Hardening Phenomenon in the Xiāng Dialects

Abstract

The focus of this study is on the hardening phenomenon found in the Xiāng dialects of the Chinese language family. According to Coblin (2011: 47), hardening is the phenomenon referring here to a previous dental, retroflex, or palatal affricate becoming a dental or retroflex stop in the Xiāng dialects. Some Xiāng dialects also exhibit velarization, which is the change of a previous retroflex, or palatal affricate becoming velar stops. In the Xiāng dialects, these two changes involve the characters whose initials belong to the Middle Chinese 知 zhī division III and 章 zhāng initials. In this work, I first go through a survey of the modern readings of the related Middle Chinese initial categories, i.e. the 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng, and 章 zhāng initials, in the seven major dialect groups of Chinese. Next, a short review is done on similar changes in other language families. These similar changes are variously called strengthening, fortition, and the like. Bybee and Easterday’s 2019 article also provides a survey on similar sound changes in a selected 80 languages around the world. Then I go through the characters collected from Coblin’s 2011 work to further analyze the hardening and velarization phenomena in the Xiāng dialects. Through my study, I basically confirm the same condition of a previous high front vowel as Coblin (2011), except before Middle Chinese 止攝 zhǐ shè rhymes. The only Central Xiāng dialect that does not align with this pattern is Huìtóng-a, which Coblin also discusses. Furthermore, I find that the condition for velarization in Liányuán all occur in 重紐 chóngniǔ rhymes, in addition to being in 合口 hékǒu rhymes as many scholars have pointed out. Also in Liányuán, there is a process of previous dental, retroflex, or palatal fricatives changing to velar fricatives. This velarization in the fricatives also has the same condition, making it a parallel to the velarization of affricates. Some of the other Central Xiāng dialects do not have velarization of stops but do have velarization of fricatives. In looking at velarization and the 船 chuán, 禪 shàn, and 書 shū initial characters, I found a split in the initials combined with CCX final *-i final to be conditioned by MC rù tone. In addition, there are five 船 chuán and 禪 shàn initial characters that are almost always read as stops in the Xiāng hardening dialects. Observations and comparisons are made on the five characters with readings of other 船 chuán and 禪 shàn initial characters. Lastly, I go through a case study on 慈利 Cílì, a dialect located in 湖南 Húnán Province but is not classified as a Xiāng dialect. I confirm the two points mentioned by Coblin (2011) with my own arguments: (1) Type I and Type II hardening are both innovations, and (2) velarization in Liányuán is also an innovation. Furthermore, I propose the following findings: (1) Type I and Type II hardening may actually be two processes rather than one, (2) the condition for velarization in Liányuán is MC chóngniǔ rhymes, (3) for the 船 chuán, 禪 shàn, and 書 shū initial split when combined with CCX *-i final, the condition is MC rù tone. Many questions still remain and new questions may arise, but it is hoped that the analyses and findings of this study would help shed light on the hard problem of hardening.