An Unlikely Bastion of Democracy: The Role of the Hibakusha in Japanese Democratic Culture

Abstract

Amidst near constant aerial bombings, a quasi-surprise invasion of Manchuria and Korea by the Soviets, a turbulent domestic scene, and a split Cabinet, the Empire of Japan surrendered in mid-August 1945. It was clear to all that the acceptance of unconditional surrender would change the country forever. The rationale for this surrender is exceptionally controversial. However, the events leading up to that decree are stark in their devastation. Among the millions of casualties of the Pacific War, those of the atomic bombs stood alone as the first victims of a terrifying new weapon, whose lasting biological effects would harm generations to come. These victims - known more specifically within Japan as the Hibakusha - had varying symbolism. To some they represented a reminder of the lost war, to some the devastation of nuclear weaponry, and to others a broader example of the horrific costs of war at large. The war left Japan with a new political system and some of its populace with a new 'Hibakusha' identity. This new identity first manifests itself politically and socially in the effort to achieve government medical aid for the Hibakusha but later to achieve much more controversial and varying goals. Their support came not primarily from the conservative elite, but rather from a burgeoning civil society. Ultimately, the activism of the Hibakusha and their representative groups exemplify a strengthening of the Japanese democracy by the inclusion of women, proliferation of NGO's, and the growth of widespread protest culture as seen in the Lucky Dragon Incident, 3-11 Incident, and recently by popular response towards Shinzo Abe's 2015 summer military legislation. Ultimately, while the Japanese constitution represented a new era of imposed democracy, the culture that a democracy necessitates was built years later by the Japanese themselves - a key part of which stemmed from the Hibakusha and their experience - a seemingly unlikely source of peace. In the immediate post-war period, Hiroshima and Nagasaki were purposefully an enigma - but as the dust settled, dormant sentiments of national victimhood grew waiting for a spark. SCAP (Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers) assumed complete control of the post- war occupation and also led the development of a new constitution which implemented the disarmament of Japan, as well as the foundation for Japan's future democracy. It is important to note that the Japanese people did not design or decide to implement this constitution. In fact, they have never built their own democratic constitution. Even the Meiji constitution of 1889 was a "gift from the emperor to the people"4. Thus, the democracy that SCAP intended to implement was not expected to be an easy change for the political structure as years of communitarian fascism with a monarchical backbone were not readily compatible with the individualist democracy the United States intended to impose. One of the key regulations SCAP first employed was nationwide censorship of anything that SCAP felt could undermine their control: amongst their worries was the issue of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. SCAP censorship ensured that most Japanese learned little about Hiroshima until the end of the decade. Even the emperor's surrender statement lacked clear description of the atomic bomb, referring to it only as "a new and most cruel bomb.... Taking the toll of many innocent lives". Thus, at the time, it was only within those two cities that the extent of the devastation of the bombs was visible. At the end of the decade, literature and film started to appear outside of the regional context such as Never forget the song of Nagasaki (1952) or the Japanese translation of Hiroshima which included a plea "for all humanity to heed Hiroshima's lessons for their salvation". Ultimately, the onset of the Cold War in 19499 led to a change of focus in the United States, and SCAP started to move away from its occupational role much more quickly than originally anticipated - thus exposing the plight of the Hibakusha. At that very same time "Hiroshima slowly emerged as a broadly contested icon of the national war experience in political and cultural discourse over the character of post independence Japan". With albeit minimal but nonetheless increased attention toward Hiroshima and Nagasaki came too a focus on the victims of Hiroshima and Nagasaki: the Hibakusha. The term Hibakusha means (legally) victim of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. However, wider definitions of the term Hibakusha have been proposed, and will be discussed in detail later. Eventually, laws were passed that strictly confined the legal definition of Hibakusha for purposes of determining eligibility for state aid. While "The Law is based strictly on the principle of exclusion... in contrast, the Hibakusha - at least those actively opposed to nuclear weapons - have been the driving force to make the meaning of Hibakusha inclusive". The rationale for this becomes clearer once one considers that the early 1950's represented a key beginning in the battle for state-sponsored aid for Hibakusha victims. From this perspective, the state had a vested interest in maintaining a strict and narrow definition of Hibakusha. The fewer the applicants, the fewer people they had to pay. The Hibakusha, however, only stood to gain from a wider definition which could expand the base for their activism, the relevancy of their experiences, and the internationalism of their philosophy. As such, wider definitions have been proposed, such as that of the Gensuikin (a Hibakusha advocacy organization) which defines Hibakusha as "world's population of radiation victims" (i.e. Chernobyl, Bikini atoll, victims of tests, technology, or bombs worldwide), and numbers worldwide Hibakusha at over 2.5 million.