenuity revolutionized the compositions ofhis triptychs. In
conventional triptychst the artist combines single images, and each image is designed so
that a viewer can appreciate it as an independent work as wellt so the overall
compositional unity ofthe triptych is weak. In contrast to this, Kuniyoshi envisioned the
three panels ofthe triptych as a continuous, wide screen upon which he could develop
ambitious, original compositions. Most characteristic ofthis body ofwork are images
which, by means ofclose-up shots of strange fish and goblins, are meant to shock his
viewers.
403
Illustration 38. "The Rescue ofMinamoto no Tametomo by Goblins." Collection ofMr.
Suzuki.
"Oniwakamaru Getting Rid of the Carp" (Oniwakamaru no koi taiji) (plate 47)
offers a shockingly nightmarish depiction ofan enonnous, monstrous carp. Both the
theme and the composition of"The Rescue ofMinamoto no Tametomo by Goblins"
(Sanki-in kenzoku 0 shite Tametomo 0 sukU-zu) (Illustration 38) is clearly owes a debt to
Hokusai's illustrations for Chinsetsu yumi harizuki, but the grotesque realism ofthe
wanizame (alligator shark), whose seemingly metallic scales and saw-like teeth are
vividly shown, is probably a product of Kuniyoshi's imagination triggered by some
elaborate etchings of fish printed in a kind of illustrated biology text that was imported
from Holland. A seed for the skull that appears in a disturbing way from out ofthe
darkness in the print "The Fonner Palace at Soma" (S6ma no ko 'o-sho) can also
undoubtedly be found among the Dutch anatomical illustrations that were reprinted in
Japan at that time. Mr. Suzuki JUzo points out that the chimerical (kis6 tengai)
manifestations ofthe fantastic scenes originating from these sort ofscientific illustrations
can also be found in the illustrated books ofKunisada (1786-1864) and Katsukawa
Shuntei (1770-1820). It is the irony offate that the development ofverifiable science in
Europe are to thank for the bizarre expressions produced by ukiyo-e artists active at the
404
end ofthe Tokugawa era, but the extraordinary curiosity and enduring imagination found
in these novel works is certainly admirable.
In articles published in The Chronology ojEdo (Bu!«J nenpyo) during the first
year ofthe Kaka era (1844) and the 2nd year ofKaei (1849), a famous entertainer named
Takezawa T6ji who spun tops (koma-mawashl) for his performances. He built a large
shack at the west end ofRy6goku Bridge, and there he combined top performances with
magic shows and also focused upon unusual mechanics such as spring-loaded karakuri
(mechanical dolls). It has been recorded that his performances were enormously popular.
'Also, in the first year ofthe Man'en era (1860), organized a puppet performance beside
the NiB gate at Asakusa Temple with characters such as corpses and ghosts, and this is
also recorded in The Chronology ojEdo. Kuniyoshi's single-image print known as "The
Top Goblin" (Koma no bakemono) (plate 45) possibly depicts this sort ofroadside
performance, but the eccentricity ofhis expression is entirely unique. It seems to depict
the Great Bright God Inari (Inari Daimyojin) assuming the role originally played by
Takezawa TBji and trying to vanquish a vengeful ghost by means ofboth his saving grace
and his skill at spinning tops. Whoever the characters may be, a strange scene
reminiscent ofa ghost story is developing: in a decayed graveyard, and in the upper right
comer appears a vivid, eye-catching close-up ofa ghost's face. While the composition of
this kind ofwork is iconoclastic, a crucial factor that gives this picture such a bizarre feel
is its dramatic imbalance oftechnique: while the depiction ofthe background is left in the
flat style ofnishilci-e, the face ofthe ghost has a realistic, three dimensional look typical
ofmodem prints. If the disturbing tension caused by this sudden contact between
modem and pre-modem were something that Kuniyoshi consciously calculated, it is
nothing short of laudable.
Both Kuniyoshi's interest in western-style shading techniques as well as his
interest in the Bizarre further increased, and eventually, that combination gave birth to
abnormal landscapes like "Enoshima Island in Sagami Province" (Soshu Enoshima no zu)
(plate 48)~ In making the composition ofthis continual triptych, Kuniyoshi visited the
actual site to make drawings from observation,and some ofthe sketches remain, but they
405
are nothing more than ordinary sketches. Nevertheless, the final version, with its strange
gradation, dismal, gray·brown coloration and garish chiaroscuro, seems to have been
handled by the "goblins" ofEnoshima.
It is said that Kuniyoshi took precious care ofthe western paintings and illustrated
newspapers that he had stroggled to gather. He displayed them to those who visited his
home, bragged about this and that, and sighed that he had not yet been able to follow the
example ofthese artists. The series Artifice Pictures (KtifU.e) (including "People
Consolidate into a Person" [Hito 1«Jtamatte hito to naru], "He Looks Scary~ but He's a
Really Good Guy" [Mi1«Jke wa kowai ga tondo ;; hito da], "He's a Person who Made Fun
ofPeople" [Hito 0 ha1«J ni shita hito do] [plate 49], and "A Ghost ofLayers" [Kasane no
h6kon]) was produced during the Kaei period (1848·54), and in them, nude bodies are
combined to form portraits and ghosts. This series is thought to ,be an adaptation ofthe
representative "composite face" portraits by Giuseppe Arcimboldi (1527 - 93), images of
which Kuniyoshi perhaps possessed in his secret collection. Here, Kuniyoshi's wit, with
which he clearly exchanges the elements ofbizarre fantasia originating from Europe with
purely Edo designs such asfundoshi (loincloths) and chonmage (topknots), seems
worthy ofattention.
The famous caricature series entitled ''Graffiti on the Walls ofthe Treasure
House" (Nita1«Jragura kahe no muda gaki) (Illustration 39) was produced in the Kaei
period as well. Like the nickname ''Nail pictures" (kugi~e) relates, these are actor
portraits that parody graffiti scratched into the walls ofa warehouse with a nail, and
Kuniyoshi's decision to directly transfers to his print the interesting visual quality ofthe
scratched lines was surely a startlingly new idea at the time. It certainly would not hurt to
406
Illustration 39. "Graffiti on the Walls ofthe Treasure House." Collection ofMr. Suzuki.
say that the history of modem comic books
begins here. From the early years of the
Tenpo era (1830.1844), Kuniyoshi worked
on many jobs drawing these kind of
caricatures and cartoons, and one can say
that his talent as a cartoonist to make
people laugh out loud was even greater
than that ofHokusai. Other examples such
as "Goblin Chushingura" (Bakemono
chushingura) (produced in the first years of
Tenpo) and the book 8ho 'utsushi
hyakumenso (printed in the 4th year of
I . Sh 1_ Tenpo, lllustration 40) further reveal hisIt ustratlon 40. From 0 'utsusni
Hyakumenso. Collection ofMr. Tsuihiji. superior sense ofhumor.
At this time I need to discuss Kuniyoshi's bold activities as a satirist.
This repertoire that, in the opinion ofukiyo-e artists, to whom popularity among
Edo residents ofthe chonin class was ofsupreme importance, is charming but safer to
avoid, leaves behind such genres as that ofwarrior prints and historical depictions;
407
known as Satori-e (or Hanji-e), these images deal with political satire. This work closely
resembles tightrope walking: an artist must blur his message enough to avoid catching the
attention ofthe authorities yet make it clear enough for buyers to immediately understand
and appreciate it. Precedents such as the imprisonment ofUtamaro during the Kansei era
clearly show how dangerous the risk was. The collapse ofthe feudal system was
imminent, and at last, among the troublesome social conditions, it seems that the one who
became the spokesperson for the people's rising distrust ofthe military government was
none other than Kuniyoshi. The reason why it seems so is because, while he was truly
committed to this work, he behaved cleverly, and as a result, he avoided going to prison.
In the twelfth year ofthe Tenpo era (1841), Mizuno Tadakuni, a roju (an assistant
to the shogun who controlled the affairs ofpalaces, the court nobles and the daimyo)
developed a thorough list ofregulations regarding the speech and manners ofthe chonin
class in Edo. Ukiyo-e was dealt with extremely harshly as a warning to others, and the
publication of blatantly luxurious, multi-colored prints as well as hanji-e in which the
names ofwarriors "since the Tensho era (1573-1592)" were written or which contained
misleading infonnation were strictly prohibited.
Illustration 41. "The Earth Spider Manifesting Demons in the Mansion ofMinamoto no
Yorimitsu." Collection ofMI'. Suzuki.
408
In the 14th year ofTenpO (1842), Kuniyoshi evaded this restriction and published
"The Earth Spider Manifesting Demons in the Mansion ofMinamoto no Yorimitsu"
(Minamoto no Yorimitsu Iran tsuchigumo-saku yt5kai"zu) (Illustration 41). It is a triptych
that presents the ill and bedI1dden Yorimitsu (948-1021) horrified by the countless
goblins and other creatures that have invaded his dreams. This print became popular due
to the public's interpretation ofthe imagery. According to that interpretation, Yorimitsu
was thought to represent Sh6gun Tokugawa Ieyoshi (1793-1853, reigned 1837-53), the
figure Urabe no Suetake (a sh6gun from the middle Heian era), who in this print displays
his waterplantain-design coat-of-arms and who is shown as one ofthe Four Heavenly
Guardians (Shitenn6) watching over Yorimitsu, was believed to represent Mizuno
Tadakuni, and the goblins were seen as symbolic ofthe Edo print dealers who lost
business due to Mizuno's crackdown. Because ofthis popular interpretation, Kuniyoshi
was arrested and questioned, but since none ofthese political references were actually
included in the print itself, he ultimately avoided being charged.
That year, Tadakuni retired in disgrace, and this put an end to the cruel effect of
the TenpO Reforms, but Kuniyoshi was forever after marked by the authorities as a
dangerous suspect. A written record ofurban nnnors published in the 3rd year ofthe
K6ka era (1846) states that Kuniyoshi had no fear ofdefying the prohibition ofactor
prints, and again in the 3rd year ofthe Ka'ei era (1856), it was recorded that he used
unnatural coats-of-arms in his images, depicted coats-of-arms on grotesque ghosts, and
showed warriors carrying historically inaccurate weapons. Nevertheless, in the 6th year
ofKa'ei (1853), during which Perry's ships arrived in Japan, Kuniyoshi released a
diptych entitled "The Strange Pictures ofUkiyo Matabei" (Ukiyo Matabei meiga kitoku),
and yet again, this print caused a problem with the authorities. It is a work in which
Kuniyoshi drew many characters who have escaped from the Otsu-e prints that depicted
them and who have gathered to form a disruptive group. Censors suspected that the word
"kan" dyed on the sleeve ofa young falconer referred to Kanj6 Kub6, a pseudonym for
Sh6gun Tokugawa Iesada, that the figure ofFuji Musume (one ofthe traditional
characters ofOtsu-e who wears a dress with a design ofwisteria flowers, places a
409
wisteria branch on her shoulder and wears a hat) referred to Fuji no Ed~ a politically
influential person in O'oku (residence ofthe sh6gun's wife), and that other characters
symbolized various other, unsavory figures. Due to the speed at which this "rumor"
propagated, the military government hastily decided to confiscate Kuniyoshi's·printing
blocks, afid at that time, it seems that a triptych entitled"Kitai namei ilcanby6 ry6jr that
he had earlier released was also confiscated. In this print, patients with chronic medical
problems such as pockmarks, lack ofa nose, paralyzed legs, and a protruding posterior
.are crowded together around a dubious-looking female doctor, and there was a·popular
rumor that, among these patients, the crippled, young lady who wears a setla (a kind of
thong) on one foot and a zori (another kind ofthong) on the other referred to Juhime
(mistress ofTokugawa Ienari, 1803-04).
Since these events occurred after the artworks had passed inspection by the
censors, Kuniyoshi was not accused, and responsibility was bome by the publisher, but a
detailed report ofKuniyoshi's conduct ordered at this time by the town lord and
conducted by detectives (inmitsu) still remains. It seems that, despite an elaborate
investigation, they were ultimately unable to discover any noteworthy information, but
among the details that they gathered, what is written about Kuniyoshi's personality is
interesting: "he has several apprentices, and yet despite being an important figure in the
world ofukiyo-e, he maintains a vulgar appearance. He has a frank temperament, and if
he is interested in a request by a publisher, he will undertake the project regardless ofthe
amount ofthe pay, but ifhe is not interested, no matter how enticing the conditions may
be, he will tum the offer down. He has relatively few worldly desires." Also, regarding
the artworks that caused Kuniyoshi difficulties with the authorities, it is clearly shown in
the investigation records that the artist consulted with Kaibaya Sashichi (his kyOka
penname was Umenoya Kakuju), a merchant who supplied feed to the Owari family (also
known as the Bishu family, one of the three Tokugawa families). Just that year, an
exhibition ofcalligraphy and painting was held at a restaurant near Ry6goku Yanagi
bridge, and it is said that at this event, Kuniyoshi performed something like an action
painting, soaking the yukata he was wearing in ink and using it to paint a character from
410
The Water Margin on a sheet ofpaper the size of30 tatami mats. This event was also
organized by Kaibaya Sashichi. I believe that, as the hidden "idea man" behind
Kuniyoshi's eccentricity, Kaibaya Sashichi deserves attention.
In the 2nd year ofthe Ansei era (1855), at the request or'Madam Okamoto Sakura
ofthe new Yoshiwara district, Kuniyoshi, then at the age of 59, produced the :framed
work "The Lonely House" (Hitotsuya) (plate 46) and donated it to SensOji temple. By
luck, this large work was spared from both earthquakes and war, and currently, it is on
display in the newly reconstructed hondo (main hall) ofthe temple. The image deals with
the tale ofthe hag ofAdachi, which is connected to SensO Kannon's teaching about the
importance ofall sentient beings. The hag ofAdachi was a creature beyond spiritual
redemption who, having mistaken her own daughter for a traveler, almost murdered her.
Due to the effect ofthe shading at which Kuniyoshi specializes, the image ofthe hag is
drawn with sufficient power, and the artwork developed a reputation soon after it was
produced. One could say that while Rosetsu's "Mountain Woman" reigned in the west,
Kuniyoshi's "The Lonely House" dominated eastern Japan.
However, it seems that, from that point onward, he was cursed by an addiction to
alcohol which paralyzed him, and he gradually lost his ability to overcome this obstacle
and produce artwork.
In the 6th year of the Ansei era (1859), in accordance with the Japan-US
Commercial Treaty, Yokohama opened its harbor. The next year, the first year of the
Man'en era (1860), Kuniyoshi immediately released the triptych "Depiction ofHonmachi
district in Yokohama" (Yokohama Honmachi no zu), and here, as usual, he displayed his
sensitivity to current events. The shopping arcade ofHonmachi district is drawn in
perspective, and in the background, the masts of the black ships floating at the offshore
horizon warn ofthe coming ofa new era. This was Kuniyoshi's final work. In March of
the following year, the first year ofthe Bunkyfi era (1861), he passed away at the age of
65 years old. It was seven years before the Restoration.
411
During his lifetime, Kuniyoshi supposedly said to his apprentices, "If, by any
chance, I died and there was someone who tried to assume my name and continue my
work thereafter, keep in mind that I will come back from the dead to haunt and starve that
person to death." However, Kuniyoshi had the tender nature ofan adoptive parent; many
apprentices flocked to him and worked under his tutelage. Among them were artists such
as Tsukioka Yoshitoshi (1839-92), who dug out grotesque elements from within his
teacher's style and developed a bloodstained, sadistic world. "Twenty-Eight Verses for
Famous Murderers" (Eimei Nyu Hachi shuku) (published in the 2nd year ofthe Keio era /
1866), the work ofYoshitoshi that best represents this side ofhis personality, is, as the
title implies, an extremely violent work that deals with the theme ofblood. It is quite
comparable to the similarly sadistic images ofMatabei that were presented at the
beginning ofthis book, and I think that drawing an analogy between the conditions that
gave birth to both ofthese artists would be an extremely interesting research topic.
However, let us leave that subject for another occasion.
Illustration 42. An illustration from "Kydsai Gadan" depicting a scene from Kuniyoshi's
training studio.
412
Lastly, I would like to add that Kuniyoshi was a fanatic cat-lover. In his studio,
his cats asserted their control, and it is said that when Kuniyoshi was creating an artwork,
he cradled several ofthem in his lap and talked to them (Illustration 42). He was skilled
at anthropomorphizing plants and animals in his caricatures, but the creature that most
often appears in those works is, without question, the cat. He always employed them as
accessories in his portraits ofbeauties and had them peeking into the scene. In this way,
he reminds one ofFujita Tsuguharu (1886-1968) and his cat. Kuniyoshi dearly loved his
cats' self..centered impudence and their complete disregard for humans. I believe this
fact offers many insights into his personality and artwork. Perhaps his admiration for the
obstinacy ofcats was also reflected in his attitude about the satire prints that caused him
so much trouble with the military government.
Chapter Six
The Bizarre Transformation of Cats
at the End of the Edo Period: Utagawa Kuniyoshi
Plates
42. "The Brave Woman Okane ofOmi Province"
""',
43. Hokusai, lllustration from Chinsetsu Yumi Harizuki. Collection ofMr. Suzuki.
413
44. "The Eastern Capital: The Rendezvous Pine"
414
I "
.'
45. "The Top Goblin"
415
·1'; ',; ',,:',
46. "The Lonely House"
47. "Oniwakamaru Getting Rid of the Carp"
416
48. "Enoshima Island in Sagami Province"
49. "He's a Person who Made Fun ofPeople"
417
Afterword
The contents of this book were published as a series ofarticles entitled The
Lineage ofEccentricity: The Avant-garde ofEdo (Kiso no lreiju: Edo no abangyarudo) in
Bijutsu techo magazine from July through December last year (1968), and to this
manuscript, I recently added a chapter on Nagasawa Rosetsu. It is intended to trace the
lineage ofartists during the Edo period who exhibited an expressionistic tendency ­
artists known for their production ofeccentric (kikyO) and fantastic (genso-telaj images.
Besides the six artists who appear here, one individual who I naturally ought to
have discussed was Katsushika Hokusai (1760-1849), but because I myselfwas
unprepared to wrestle with this grand figure, I merely touched upon his illustrated books
in the chapter on Kuniyoshi. I'd like to announce that, thanks to the efforts ofthe
publisher Bijutsu shuppansha under the direction ofMr. Suzuki Juzo, the process of
organizing and preparing to republish Hokusai's illustrated books, a still-unnoticed
treasury ofHokusai's imagination, is making progress.
Regarding the title "The Lineage ofEccentricity," after searching here and there
for a precise term that would accurately throw into r~liefthe personality trait commonly
shared by these artists, I stumbled upon the word leiso which, regardless ofthe degree of
eccentricity, encompasses all ofthose free, original ideas that tear away at the husk of
artistic convention. In this context, ifwe were to trace "the lineage ofeccentricity"
through a history ofpainting since the M;uromachi era, the odd tendency for Sesson (b.
1504) to deform objects in his ink paintings can be seen as a prelude to this lineage. Next
would be the images ofenormous trees such as "Japanese Cypress" (Sugi zu byobu) by
Kano Eitoku (1543..1590), which were called "bizarre" (leaileai leiki) in History of
Japanese Painting (Honcho gashi), followed by the works HCedar-door Painting at
Yogen'in temple" (Yogen';n sugido-e) and "Depiction ofthe Gods ofWind and Thunder"
(Fujin Raijin zu) by Tawaraya Sotatsu (active ca. 1602-30). Next would be "Red and
White Pnmus" (Kohaku-bai-zu) by Ogata Korin (1658-1716) as well as works by other
painters with whom Korin associated. The lineage continues on with Hakuin Ekaku
418
(1685-1768), Ike Taiga (1723-76), Uragami Gyokudo (1745-1820), Okada Beisanjin
(1744-1820), and Toshusai Sharaku (act. ca. 1794) - all eminent artists who had a great
influence upon the current ofpainting in the early modem era. Ifwe describe the lineage
in this way, we do not need to refer to such terms as branches or undercurrents; rather, we
can safely call it the mainstream history ofearly modem painting. Furthermore, I think
that this discussion ofa lineage indicates that the great power which propels and
advances this "mainstream" is, quite simply, the extremely deep aesthetic hunger ofthe
common people.
We ought to regard the six artists discussed in this book as an avant-garde within
that ''mainstream.'' It has never been my intention to only emphasize their uniqueness as
a heretical, fringe movement. Thisis why I have tried as much as possible to avoid using
the adjective "heretical" in describing these artists. In order to emancipate it from the
dull, lifeless format in which it is conventionally discussed - a format that offers nothing
more than a jumbled history ofvarious schools - the history ofpainting in the Edo period
demands that it be viewed with a piercing gaze.
Presently, I am not well prepared for the challenge, but at any rate, I think that
someone needs to do a comparison between these Japanese early-modern eccentrics and
the lineage ofChinese eccentrics from the Ming (1368 - 1644) and Qing (1616 - 1912)
dynasties - artists from the late period ofthe seppa movement (Ch: zhe pai), which was
called "the school ofeccentricity" (Jpn: kyOtai-ha), as well as Xu Wei (Jpn: Joi; 1521-93),
Wu Bin (Jpn: Gohin; dates unknown), Gong Xian (Jpn: Kyoken; 1619 -89), Shitao (Jpn:
Sekito; 1642 - 1707), Bada Shanren (Jpn: Hachidai Sanjin; 1626 - 1705), and those
painters known collectively as the Yangzhou baguai (the Eight Eccentrics from
Yangzhou; Jpn: Y6shu hakmi). It is a very interesting subject.
Originally, my inspiration for writing this kind of unprecedented book was a
curiosity about how viewers would respond ifone were to place the most avant-garde
artistic production in existence today - comic books, poster art, and murals, which are
arenas ofpowerful expression - alongside works with which they share strange
similarities - these often overlooked artworks of the "school ofeccentricity" (kis6-ha)-
419
and exhibit them together in a location where viewers could conveniently encounter them.
More than in this clumsy text ofmine, I place my hopes in the persuasive ability ofthe
works themselves as they are displayed here.
Incidentally~ one thing I would like to touch upon here is that, while many ofthe
collectors and art specialists in Japan who own artworks such as those that appear in this
book are greedily lining their pockets, those artworks are being sold at an alarming speed
to foreign buyers. For example, the charming works ofartists such as Jakuchu, Shohaku,
Rosetsu, Beisanjin recently appeared in the classical-art market, and to my regret, most of
them - one can say almost all ofthem - were taken home in the hands ofenthusiastic fans
from America. Factors such as nationality make no difference, but perhaps we would
feel more satisfied if these works were taken care of in the homes ofpeople who really
appreciated them rather than ifthey were in the homes ofcalculating individuals who
collect classical art as a kind offinancial investment. I wonder ifour need to travel to
America in order to view representative works ofJapanese art may lead to troubles in the
future. All ofyou Japanese collectors out there, "it's not too late," so wake up!
For the benefit ofthose scholars who want to continue this research, at the end of
this book, I have included a list ofliterature, not only a bit ofmy ownbut also that ofthe
many colleagues from whom I received various valuable suggestions and materials in the
process ofwriting this book.
Summer 1969
TsujjNo~uo
420
BibUography
(All items listed in chronological order)
Iwasa Matabei
Hayashida Shuncho#EE1~. ~'Ukiyo Matabei" r¥$ii!:Jt~.J ,Waseda bungaku r1ft
ff3EE1Jt~~ 7.7-12, Meiji 31 (1898).
Saito Kurido ~.¥1it. "Matabei Kiko (Kaikokudo no ki)" rJt~liR!Grr (}@ljfJl(J)
fa) J ,Koklca rljf.~ .Nos. 107-108, Meiji 31 (1898).
Fujioka SakutarO iiliUfF;t:JlB. Kinsei kaiga-shi ri5:1tt~nm~~ . Meiji 36 (1903).
Tanaka Kisaku EEl tp.fF. "Iwasa Matabei ni tsuite" r!a{£Jt~.,;:gt It \ -C J ,Ukiyo-e
shi n$ii!:~~~ .Nos. 2-3, Showa 4 (1929).
Haroyama Takematsu .IlJJEtta. ''Matabei rons6 no uzucht1 e" rJt~••"'(J)itRJtp
""J , Otsuka hakushi kanreld ldnen ronbun-shu r*jji~±• .llfj'C~flijJt#U .
Iwanami shOten, Showa 6 (1931).
Tanaka Kisaku EEl tp.fF. "Matabei no sakuhin ni tsuite" rJt~f«i(J) fFtfb ,;:jjt-CJ ,
KyOto bijutsu seinenkai-shi rJj(tm~~1f~~~J .No.5, Showa 8 (1933).
Fujikake Shizuya .~*-l:!2. "Iwasa Matabei Ukiyo-e ganso-setsu ni tsuite" r~~Jt~
.7$:tlt~7Cmi~H;:jjt-CJ ,Ukiyo-e no kenkyU r1$1tt~(J)1iJf~~ . Yfizankaku, Showa
18 (1943).
. Narazaki Muneshigem~*•. "Iwasa Matabei Katsumochi ni tsuite" r~~Jt~~.
£.U;:it;-cJ ,Ko& Wljf.J .No. 686, Showa 24 (1949). . . . ..
Yada Michio*EEl.=.=f~. ~~Iwasa Matabei kenkyU-shi Jowsetsu" r~~Jt~f«iiJf~~~
~J ,Saiun r~.J 1. Showa 32 (1957).
Tsuji Nobuo :l±ffUft "Matabei-ffi sho-sakuhin no kento" rJt~~J!1.~1'FrffJ(J)~lt J ,
Bijutsushi r~~~~ .No. 42, Showa 36 (1961).
Tsuji Nobuo. "Fukui-ken Ho'unji-zo no Iwasa Matabei kankei bunsho" rll*!Ii\~.~
.(J)!aftr:Jt~.13~l~Jt.J ,Bijutsu kenkyU r~~iJF~J ,No. 225, Showa 37 (1962).
421
Tsuji Nobuo. "Iwasa Matabei no sakuga han~r' r~f£J<.~.(1)f1;mtBImJ ,Bijutsu
kenkyU r~~1iJf~~ . No. 230, Sh6wa 38 (1963).
Iso Hiroshi .if. "Shinde 'Matabei-ffi by6bu-e' 0 chushin ni shite" rffili<X~.JlM
~>:a:tpjL"'I;: L,"(J ,Jinbun ronkyU rAjjlfl~~ 16.4, Sh6wa 41 (1966).
Yamane Yilz6 Jl.J:m~=:. "Momoyama no filzokuga" r;tJ~ J1J (1)mmmiJ ,Nihon no
bijutsu r 13 *(1)~~~ 17. Heibonsha, Sh6wa 42 (1967).
Kano Sansetsu
Suzuka Sanshichi fftJl!':::' -1::;. "Ky6~Kan6 no kobunsho" r*~if(1)iSJt.J ,Geibun
r~Jt~ 10. 11, Taish6 8 (1919).
Tsuchida Ky6son ±EB~ff. "Daikakuji no Sanraku" r*jt~(1)J1J~J ,Toyo bijutsu
rJl(f.¥i~~~ . No.2, Sh6wa 4 (1929).
Doi Tsugiyoshi ±Ji§-tk•. "TenkyOin sh6hekiga no hissha no mondai, jo" r~~~••
iii(1).~<1)rmR! J::J ,T6yo bijutsu rJl(f.¥i~~~ . No. 21, Sh6wa 10 (1935).
Doi Tsugiyoshi. "Kano Sanraku to Kano Sansetsu ni tsuite" r~!lfJ1J~~~!lfJ1J.I;:;it
" ,"(J , Onshi Kyoto halcubutsukan kenkyU holcolcu n~tJII*~1$~.HiJf~*~ ~ 1.
Showa 15 (1940).
Doi Tsugiyoshi. Sanralcu to Sansetsu r J1J~ l: J1J.~ .Kuwana bunseid6, Showa 18
(1943).
Narazaki Muneshige mM*II~ "KyU-Ten~hoin gunsen baiju fusuma..e kaisetsu" rlS;R
ff~_{LlJ•••k@_mJ ,Koklca r~.~ .No. 806, Showa 34 (1959).
Yamane YuzO J1J:flff':::', Tsuji Nobuo itffUi, Toda Teisuke F EB~«:i. "TenkyUin
sh6hekiga no kenkyil" r~~~.~m(1)1iJf~J ,Koklca rm.~. No. 839, Sh6wa 37
(1962).
Minamoto Toyomune llf(:a*. "Genna Kan'ei-ki ni okeru kikagaku-teki kozu keishiki"
r7tfrfl:7kWH;:;f-:Ht -5.fiiJ~fJ(J.jgJ~:r.tJ ,Bijutsushi r~~.st!~ .No. 50, Sh6wa
38 (1963).
422
Tsuji Nobuo. ShOhelciga zenshu - Myashinji TenkyUin W••iii~ • M>1c..,~J(!J(~J .
Bijutsu shuppansha, Sh6wa 42 (1967).
Ito ,Jakuchft
Ishizaki K6y6 ;PdffifJ't~. "Saifukuji no Jakuchu fusuma-e" JNtI=#:(J)~1Jf:I.~J ,
Chua bijutsu Wtp*~~J .No. 126, Taish6 15 (1926).
Gomotsu JakuchU DOshoku Sai-e seiei W~)l~~?JPIb~~~m~J .T6ky6-shi teishitsu
hakubutsukan-han, Taish6 15 (1926).
Akiyama Teruo tk tlIJ't:k:. "Gomotsu lakuchu-hitsu OOshoku Sai-e 30 fuku ni tsuite"
ri1l~~?JP.1MIl~~':::' +"i';:jt'"tJ ,appears within the previous source.
Reprinted in Akiyama Teruo fktlIJ't:k:, Nihon bijutsu ronkO Wa*~~fi"5t!l ,
Dai'ichi shobt), Sh6wa 18 (1943).
Tobeian JakuchU gasen W4*Jim~{qt00I~.!1 , edited by Onshi Ky6to hakubutsukan,
Sh6wa 2 (1927).
Mori Senro ~~.:::.. "Jakuchu sh6roku" r~iJ:P11\~J ,Gasetsu WOOIN..!1 .No. 29,
Sh6wa 14 (1939).
Doi Tsugiyoshi. Jakuchu tenjo-e W~iJ:P;R*~J . Maria shobt), Sh6wa 42 (1967).
Doi Tsugiyoshi. "JakuchO - Saifukuji no fusuma-e 0 chOshin ni" r~1Jf:I-NtI~(J).~
a- r:p/C'~;:J ,Nihon bijutsu kOgei W13*~~I~J .No. 342, Sh6wa 42 (1967).
Doi Tsugiyoshi. "Fukakusa no It6 Jakuchfi" r~.(J)fJt.~iJ:P j ,Sada Zasshi W~)lU$
iBJ 31. 6, Sh6wa42 (1967). .
Umehara Takeshi #iJJJi{~. "JakuchO to mokujiki - Sekih6ji, Seigenji" r~?JP ~** ;p
*l=lf: • tit.~J ,Ra1«ln - Hotolre to ningen to no aida W••-f.& ~Aim (J) mu .
Tank6 shinsha, Sh6wa 43 (1968).
Doi Tsugiyoshi. "JakuchO no hasu" r~iJ:P(J).j ,Soda zasshi W~Jt.t6J 33.8,
Sh6wa 44 (1969).
Yamakawa Takeshi tlIJIIitt. "It6 Jakuchu" rfJt.iM~!fiJ:PJ ,Genshoku Nihon no bijutsu
WJJi{~ l3 *(J)~~J 18. Nanga to shaseiga, Sh6gakukan, Sh6wa 44 (1969).
423
Soga Shohaku
Fujioka SakutarO .1tiJf1i:t:~~. Kinsei kaiga-shi Wili:tIt~iiI!£J .Meiji 36 (1903).
Momosawa Josui *1~iR~71<. "Sop Shohaku" rtiia.13J ,Nihon bijutsu r s*~
~~ •Nos. 85-88, Meiji 39 (1906).
Momosawa Josui. "Soga Sh6haku" r~~.13J ,Mie-ken-shi dankai kaishi W='119\\.9:
~~~itJ 2. 11 - 3.3, Meiji 44-45 (1911-12).
Yura Tetsuji EI3 .8!:tntk. "Soga Sh6haku no bijinga" r'lft.13 c1)~AiiIJ ,Ukiyo-e
geijutsu Wl$lIt~~~~ .No.2, Showa 38 (1963).
Tsuji Nobuo. "Soga Shohaku-hitsu gunsen-zu byobu kaisetsu" r'i§l~.I3.WMl1J@M
Jl.1WmJ ,Kokka WOOiiU .No. 905, Showa 42 (1967).
Tsuji Nobuo. '~Koshoji no Sh6haku ichizoku no haka oyobi kakocho ni tsuite" rJl!m~
c1).S-~c1)lI;JoJ:: ViI*.I;:''':::,I, \""( J (See previous source).
Money Hickman. "Sansui-zu by6bu (Boston bijutsukan-zo) kaisetsu" rll,17k@MJl (~
A r~~~.) MmJ ,Zaigai mitsuho Wt£:91-.'@3U 2. Gakushu ke~kyU-sha,
Sh6wa 44 (1969).
Nagasawa Rosetsu
Aimi Ko'u :m~.wm. "Rosetsu monogatari" r}tfW~i§J ,Chuo bijutsu W~:!k:~~~ .
No. 35, Taisho 7 (1918).
Aimi K6;u. "Zoku Rosetsu monogatari" r~~1Il\Wi§J ,Nihon bijutsu kyOkai holroku
WS *§fE~.~*i!fJ .No. 46, ShOwa 12 (1937).
Rosetsu meiga sen W}tf~4E. iiI)I~ .Edited by Onshi Kyoto hakubutsukan. GeisOdo
Hakko, Showa 12 (1937).
Doi Tsugiyoshi. "Nagasawa Rosetsu to Nanki" r~iR~W t: mfR.J ,Nihon kinsei
kaiga-kO Ws *m:1t!:~jjj5Jd .Kuwana bunseido, Showa 19 (1944).
Moo Tom ~'II. ~'Nanki no Rosetsu - Muryoji 0 chushin to shite" rm*Gc1)}1i~-~.
~~~jt:.'\c L.""(J ,Sansai r='~J .No. 139, Showa 36 (1961).
424
Suzuki Susumu ~*ng. ''Nagasawa Rosetsu no sakuhin" r:ff7R~.(J)fF£J . (See
previous source).
Yamakawa Takeshi tlJJIlJEt, "Nagasawa Rosetsu to sono Nanki ni okeru sakuhin" r:ff?R
~.c:t(J)m~];::Jo.t -!>fF£J , Kokka rr~.~ . No. 860, Showa 38 (1963).
Yamakawa Takeshi. ''Nagasawa Rosetsu denreki to nenpu":ff7R~~~~ C~.J .
(See previous source).
Suzuki Susumu~*~. "Okyo to Goshun" rJ;t~c~~J , Nihon no bijutsu rr 13 *(1)
~*'i~ .No. 39, Shibundo, Showa 44 (1969).
Utagawa Kun!yosbi
lijima Kyoshin f.&.lJlS>t.',. Ukiyo-e~shi Utagawa retsuden rr~:ti!:~BiliBfXJ 111ljfiiJl .
Written in Meiji 27 (1894). Edited by Tamabayashi Ramo ~*IIWAA,published by Unebi
shobO, Showa 16 (1941).
Mitamura Engyo -=:.mffft. "Kuniyoshi no Otsu~" rOO~(1)*~J , Ukiyo~e n~
ii!:~JI 1. 3, Taisho 4 (1915).
Kuniyoshi hanga kessaku shu rr~~AAjjj~fF~fU . Essay by Inoue Kazuo 3:J:J::fo~.
Geisodo, Showa 5 (1930).
Suzuki Yoshikazu ~*{-~. "Kuniyoshi no ichidanmen - Kuniyoshi wa neko ga osuki"
q~='f(J)-ltITiii-~='fIj:~tfiib~1iiJtH-~ J ,Ukiyo-e geijutsu rr¥f.ii!:~~*'i~ 1. 8, Showa
7 (1932).
Suzuki Yoshikazu. "Yom ukiyo~~shi,Kuniyoshi 1, 2" rf*Jl\,¥f.ii!:~Mi·OO~~, =J ,
Atone rr7 ~ !J.:r.JI 10. 5~6, Showa 8 (1933).
Ienaga Saburo ~7k-=:'NB. "Zuiso - Kuniyoshi no hitotsuya" r~m 1E~(1)- ~~J ,
Rekishi chiri 1r~~:l1!!1!f!~ 71. 2, Showa 13 (1938).
Takami Yasujiro 1Ij!.:ti:=NB. "Kuniyoshi no gyojo tansasho jo, ge" rr~~(J)ft~~l£
.1: ·r J ,Ukiyo-e leai rr¥f.ii!:~9il~ 4.7, 10, Showa 14 (1939).
425
Mori SenzO. "Kuniyoshi no shiryo 0 hitotsu" rOO~CI).~:a:-0J ,Ulciyo-e leai rtf.
~~JI 5. 1, Showa 15 (1940).
Suzuki Yoshikazu. "Hitotsuya densetsu no tenkai - Omo to shite Asakusadera·.w
IcbiyOsai Kuniyoshi no gagaku ni tsuite" r-0~fii~CI)BiDR =E~ L.-Cii:&t,*S­
!!ifOO~CI)iif.H;:Jit-CJ ,Koklea rooeJl . Nos. 588, 590,592, Showa 14-15 (1939·
40).
B. W. Robinson. Kuniyoshi. Her Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1961 (German
translation also available).
Hayashi Yoshikazu*~~. Enpon kenkyU; Kuniyoshi f(§*i}f~ roo~ JI .Yftko shobO,
Showa 39 (1964).
Suzuki JtizO ~*lt.=.. '''Inaka Genji' no shuko - gokanbon no seikaku" r<EE~~~>
CI)~ItiJ-i:t~*CI)i'!mJ ,Kaishaku to kansho r1W~ ~ ilJtJl .No. 363, Showa 40
(1965).
Suzuki Jftzo, Oka lsaburo 1tiU!l'='~~. KOki ukiyo-e r~WJ¥$i:!tkid . KOdansha, Showa
40 (1965).
Hayashi Yoshikazu. "Kunisada to Kuniyoshi ni tsuite" r~~ ~ ~=j!j~:: "":) " \ -CJ ,
Ukiyo-e geijutsu n$i!t~~~JI 2. 13, Showa 41 (1966).
Suzuki Jftzo. "Kuniyoshi no kis6" rOO~CI)~~J ,Hoshun ri3Jf.JI .No. 145, Showa
41 (1966). .
Suzuki Jftzo, Kasu Sanpei *B'=:'stt. "Bakumatsu hangani mirujonen no zokei - Utagawa
Kuniyoshi to sono shfthen" r;.*MiOOH;:#Qif$CI)~~-$\)llm=j!j ~ -t'CI))S])llJ ,
Muue r#0AJI.·No. 764, Showa 43 (1968).
The RaymondA. Bidwell Collection ofPrints by Utagawa Kuniyoshi. The Raymond A.
and Berth U. Bidwell Fund, 1968.
Werner Speiser. Kuniyoshi, Siebenberg Verlag, Bad Wildungen, 1969.
426
List of Plates
. Iwasa Matabei
1. "The Tale ofHolie," The Revenge Attack. Collection oCMr. Furomori.
2. "The Tale ofPrincess Jorori," Scroll 4, Seeing the Figure ofthe Princess. Atami
MuseUlll ofArt.
3. "Tokiwa in the Mountains," Scroll 4, Tokiwa and her lady chamberlain, stripped of
their clothes. Itami Museum ofArt.
4. "Tokiwa in the Mountains," Scroll 8, Ushiwaka lures the thieves. Itami Museum of
Art.
5. "Tokiwa in the Mountains," Scroll 10, Wrapping the bodies ofthe thieves in
bamboo mats. Itami Museum ofArt.
6. "Dragon,"detail, Tokyo National Museum.
7. "Festival at Hokoku Shrine," left screen, detail, Tokugawa Renmeikai.
8. "Court Ladies Looking at Chrysanthemums," detail, Yamatane Museum ofArt.
Kano Sansetsu
9. "Hanshan and Shide," detail, Shinsho Gokurakuji temple.
10. "Wild Birds in a Plum Tree," TenkyUin temple.
11. "Plum Tree in Snow (PrunusMu"!e)," TenkyUin temple.
12. "Old Plum Tree," Tenshoin temple.
13. "Waterfowl by Snowy Shore," detail, right screen. Collection ofMr. Kawamoto.
Ito Jakuehy
14. "Shellfish" (From Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House Collection).
15. "Insects and Reptiles at a Pond" (From DOshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House
Collection).
427
16. "Fish in a Lotus Pond" (From DOshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House Collection).
17. "White Phoenix and Pine" (From Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House Collection).
18. "Wagtail and Roses" (From DOshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House Collection).
19. "Roosters and Hemp Palms" (From Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial House
Collection).
20. "Cacti and Fowl," Saifukuji Temple.
21. "Cranes," Kinkakuji Temple.
22. "Vegetable Parinirvana," Kyoto National Museum.
23. "500 Arhats," detail, Shakubuji Temple.
Sop Sb6haku
24. "Immortals," right screen, detail, collection ofthe Ministry of Cultural Affairs.
25. "Immortals," collection ofthe Ministry ofCultural Affairs.
26. "Hawk,"detail. Collection ofMr. Murayama.
27. "Sessan DOji Offering his Life to an Ogre," right screen, detail, Keishoji temple.
28. "Dragon in Clouds," detaiL Collection ofBoston Museum ofFine Arts.
29. "Lion Dogs," detail, Chodenji Temple.
30. "Castle in a Landscape," details, Tokyo University ofFine Art and Music.
31. "Immortals," right screen, detail, Tokyo University ofFine Art and Music.
32. "Ogress under Willow Tree," detail, Tokyo University ofFine Art and Music.
33. "Tiger," detail, Boston Museum of Fine Arts.
34. "Mount Fuji and Miho no Matsubara," right screen, detail.
Nagasawa Rosetsu
35. "Daitokuten." Collection ofMr. Sayama.
36. ''Tiger,'' Muryoji Temple.
37. "Dragon," Saikoji Temple.
38. "White Monkey Atop a Boulder," SOdoji Temple.
39. "Chinese Children at Play," left screen.
40. "Extraordinary Vista on the Seashore," left screen.
41. "Yamauba, the Mountain Woman," Itsukushima Shrine.
Utagawa Kuniyoshi
42. "The Brave Woman Okane ofOmi Province" (Omi kuni no yUfu okane).
43. Hokusai, Illustration from Chinsetsu yumi harizuki. Collection ofMr. Suzuki.
44. "The Eastern Capital: The Rendezvous Pine" (Toto shubi no matsu).
45. "The Top Goblin" (Koma no bakemono).
46. "The Lonely House" (Hitotsuya).
47. "Oniwakamaru Getting Rid ofthe Carp" (Oniwakamaru no !wi taiji).
48. "Enoshima Island in Sagami Province" (SOshU Enoshima no zu).
49. "He's a Person who Made Fun ofPeople" (Hito 0 baka ni shita hito da).
428
429
List ofIDustrations
1. The deserted house. From "The Tale ofHorie," Central Scroll (Number
Unknown). Collection ofMr. Murayama..
2. Line ofsoldiers carrying the heads ofthe enemy. From "The Tale ofHorie,"
Scroll 7. Collection ofAtami Museum ofArt.
3. Appearance ofthe Thunder God. From "The Tale ofPrincess J6ruri," Scroll 10.
Collection ofAtami Museum ofArt.
4. "Self-portrait ofMatabei." Collection ofAtami Museum ofArt.
S. "The Cultivation Screen," detail. Collection ofMr. Uji'ie.
6. "Hitomaro Eigu." Collection ofAtami Museum ofArt.
7. "Lao..tzu Crossing the River," detail. Collection ofTokyo National Museum.
8. "The Strong Priest Honj6bO," detail. Collection ofTokyo National Museum.
9. "Festival at H6koku Shrine," detail. Collection ofTokugawa Renmeikai.
10. Portraits ofKan6 Sanraku and Kan6 Sansetsu. (Copied by Kimura Kosetsu.)
11. Kan6 Sanraku, "Pine Tree and Hawk," detail. Collection ofSeishinden hall at
Daikakuji temple.
12. Kan6 Sansetsu, Letter from prison. Collection ofMr. Suzuka.
13. "Dragon and Tiger," Left Screen. Collection ofMr. Yoshimura.
14. "Tiger amidst Bamboo," detail ofthe north side of the installation. Collection of
TenkyOin Temple.
15. "Song OfEternal Grief' Handscroll.
16. "A Group ofRoosters" (from the series Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial Household
Collection.)
17. "Black Rooster and Nandin" (from the series Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial
Household Collection.)
430
18. "Golden Pheasants in Snow' (from the series Doshoku Sai-e in the Imperial
Household Collection.)
19. "Lotus in a Lake." Collection ofSaifukuji Temple.
20. "Crane." Private collection, United States ofAmerica.
21. "The Two Transcendents Liu Haichan and Li Tieguai." Collection ofMr.
Takahashi.
22. ~'Stone Lanterns."
23. "Ornamental Flowers." Ceiling painting, Collection ofShingyoji Temple.
24. Shohaku's gravestone (prior to restoration), Collection ofKoshoji Temple.
25. "Stone Bridge."
26. "Landscape in Moonlight/, detail.
27. ''Hanshan and Shide." Collection ofKoshoji Temple.
28. "Four Pure Souls on Mount Shozan," Right Screen. Collection ofBoston Museum
ofFine Arts.
29. "Beauty." Collection ofMr. YUra.
30. "Children at Play," Left Screen.
31. "Dragon in Clouds." Collection ofBoston Museum of Fine Art.
32. "Chickens among Roses," detail. Collection ofMuryoji Temple.
33. "Flock ofBirds among the Waves and Rocks," detail. Yakushiji Temple.
34. ~'Whaling," from the Changing Picture Folding Screen.
35. "Portrait ofRosetsu."
36. "Liu Haichan and Li Tieguai." Collection ofMr. Kometa.
37. "The Four Sleepers." Collection ofSodoji Temple.
431
38. "The Rescue ofMinamoto no Tametomo by Goblins." Collection ofMr. Suzuki.
39. "Grafitti on the Walls ofthe Treasure House." Collection ofMr. Suzuki.
40. From ShO 'utsushi hyalcumenso. Collection ofMr. Tsuihiji.
41. "The Earth Spider Manifesting Demons in the Mansion ofMinamoto no
Yorimitsu." Collection ofMr. Suzuki.
42. An illustration from "Kyosai gadan" depicting a scene from Kuniyoshi's training
studio.