East Asian studies

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://digital.lib.washington.edu/handle/1773/4912

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Exempting K-Pop Idols from Military Service
(2025-10-02) Rollins, Juliet; Ha, Yongchool
This research paper examines the ongoing debate in South Korea regarding the exemption of K-Pop idols, particularly BTS, from mandatory military service. It delves into BTS's significant economic & cultural contributions to South Korea, estimated at billions of dollars annually & their role as a soft power. This paper outlines the history & current policy of mandatory military service in South Korea, a culturally sensitive topic due to the ongoing conflict with North Korea. It explores existing exemption criteria, including those for athletes & classical artists who enhance national prestige & discusses cases of successful exemptions & not so successful evasions within the entertainment industry.With this research in mind, my key argument is the lack of standardization & clarity with the current exemption policies, which has lead to perceived inequality. The paper proposes six policy recommendations to reform the Military Service Act & concludes that through implementing these recommendations the South Korean military could establish a more transparent, equitable & relevant military conscription policy that acknowledges diverse national contributions & adapts to contemporary societal needs.
Settling upon the "Inside" Worlds: Sovereignty and Overlapping Territorial Conflicts in the Qing Xinjiang Crisis, 1860s-1880s
(2025-10-02) Chen, Dongying; Bachman, David M.
In the mid-19th century, as the Dungan revolution was spreading in Xinjiang, Yakub Beg, a khanate from the Kokand kingdom in Central Asia, established an independent Muslim regime in southern Xinjiang, the western "outer dependencies" of the Qing Empire. Hence, the Qing's tributary international order in Central Asia, as well as Xinjiang's ontological status within the Qing empire and internationally, have been challenged unprecedentedly since the Qing's annexation of Xinjiang in the 1700s. This essay will redefine the conceptual scope of Manchu sovereignty and explore the evolution, balance, and consequences of territorial conflicts in Xinjiang during the Qing empire's modern state transition period, to challenge the static rather than dynamic view to evaluate the nature of the Qing regime. I will cite official court materials and statecraft scholars' memorials and letters to try to prove that, based on the Manchu sovereignty in Inner Asia, how the Manchu rulers made non-mainstream political decisions during the controversy among Han statecraft scholars over whether the Qing should abandon Xinjiang and thus, launched a violent and bloody conquest war in the west of Qing empire once again. In this war, the Qing empire joined the bilateral competition of the Central Asia "great game" between Britain and Russia in the final stage. The traditional tributary suzerain system and the Westphalia sovereignty state system were inextricably linked in the two negotiations between the Qing empire and Britain in the Southern Xinjiang and Russia in the Ili, accompanied by the alternate victory of the Xinjiang-preserving faction and the Xinjiang-abandoning one within the empire. The results show that the multi-parties international negotiations involved in this war ended the Qing Empire's worldview of unlimited and defenseless Xinjiang. As the buffer zone defense lines between the Qing Empire and Tsarist Russia, a powerful competitor, retreated from their Central Asian neighbors to the frontier position of Xinjiang, the resulting anxiety about the border security triggered a huge shift in the governance logic of the Qing Empire in Inner Asia and the institutional reforms. Although, this reform shook the legitimate pedestal of Manchu sovereignty and put the Qing Empire in another kind of unseen danger, which continues to affect China today.
The Forbidden Forests: State Control and Local Conflicts around the Imperial Tombs in Ming Dynasty China
(2025-08-01) Li, Chaoying; Mosca, Matthew
Thirty miles from the Ming Dynasty’s (1368-1644) ruling center, the northwestern mountains near Beijing housed the imperial tombs and critical northern frontier sites. Due to their ritual and strategic importance, forests in this region remained under strict control throughout the dynasty. This thesis examines the conflicts between state-imposed logging restrictions and local demands for wood-based fuel against the backdrop of shrinking forest resources. It reveals officials’ active involvement in unauthorized logging, shedding light on the tensions among local authorities and their entanglement with broader factional struggles. Furthermore, it explores the relationship between forest preservation and national security, demonstrating how these forests served as both natural barriers against Mongol invaders and secret hideouts beyond the reach of imperial surveillance. By cross-referencing the Ming Veritable Records, local gazetteers, literati writings, and stone inscriptions, this thesis illustrates the flow of forest resources, illicit revenues, and imperial power around the imperial tomb site. It argues that the dense network of state institutions failed to eliminate persistent violations; instead, it produced a complex structure that enabled various actors to advance their own interests. Through a close examination of the political dynamics that shaped the forested landscape, this research provides insights into the agency of the environment, the practical operation of imperial power, and the making of local agency in Ming Dynasty China.
The Role of China’s Spatial Administrative Hierarchy in China's Urban Expansion: A Case Study of Chongqing and Pudong New Area
(2025-08-01) Nelson, T; Chan, Kam W
This research will delve into China’s spatial administrative hierarchy (SAH), an organized, multi-tier administrative system consisting of nested territories amongst the administrative levels, to better understand and analyze how the central government alters China’s administrative and spatial landscape to achieve China’s strategic goals through via economic, institutional, and territorial changes. My research will focus on the case study of urbanization from Chongqing’s administrative upgrade from a prefecture-level city within Sichuan province to a provincial-level municipality to support the Three Gorges Dam national project, and from the decentralization that helped create the Shanghai Pudong New Area, “the new Shanghai.” I will compare and contrast how the central government manipulated the spatial hierarchy to achieve strategic level goals in both case studies. Ultimately, I make the claim that during the reform era, the central government would follow the following pattern in manipulating China’s SAH to achieve a strategic level goal or meet the National Agenda. First, institutional and territorial changes (whether through mergers or decentralization of power to lower government echelons) occur to better align the governing structure and territorial resources that suit the end goal. Following these changes, land and/or fiscal policy is implemented to exploit the resources of the new-target region, ultimately reaching the economic, industrial, or urban goals set forth by the center. This pattern mimics rapid industrialization and urbanization through “pseudo-marketization”, but is still actually a top-down initiative that maintains overall control of the outcome and factors that would result in the outcome. The analysis will include historical background, examples of institutional changes, territorial restructuring, fiscal and land policy changes, and global/local dynamics. Specifically, historical context will be considered to understand the strategic-level objectives to clarify the rationale behind the central government’s decision-making process. For this analysis, I will utilize official government data, historical accounts, territorial reform policies, and population/financial/city data to provide a refined, theoretical perspective of the state’s manipulation of the SAH to achieve national level goals. This research aims to broaden the existing research of China’s SAH and its role in China’s urbanization. Specifically, this research will expand the topic of urbanization in a Chinese lens and take a deeper look into the Chinese factors and characteristics that set China apart. The findings will shed light on differing methods in which the Central Government manipulates the SAH while maintaining ultimate control and authority while obtaining strategic level goals supporting China’s national agenda. The findings will also shed light on China's utilization and manipulation of the SAH to demonstrate how the country leverages re-territorialization and decentralization to exploit local resources while retaining full political control for the purposes of urbanization and industrialization. This study advocates for broader recognition among researchers of the significance of China's SAH in urbanization dynamics. A comprehensive understanding will be provided in terms of economic, institutional, and territorial urbanization. What role did China’s SAH play in shaping China’s Urbanization? How did the central government manipulate China’s SAH to achieve national agendas?
Modularizing Emotion: The Rise of China’s Eryou Games and the Logic of the Emotional Engine
(2025-08-01) Chao, Yueqin; Bachman, David M
This thesis explores the rise of Chinese Eryou (anime-style) mobile games from 2016 to 2024, focusing on how developers used emotional design to achieve rapid catch-up and global success. Using a dual-layered framework—Game_C (core mechanics) and Game_B (community and culture)—the study introduces the concept of an “Emotional Engine”: a modular system that integrates player emotions into gameplay, narrative, and fan interaction.Through case studies like Onmyoji and Genshin Impact, the thesis shows how emotional triggers such as gacha systems and character progression create structured player engagement. These emotions are amplified at the community level through co-creation and shared cultural practices. Rather than copying Japanese models, Chinese developers pioneered a new emotional design paradigm, enabling them to dominate both domestic and international markets. This research contributes to game and innovation studies by highlighting how affective design can serve as a driver of industrial upgrading and cultural influence.
Secrecy, Society, and Revolution: Shaanxi Gelaohui in the Late Qing (1840–1911)
(2025-08-01) Yuan, Yue; Mosca, Matthew
This thesis explores the critical role played by the Gelaohui, a prominent secret society in Shaanxi Province, in the events leading up to and including the 1911 Revolution. Drawing extensively from Qing dynasty archival records, local gazetteers, and contemporary memoirs, this study traces the emergence of society, its regional adaptation, and eventual political mobilization. It argues that the Gelaohui’s effectiveness in the revolutionary context was rooted not in explicit revolutionary ideology but in its adaptive organizational practices, strategic use of local ecological conditions, and deeply embedded social networks. Initially formed through interactions between displaced soldiers and marginalized local populations, the Gelaohui thrived within Shaanxi’s mountainous terrains, exploiting the imperial absence and administrative weaknesses of the Qing state. Over the decades, it evolved from mutual aid networks into an effective organizational structure capable of both criminal and political action. In the revolutionary moment of 1911, the Gelaohui’s decentralized yet highly coordinated networks proved pivotal, particularly in the capture of Xi’an. Ultimately, the thesis reframes the Gelaohui’s historical role from that of marginal rebel groups to key adaptive social actors who mediated the broader dynastic transition by operating at the intersection of ecological, military, and social forces.
Navigating the Complexity of Ethnicity: State-Sanctioned Narratives and Han Perception of Xinjiang in Contemporary China
(2023-08-14) Shi, Rui; Bachman, David
In a nation-state composed of multiple ethnic groups like contemporary China, the complexities of relationships between the Han majority and minority groups become a critical subject of inquiry. This paper delves into these complexities, mainly focusing on the intertwined processes of collective memory formation and state narratives. Specifically, it explores t how the Chinese state has shaped Han Chinese perceptions and memories of Xinjiang, a representative region in China's broader ethnic landscape. It delves into the role of the Communist Party of China’s propaganda and historical narratives in constructing a dominant public memory. In doing so, it elucidates how the Han Chinese comprehend Xinjiang as a territorial concept, influenced mainly by state narratives claiming Xinjiang as an integral part of China since the Han Dynasty. The framework of this understanding is rooted in nationalism, which has integrated Western “terrorism” discourse in its evolution, effectively shaping the Han Chinese perceptions of Xinjiang. Therefore, China’s Xinjiang narrative can be considered a hybrid of nationalism and “terrorism” under a state context. Furthermore, the paper highlights how these narratives, while marginalizing indigenous voices, are reinforced by the Han Chinese through their everyday actions and expressions, adhering to state-approved narratives. This process ultimately forms a collective memory of Xinjiang, substituting the actual situation in Xinjiang with a state-orchestrated version. This paper seeks to deconstruct the complex interplay between state narratives, collective memory, and Han Chinese views, thus offering a more intricate insight into the modern context of China’s ethnic relationships.
Build the Wall and Deplete Their Attention: How the Chinese Government’s Strategic Information Control Shapes Public Opinion and Maintains Regime Support
(2022-09-23) Gu, Yan; Bachman, David
Although China bans Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, its own social media landscape has grown strong and evolves quickly. As of 2020, over 70% of the Chinese population were online. McKinsey reports China has become the largest social-media market in the World. Yet the Chinese authoritarian regime remains stable, as opposed to the unrest and protests of the Arab World in the early 2010s. More strikingly, studies of public opinion in China consistently show the Chinese public retains high levels of support for the regime.Why do a prosperous Internet and a resilient, popular authoritarian regime go hand in hand in China? What role do the Internet play in the surprisingly high popular support that the state has received? How does the Chinese government use information control strategies to shape public opinion and gain support? These are the research questions that this dissertation addresses. It investigates the outcomes of the Chinese government’s information control, and through what mechanisms these strategies boost the regime’s authoritarian resilience. This research proposes a unified theoretical framework in which the outcomes of propaganda and censorship are examined together. It argues that a two-pronged control system is implemented in China, which effectively creates information environments that suit the interests of the regime. First, large platforms and opinion leaders who play an important role in the production and dissemination of information are carefully managed by multiple strategies, including coercion, fear-induced self-censorship, and cooptation. Consequently, they are more likely to produce and disseminate information favoring the state rather than information against the state. Second, average citizens or Internet users, as consumers of information, live in distorted information environments where pro-regime information can be accessed at very low costs and even unavoidable, while the costs of accessing anti-regime content are high. Third, due to the hierarchical structure of communication, the state’s tight grip on the upstream/center of information produced by the influentials rewards it with a disproportionate leverage on the downstream/periphery consisting of average citizens, or the major consumers of information. Working together, these strategies have done quite a good job in maintaining “signal-to-noise” ratios that benefit the government. I argue that in a digital age when information overload is a salient issue to users, these strategies are unexpectedly effective in flooding average citizens’ information environments with pro-regime content, consuming and depleting their attention, and depriving their opportunity costs in accessing anti-regime information, thus help the state shape public opinion and gain support from the Chinese public.
Division to Unification: Concept of the Chinese Nation Behind Bilingual Education Policies in the Sichuan Tibetan Area
(2021-08-26) He, Hangyu; Lavely, William
The imagination of the Chinese nation is a process continuing up to the present. As the Ethnic Classification Project was significant in the initial construction of the Chinese nation, education played an essential role in the latter part of the story. This paper focuses on the changes in bilingual education policies in the Sichuan Tibetan area, whose self-identities were typically influenced by bilingual education policies, to show the change of the definition of the Chinese nation. In history, self-identities in the Sichuan Tibetan area stay blurred. The Tibetan identity in that area clearly appeared after the Ethnic Classification Project in the official scope. Before the 1990s, local people had little concern about Tibetan identity, so the bilingual education policies in the early reform era focused on the division between Han and Minority to cultivate self-identity and idealized others; in the 2010s, local people identified themselves but alienated Han, so the education policies in the era of Xi Jinping concentrated on the of unification of all ethnic groups.
How The “Red Terror” Arose: A Case Study of Hailufeng, 1927–1928
(2021-07-07) Wan, Qianyi; Dong, Madeleine Y; Mosca, Matthew W
Marked by the random killing and plundering of landlords, gentry, and all “counter-revolutionaries”, the “Red Terror” prevailed from 1927 to 1930, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) started its own road of revolution. The “Red Terror” in Hailufeng, Guangdong from May 1927 to February 1928 is notorious for its long duration, heavy casualties, and appalling atrocities. Why and how did such a “Red Terror” arise there at that time? This thesis is concerned with its manifestations, development, and dynamics. It argues that the “Red Terror” was jointly shaped by the CCP’s mobilization and the local peasants’ spontaneous action. In light of their ingrained violent tradition, the inhabitants preferred violence, manifested in rampant clan feuds and banditry, as well as brutal torture. By analyzing the mindset of Peng Pai, I attempt to showcase the CCP’s ideological mobilization, a critical factor that appealed for class struggle and introduced a framework to legitimize and expand massacre in the name of “eliminating counter-revolutionaries.” Even so, the CCP’s policy and tactics only incited the peasants’ spontaneous violence, which was out of the Party’s control due to its undisciplined organization. The “Red Terror” brought unexpected and undesirable results to both sides.
Silent Messengers: Visualizing the Growth of Christianity in China by Chinese Christian Posters, 1927-1942
(2021-07-07) Liu, Lingshu; Dong, Madeleine Y
Christians in China experienced both the hopefulness and the hopelessness in 1930s China. The re-establishment of the Nanjing government in 1927 partially alleviated the fierce anti-Christian sentiments prevalent in China. Having recognized the daunting circumstance which Christianity in China was in, Christians needed a more practical approach to ensuring the growth of Christianity in China. They might also try to apply Christianity in responding to social changes in China. Based on Chinese Christian posters as central sources and other archives of mission societies in China as supporting sources, this thesis analyzes how Chinese Christian visual materials supported Christians to build the Christian community in China. It argues that Christian posters, unifying strength of foreign missionaries and Chinese converts, brought Christianity to the Chinese and brought the Chinese to a broader Christian world. The thesis considers Chinese Christian posters the product of collaboration between Chinese converts and foreign missionaries, suggesting the cooperation between Chinese culture and Christian culture. By product, it means that Chinese Christian posters promoted mission work in China and helped cultivate a Christian spirit among the Chinese, and they also introduced Chinese culture to the worldwide Christian community and then increased diversity of Christianity.
Imagining Wu in the Han
(2020-10-26) Zhao, Aaron; Ebrey, Patricia
This master’s thesis attempts to analyze the perception and understanding of the concept of wu 武 in the Han dynasty by exploring the relevant literary sources. It is divided into four subsections. In the “Institutional Promotions of Wu,” I explain how the Qin-Han legacy of military organization of the society makes wu a superior and desirable value. The order of honor by military merits, superiority of military offices in the governmental systems and even naming of certain offices using military terms reflect such promotion of the wu value. In the “Military Aristocratic Lineages” section, I demonstrate by tracing information scattered throughout various biographical records in the dynastic histories that some aristocratic lineages advanced or maintained their status mainly through military services. The “Martial Individualism” section explores the relationship between the individual and the state via their negotiation and struggle of power in using violence. This section is inspired and influenced by Sanctioned Violence in Early China. But one of the differences is that I note the possibility of a non-violent manifestation of wu. Lastly, the “Wu of Women” section analyzes two examples of women who display qualities of wu in the dynastic histories and their significance. In conclusion, I argue that wu was still very much an integral part of Han culture despite many social changes from the Former Han to the Later Han. Even though wu probably originated from military actions, it was equally important as a cultural concept in the Han. There were various ways for the Han people to engage in activities that could be labelled wu. Some of these resulted from the momentum of history but others arose due to necessities created by the environment.
The Role of China’s State-owned Enterprises in Preserving Social Stability
(2020-08-14) Jiang, Guyu; Yang, Clair
As recent debates on China’s re-emphasis on the state sector mainly focused on economic profitability, this paper examines how much the state-owned enterprises (SOEs) contribute to social stability. Using a province-level panel regression, I find that the increase of SOE share of local employment is associated with the increase of protests as well as labor disputes from 2001 to 2011. This study interprets these empirical findings as evidence that SOEs may not be so effective in addressing social unrest in general, but not necessarily deteriorating social stability.
Social Network and Legal Mobilization in China: A Case Study of The Network of Homeowners in City C
(2020-04-30) Xu, Ye; Whiting, Susan
Legal mobilization in China is a crucial issue for the study of civil society under authoritarian regimes. Scholars have argued that formal institutions like the state’s promoting law projects, media and NGOs contribute to mobilizing Chinese citizens to use the law. Based on ethnographic work in China, I provide a new piece of evidence to the argument that social networks as an informal institution prompt legal mobilization by diffusing information and providing support to citizens. The research also challenges the dichotomy of urban/weak ties and rural/strong ties, suggesting that two groups coalesce in the case of homeowners’ networks. Legal consciousness rises and citizens’ understanding of the relations between the state and individuals change positively through the process of learning and using the law. But the experience of using the law does not improve citizens’ evaluation of the legal system as the system is manipulated by the state.
The Cultural Lineage in the Field of Chinese Art Manifesting on Dong Qichang’s Work, Theory and Value
(2020-04-30) Qing, Rui; Wang, Ping
As an often-debated topic in literature and history, the power of cultural lineage in some ways also manifests itself in the field of art. The study of the cultural lineage traces the origin of the Chinese literati spirit and its inheritance. In order to find out the connections between Dong Qichang and the “old masters” as becoming ideal figure of Chinese literati group, this article will analyze critical terms and concepts of Dong that adopted from his admired “old masters” – concepts like shiqi 士氣, xiongci 胸次, pingdan tianzhen 平淡天真, etc. The study will involve how Dong received and developed his ideas following great masters, why Dong’s theory stands out and becomes one of the dominant disciplines of Chinese art, and how would this inheritance process improve scholars’ understanding of the lineage between Chinese masters in different time periods.
Communist China in Latin America, 1949-1960
(1968) Ratliff, William Elmore; Gasster, Michael
Although Chinese Communist interest in Latin America during the 1949-1960 period was overwhelmingly political, formal political contacts were almost nonexlstanto Chinese trade relations were generally politically motlvated, but these too were very limited and with few exceptions of little significance. Chinese political interests in Latin America during these years were promoted primarily through her pol- icy of cultural dlplomacy.
Cambodia's relations with the United States and the People's Republic of China: |b The Cold War in Southeast Asia
(1966) Pump, Ronald E.; Smith, Roger M.
The study of Cambodian foreign policy is instructive in several ways. The history of Cambodia's relations with the United States and China illustrates the many problems confronted by both the Big Powers and the small neutrals in their inter-relations. Prince Norodom Sihanouk is for the Department of State an "enfant terrible," whose intentions, I believe, are misunderstood in Washington. Perhaps the failure of American policy in Cambodia, a genuine neutral, suggests misconceptions and misunderstandings underlying our relations with the neutrals, which today constitute the largest group of nation-states.
The reformation of the Russian Orthodox Church
(1966) Nicholas, Robert Lewis; Treadgold, Donald W.
In 1905-06, at a time when Russian society was undergoing a radical transformation, the Russian Orthodox Churchattempted its own reformation. The attempt failed, but the undertaking had significance nonetheless. It was the first time since Peter the Great's own "reformation" of the church that the Russian church was permitted to discuss a reorganization which would benefit Orthodox religion. The forum for discussion was the Preconciliar Commission, called during those revolutionary years.
The development of the peasant commune in Russia
(1957) Maslovsky, Sergei S; Treadgold, Donald W.
The subject of the origin and development of the peasant commune and of the practice of making a periodic redistribution of land is perhaps the most obscure and controversial question in the whole range of Russian history. This subject, however, gave origin to numerous theories and polemics in the minds of Russian intellectuals. The first aim of this thesis is not to present a complete history of the village commune in Russia. That task would demand too much research and, at the present time, there is not enough material available. Instead, the aim is more limited. This thesis undertakes only to bring forward some essential historical data to illuminate this important question.
Bolshevik agitation in the Russian Army: March through November, 1917
(1956) Jensen, Alison Lowell; Treadgold, Donald W.
World War I ended a year earlier for Russia than for the other combatants: it had to, for by the end of 1917 the Russian Array no longer existed. The dissolution of this array during 1917 was inextricably bound- up with the degeneration which characterized Russian social and economic life during the same period. It is inaccurate to claim that V. I. Lenin and his Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social-Democratic Party played only a subsidiary role in the dissolution of the array and the degeneration of Russian society. To describe the Bolsheviks as mere manipulators would be fatal to a comprehensive understanding of what happened in 1917. The position of Lenin and his party in Russia during the first part of 1917 was tenuous to say the least. Here stood a party which glorified the urban industrial worker to the exclusion of all other classes. On one side of the BolBheviks stood a hostile peasantry to whom the Bolshevik tenet of land collectivization sounded like serfdom. On the other side stood the Russian Army whose sacrifices during World War I attested to its devotion to the Allied cause, a cause at which Lenin and his party scoffed with great vigor.

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