Contested Waterfronts: Port Imperialism and Insecurity in the Red Sea
| dc.contributor.advisor | Hoffman, Daniel | |
| dc.contributor.author | Zaidan, Yasir | |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2026-09-16T18:17:33Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2026-09-16 | |
| dc.date.submitted | 2026 | |
| dc.description | Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2026 | |
| dc.description.abstract | The dissertation examines how port development shapes regional power in the contemporary Red Sea, with a particular emphasis on Portsudan, Djibouti, and Aqaba. It argues that Gulf-backed port expansion, especially by the United Arab Emirates via companies like DP World and AD Ports Group, should be seen as an example of port imperialism. This kind of power exerts its influence on coastal areas through the use of concessions, logistics corridors, free zones, security agreements, and selective alliances. Unlike traditional empires which annex territory, port imperialism exercises control over movement, land, labor, revenue, and infrastructure without involving direct annexation.The argument in the dissertation is built up using ethnographic research at a number of locations, which involves conducting interviews, making field observations, and carrying out an analysis of archival and documentary materials as well as corporate records, legal cases, and media reports. It shows that ports are not merely smooth sites that are ready for modernization; on the contrary, they are complex social settings in which workers, traders, customs officials, port police, tribal leaders, state agencies, investors, and protest groups interact. Therefore, port concessions involve more than just business agreements; they also reflect continuous struggles concerning sovereignty. Each case study shows a different form of port imperialism. In the case of Portsudan, the UAE's plans for a port development encountered Beja political issues, labor activism, protests, and the ongoing marginalization of eastern Sudan. The Abu Amama project was put forward in order to avoid the complicated politics associated with Portsudan. In Djibouti, the legal dispute with DP World over Doraleh shows how a small country can make use of its strategic location and its foreign military bases to offset the effects of DP World. In Aqaba, the UAE-supported development met with fewer obstacles since the Jordanian government was able to centralize control, handle matters with the tribes, and ensure the port and tourism infrastructure. This dissertation is concerned with the discussions surrounding logistics, sovereignty, infrastructure, empire, and the political economy of the Red Sea. It maintains that sovereignty in port cities is complicated and consists of state institutions, contracts, labor systems, tribal mediation, security arrangements, and the everyday regulation of movement. The conclusion uses this approach in relation to the Sudan war, indicating that Portsudan turned into a wartime capital and an evacuation route after April 2023. Finally, the dissertation asserts that ports are places where trade and war, development and displacement, sovereignty and dependence take place. | |
| dc.embargo.terms | Open Access | |
| dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | |
| dc.identifier.other | Zaidan_washington_0250E_30224.pdf | |
| dc.identifier.uri | https://hdl.handle.net/1773/57653 | |
| dc.language.iso | en_US | |
| dc.rights | none | |
| dc.subject | African studies | |
| dc.subject | Middle Eastern studies | |
| dc.subject.other | To Be Assigned | |
| dc.title | Contested Waterfronts: Port Imperialism and Insecurity in the Red Sea | |
| dc.type | Thesis |
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